Journal articles: 'Nationalism – Pakistan'

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Khan, Surat, Muhammad Faheem, and Saima Gul. "Understanding Pashtunwali and the Manifestation of Pashtun Nationalism in Pakistan: A Conceptual Analysis." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. I (March 31, 2019): 264–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-i).35.

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This paper describes the key elements of Pashtunwali and the manifestation of Pashtun nationalism, especially in Pakistan. This study on Pashtun nationalism finds that Pashtunwali is a centuries-old primordial customary code of life and it is important in the context of nationalism as it strengthens the sentiments and feelings of closeness and affinity; central to the phenomenon of nationalism, among the Pashtuns. This paper also highlights two different aspects of Pashtun nationalism in Pakistan. In the formative phase of Pakistans independence, the stance of Pashtun nationalists was more inclined towards the idea of a separate state for the Pashtuns. However, as a result of various factors; including state policies, currently the manifestation of Pashtun nationalism has adopted the internal dimension of highlighting and struggling for the rights of the Pashtuns in the ambit of the Pakistani constitution and by remaining an integral and constitutional part of the country.

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IQTIDAR, HUMEIRA, and DAVID GILMARTIN. "Secularism and the State in Pakistan: Introduction." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (April 28, 2011): 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000229.

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Pakistan occupies an uncertain and paradoxical space in debates about secularism. On the one hand, the academic consensus (if there is any), traces a problematic history of secularism in Pakistan to its founding Muslim nationalist ideology, which purportedly predisposed the country towards the contemporary dominance of religion in social and political discourse. For some, the reconciliation of secularism with religious nationalism has been a doomed project; a country founded on religious nationalism could, in this view, offer no future other than its present of Talibans, Drone attacks and Islamist threats. But on the other hand, Pakistan has also been repeatedly held out as a critical site for the redemptive power of secularism in the Muslim world. The idea that religious nationalism and secularism could combine to provide a path for the creation of a specifically Muslim state on the Indian subcontinent is often traced to the rhetoric of Pakistan's founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. But debate among Muslim League leaders specifically on the relationship of religious nationalism with secularism—and indeed on the nature of the Pakistani state itself—was limited in the years before partition in 1947. Nevertheless, using aspects of Jinnah's rhetoric and holding out the promise of secularism's redemptive power, a military dictator, Pervez Musharraf, was able to secure international legitimacy and support for almost a decade.

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Ahmed, Manzoor. "The Dynamics of (Ethno)Nationalism and Federalism in Postcolonial Balochistan, Pakistan." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 7 (January 28, 2020): 979–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619900216.

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The paper examines how an (ethno)nationalist movement developed and took shape in Balochistan in relation to a broader national question that ranges from seeking provincial autonomy within the federation of Pakistan to gaining independence and formation of a separate state of Balochistan. The paper also analyses the estranged relationship of Balochistan with the state of Pakistan against the background of the failure of the state in accommodating the Baloch national aspirations for economic, social and political rights, while adhering to the basic tenets of federalism. The Baloch, who sporadically engaged in armed conflicts with the state after the British left the Indian Subcontinent in 1947, were not merely the pawns of geopolitics. The conflict in Balochistan must also be seen in a greater context of nationalism as an effort of the Baloch elite to achieve more autonomy within the federal structure of Pakistan. The movement for more national autonomy under the slogan of nationalism may be understood as a tool to further consolidate the social, economic and political strengths of the traditional tribal structure of Balochistan, instead of a struggle for economic and political empowerment of the people of Balochistan. The genuine economic and political aspirations of the people were doubly constrained. On the one hand, the centuries old tribal-centric social structure impeded any social and political evolution in the province and, on the other hand, the limitations of the federal structure in Pakistan restrained Balochistan’s integration into the mainstream national polity and economy. The paper argues that the emergence of nationalism is shaped, firstly by the historical legacy of the colonial era, the identity politics of Baloch nationalists, resource-grabbing and hegemonic approach of the Baloch Sardars or tribal chieftains, and secondly by Pakistan’s failure in adhering to the principles of federalism. Extreme centralization or quasi federalism with its authoritarian nature has promoted regionalism and centrifugal tendencies. Balochistan being a periphery happened to be a fertile ground for the emergence and development of a nationalist movement against the attitudes of the state of Pakistan, which led towards a conflict situation between Balochistan and the state of Pakistan.

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Khan, Surat. "The Interplay of Nationalism and Religion in Pashtun Society: An Analysis." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. III (September 30, 2019): 235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iii).30.

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This paper discusses the role and interplay of nationalism and religion in the context of Pashtun society. Both nationalism and religion have been pivotal in shaping the international system and in guiding the mutual interactions of human beings and social groups. For the Pashtun society, both religion and nationalism simultaneously exist . Historically, the role and impact of both phenomena have been varied. However, as a result of Pakistans policy of strategic depth and the resultant Afghan Jihad in Afghanistan vis-à-vis the USSR, religious extremism and radicalization have increased specifically in the Pashtun areas of Pakistan and this rise has conversely impacted the nationalist fervor of the Pashtuns resulting in the decline of the Pashtun nationalism.

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Atta-ul-Mustafa, Ghulam Murtaza, and Ali Usman Saleem. "Revisiting Ideological Boundaries of Pakistani Nationalism: A Study of Aslam's The Blind Man's Garden." Global Social Sciences Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2020): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2021(vi-i).03.

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This study explores the shattered Pakistani nationalism in Nadeem Aslam's 'The Blind Man's Garden' (2013) in the context of the post-9/11 invading military globalism and reactionary social globalism. Focusing on Nadeem Aslam's hallmark work, 'The Blind Man's Garden' (2013), this article not only explores the current foundationless nationalism of Pakistan as the byproduct of undue chauvinism instead of being the outcome of its real ideology but also stresses the need for renewal of ideological boundaries of Pakistan in the light of current sweeping effects of thick globalism. Being a diaspora and much influenced by the secularity of the host society, Aslam seems to be desirous of featuring the nationalist inscription of home society in accordance with the global world, as is revealed from the roles played by his characters like Mikal etc. in the novel. The study motivates us to revisit the national myths with an aim to devise the marks of nationalism, provided if we are to rehabilitate our national identity.

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Bokhari, Imtiaz H. "Pakistan and West Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 3, no. 1 (September 1, 1986): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i1.2761.

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State to state relations between Pakistan and Southwest Asian states dateback to the birth of Pakistan in 1947, but the ideological bonds are much older.In 1946, it was late king (then prince) Faisal who chaperoned the PakistanMovement delegation headed by Mr. Isphahani that visited the United Nationsand got sympathetic ears to its pleas? Again, the Saudi king was thefirst head of state to felicitate Mohammad Ali Jinnah after learning of theViceroy’s decision to grant independence to Pakistan and India. Equally warmand sincere support came from Iran.Pakistan and West Asia: Evolution of RelationsImmediately on achieving independence, Pakistan displayed notable enthusiasmin advocating the cause of Islam and Islamic states but soon learntto be more patient. Pakistan’s call for Islamic unity was seen by the Arabsas a move to stifle nascent Arab nationalism at the instigation of the West.These developments corresponded to the early 50s when Pakistan, under intensethreat from India, signed the Mutual Defense Aid pact with the UnitedStates and became a suspect in the eyes of the Arabs who thought of Pakistanas an instrument of the West. Pakistan's joining of the Baghdad Pact in 1954along with Iraq was also interpreted by the Arab nationalist leaders as a neocolonialmove to divide the Arab world. Saudis even called it a stab in theheart of the Arab and Muslim states. In 1956, Indian Prime Minister JawaharLal Nehru’s warm welcome in Saudi Arabia followed by the Suez Crisis putPakistan’s relations with those important Islamic states at their lowest level.During that period the Arabs viewed the region mostly in the Arab and non-Arab context ...

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Anjum, Gulnaz. "Women’s Activism in Pakistan: Role of Religious Nationalism and Feminist Ideology Among Self-Identified Conservatives and Liberals." Open Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (February 27, 2020): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2020-0004.

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AbstractThis paper explores women’s activism and political engagement in contemporary Pakistan. In this exploration with self-identified liberal and conservative groups of women, emerged their experiences and narratives about Feminism and Nationalism with a common moderator being religious affiliations. In this qualitative and phenomenological exploration, the informants belonged to various self-identified liberal and conservative women-led organizations. To this end, 20 women (age-range 23-48 years) were interviewed. Results indicated that gender roles and feminism were seen very differently between the two groups; gender and national identity were closely associated with Islamic values and there was a negative association between nationalism and feminist ideology. Women from liberal organizations, mostly feminists, emphasized pro-public-sphere engagement of women, rebelling against religious fundamentalism. On the contrary, many self-reported conservative women proclaimed nationalist, anti-feminists (they did not identify as Islamic feminists) and pro-private-sphere engagement of women. Many of the liberal informants complained about Pakistan’s misogynistic society and hurdles they faced in demanding equal opportunities for women. This research has implications for gender equality and female identity in the context of nationalism, women’s mobility and entitlement to the public sphere. The study also has applied significance for prejudices and stereotypes that make it difficult for women, to break away from fixed categories of gender role expectations. This paper informs academics and practitioners on socially and politically engaged Pakistani women’s views regarding these narratives. The study concluded that women’s activism is influenced by their religious views and their religious interpretation of feminism and nationalism in Pakistani society.

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Nawaz, Dr Rafida, and Syed Hussain Murtaza. "Ethnic Nationalism or Uneven Development: A Subaltern Realist Analysis of Bengali Nationalism in Pakistan." Journal of Law & Social Studies 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.04.01.113130.

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After a short span of achieving statehood on basis of religious identity, the Bengali Muslims redefined their identity and once again demanded a separate state on basis of linguistic identity. Hobsbawm believe that identity formation in terms of nationhood is a result of deliberate ideological engineering. Economic factors serve as tangible signposts to cultural subjugation. Though many historians owe the Bengali nationalism and claims of statehood to linguistic and cultural difference that proved detrimental for state and nation making in pre 1971 Pakistan, the prime argument of this paper is that nationalist discourse is a discursive formation and a sort of language game rooted in material socio economic phenomenon of inequality and disparity. The concept of inequality and disparity essentially employ that a binary exists, and a group is feeling excluded, marginalized and at disadvantageous position in respect to some other group. The feeling of victimhood is at base of the nationalist movements and (re)definition of identity. Employing the concept of Subaltern Realism given by Mohammed Ayoob and the toolkit of Foucauldian Discourse Analysis, and taking discourse as a combination of material and discursive formations, influencing human subjectivities and conditions of existence; the paper will examine the material economic conditions of existence in pre 1971 Pakistani federation and discursive responses as claims of self-determination and separatist nationalism. One of the key findings of paper is that ethnic Bengali nationalism was a derivative phenomenon of economic exclusion and uneven development.

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He, Hongmei, and Shaoqing Zhou. "Comparative Study of Nationalism and National Identity Paradigms between India and Pakistan." Asia Social Science Academy 7, no. 3 (June 30, 2022): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2022.7.3.11.

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Whether viewed from theoretical hypothesis or historical experience, nationalism and national identity are the two pillars during the process of nation-state building. After the “partition of India”, the nationalist forces of India and Pakistan have also grown stronger. At the same time, it has greatly influenced the national identity of the people of India and Pakistan and has had a profound impact on the process of nation-state building in India and Pakistan.

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Musarrat, Rubab, Muniba Fatima Zahra, and Amna Ashraf. "ISPR Productions vs. Nationalism, Inclination to Join Army and Image Building: Case of Pakistan's Military Operations." Global Social Sciences Review VI, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2021(vi-iv).01.

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This study targets to investigate the impact of Inter-Services of Public Relations (ISPR) production, broadcasted during the war against terrorism, on Pakistani youth. It is hypothesized that ISPR productions have helped in inflating the motivation level of Pakistani youth, thus helping in promoting the nationalism and positive image of Pakistan. Furthermore, the role of ISPR productions in motivating youth to join Pakistan's Army is also explored. A cross-sectional survey research design was used. The sample of this study was comprised of youth aged between 18 to 24 years, selected through the non-probability purposive sample. The measures comprised of a self-constructed indigenous questionnaire assessing the impact of ISPR productions during a military operation in image building, promotion of nationalism and motivation to join the army. The data analyzed through SPSS Version 22.00 yielded insightful findings. The finding revealed that watching ISPR productions helped in instilling a fervent attitude of Pakistani youth towards nationalism and the Pakistani military. There had been a clearer inclination of youth to aspire for joining the military for upholding the nationalism beliefs, and this finding appears promising, keeping in mind the relative declining opinion that has been observed in youth from the past decade pertaining to nationalism and military operations.

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Chocano, Rodrigo. "Outsourcing the nation? Musical collaboration, nation building and neo-liberal logics in Coke Studio Pakistan." Indian Theatre Journal 6, no. 1 (August 1, 2022): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/itj_00028_1.

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Coke Studio Pakistan is a decade-long music reality show featuring collaborations between pop, classical and local folk musicians. Sponsored by Coca-Cola and displaying a state-of-the-art production, it aims to bring local and old-school musicians and repertories to the Pakistani urban youth while disseminating a positive image of Pakistan. This occurs in the context of the efforts of Pakistani entrepreneurs and artists towards their insertion into the global market while overcoming the country’s negative international reputation due to religious violence. This article analyses Coke Studio Pakistan under the lens of neo-liberal nationalism, characterizing it as a nation-branding effort that uses music to make a representation of Pakistan that complies with Coca-Cola’s corporate goals and with the agendas of a sector of Pakistani artists. A quantitative and network analysis of the show reveals which artists, genres, regions and cultural groups the show privileges or overlooks. A qualitative study of the show’s communicational strategy and of the discourses of its creators and sponsors complements the quantitative analysis. This article explores the complexities of a nationalist model of multicultural citizenship promoted by the private sector, including issues of cultural representation, corporate agendas, class relationships, responsiveness to audiences’ demands and international politics.

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Noraiee, Hoshang. "The Baloch nationalism in Pakistan: Articulation of the ethnic separatism after the end of the Cold War." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2020): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520901920.

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The tribal structures of the society in Balochistan has strongly influenced Baloch nationalism in Pakistan. The Baloch nationalism has been shaped in the process of widespread politico-tribal rivalry, in the context of a week state in Pakistan interacted with the post-cold war conditions marked by the absence of the Soviet Union hegemonic power, and the processes of globalization. In this framework, the attitudes, scope, and directions of the Baloch nationalism, in this area, have shifted. The radical nationalism predominantly has become more aggressive, more exclusionary, more puritan, and more ethnically oriented. It has become more relaxed in using unethical and deceitful means such as indiscriminate killing, kidnapping, ransom; arm trafficking, and sometimes some of the nationalists, if not directly, gaining benefit from the drug trafficking, and banditry to achieve their objectives. Considering the geopolitical conditions in the whole region, particularly in Pakistan and Afghanistan; and the strength of tribal- sardari values associated with inter and intra rivalries, it is not surprising to find a peculiar situation in Balochistan. This research is mainly based on literature review, but also some limited conversations with a few anonymous informants and contacts with some of the Baloch political and community organizations and activists.

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Pye, Lucian W., and Christophe Jaffrelot. "Pakistan: Nationalism without a Nation?" Foreign Affairs 81, no. 6 (2002): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033408.

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Atta-ul-Mustafa, Muhammad Asif, and Ali Usman Saleem. "Religious Chauvinism: An Emerging Counterproductive Dilemma of Post 9/11 Pakistani Nationalism in Aslam's The Blind Man's Garden." Global Language Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 20–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glr.2021(vi-i).03.

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This study explores the emergence of religious chauvinism in post 9/11 Pakistan in Aslam's 'The Blind Man's Garden'. The rise of chauvinism and militant connotations is not only provenance of great disintegration but also a menace to a prestigious survival of the state, a setback to the moderate majority of Pakistanis that takes pride in their nationality. Some extremist voices, which, no doubt nationalist though they are, yet stigmatize the soft image of Pakistan and Islam due to a harsher stand and their infatuation with blind religiosity. Focusing on Aslam's 'The Blind Man's Garden' (2013), this article argues about how religious seminaries in Pakistan misinterpret religious scripts to distribute hate among the masses to create an 'other' that suits their ideology and politics. The paper argues that fundamentalization in general and institutional radicalization in particular, which through state-controlled mechanisms, are let loose to the extent that they not only control society but also challenge the writ of the state.

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Cheema, Zafar Iqbal. "Review: Pakistan: Nationalism Without a Nation?" Journal of Islamic Studies 16, no. 2 (May 1, 2005): 266–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/eti148.

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FULLER, GRAHAM E. "Islamic Nationalism Is Behind Pakistan Crisis." New Perspectives Quarterly 25, no. 2 (March 2008): 65–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5842.2008.00981.x.

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Hasan, Mubashar. "The Diverse Roots of the ‘Secular’ in East Pakistan (1947–71) and the Crisis of ‘Secularism’ in Contemporary Bangladesh." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 2 (July 2017): 156–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517703721.

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This article traces the formation of the secular in Bangladesh during the period of 1947–71. Arguably, this is a period when the idea of a ‘secular Bengali nation’ as opposed to ‘Islamic Pakistani nationalism’ was coined in by the political forces to foster imagination of a Bengali root of East Pakistan. This article argues with multiple evidence that particular project of secular Bengali nationalism in the sense of strict separation of religion and politics as opposed to religious nationalism makes little sense in contemporary Bangladesh as major parties here are found to manipulate religious nationalism in a society where simplistic and unenlightened interpretation of religion plays a significant role. This article argues that the idea of secular nationalism had multiple meanings and roots during 1947–71 and by acknowledging diverse roots of secular nationalism, it is possible to make sense of contemporary Bangladesh that is by all secular indicators turned into an intolerant entity but at the same time it is equally important to note that Bangladesh's intolerance is devoid of enlightened application and teaching of Islam.

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Sanjeev Kumar H.M. "Territorial Nationalism, Confessional Islam and the Conundrum of State-Making in Early Postcolonial Pakistan." Social Change 52, no. 4 (December 2022): 520–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00490857221110524.

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The interplay of the question regarding the nature of postcolonial citizenship and the limits of religious belief considerably moulded the processes of the structuring of the political community in the early years of Pakistan’s history. Such an interplay manifested in the form of a normative contest between two distinct conceptualisations of nationalism. One was based on the notion of fixity of political territoriality that was defined in terms of the cartographic identity of Pakistan, and the other was premised upon the phenomenon of confessional Islam which tended to interpret the political identity of the Pakistani state in terms of the religion of Islam as a faith. This article is an attempt at mapping as to how such a contest strongly underpinned the competing public discourse on the modes of structuring of the political community in early postcolonial Pakistan. By doing this, the article discusses how this kind of a public discourse factored deeply in shaping the circuitous course of the processes of state-making in the initial years of the country’s creation.

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Wani, Shakoor Ahmad. "The Changing Dynamics of the Baloch Nationalist Movement in Pakistan." Asian Survey 56, no. 5 (September 2016): 807–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.5.807.

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In recent years the Baloch national movement has undergone a sea change. The dismantling of rudimentary representative institutions by the military regime of Pakistan’s president, General Pervez Musharraf, set off a process of radicalization of Baloch nationalism. The excessive reliance on a coercive state apparatus has not only alienated the moderate nationalists but also increased the popularity of a separatist creed. This article argues that aggressive resource exploitation and state repression is pushing Balochs toward secession.

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Zaheer, Muhammad Akram, and Muhammad Asim. "The Ethnic Dilemma in Balochistan with More Focusing Upon Intra-Provincial Conflicts under CPEC Scenario." Journal of South Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.009.01.3619.

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Balochistan exists in a state of conflict since the partition but, initially, the nature of the conflict was based upon the future of princely states that led to the insurgency against the federation of Pakistan in 1948, 1958, and 1963. After the emergence of Balochistan as a full province, the nature of conflict shifted towards Baloch ethnic nationalism that directed insurgencies during 1973 and 2004. The government of Pakistan claims that all the waves of insurgencies have huge foreign funding by rival states. While the concerns of major powers on re-constructing Kasghar-Gwadar Road plan 2004 (renamed as China-Pakistan Economic Corridor [CPEC] in 2013) triggered Baloch ethnic nationalism and already existed intra-provincial conflicts once again that led Pashtun-Brahui, Brahui-Baloch, and Baloch-Pashtun differences. However, a detailed briefing by Chinese Ambassador Zhao Lijian has undermined all the concerns of ethnic communities in entire Pakistan including Balochistan. However, there are still some voices for insecurity and predicted economic deprivation in the province. This study tries to describe the history of ethnic dilemma in Balochistan along with demographic structure, CPEC related projects in the province, and the rival states’ nexus for triggering ethnonational separatism and intra-provincial conflicts against Pakistan. While the issue is rising by Baloch nationalists regarding preferring the eastern, western, or central route of CPEC is being discussed in the last.

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Butt, Ahsan I. "Street Power: Friday Prayers, Islamist Protests, and Islamization in Pakistan." Politics and Religion 9, no. 1 (February 26, 2016): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000031.

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AbstractThis article addresses Pakistani Islamists' street power — their ability to organize rallies, protests, and demonstrations. Building on research on religion and collective action, I first demonstrate how Friday prayers aid Islamist mobilization. Mosques on Friday serve as a filtering and coordination tool, as tactical “choke” points in urban neighborhoods, and as incitement through the imam's sermon. I then show how Islamist street power affects Islamization in Pakistan. I argue that Pakistan's foundational religious nationalism acts as an “opportunity structure,” and affords Islamists agenda-setting and veto power. The success of Islamist agitation depends on the issue contested, the type of regime targeted, and the era in which it is practiced. I use interviews, participant observation at Islamist rallies, an original dataset of all rallies and protests in Pakistan from 2005 to 2010 (n= 4123); and government and local newspaper reports from the 1940s onward to buttress my claims.

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Gilmartin, David. "Partition, Pakistan, and South Asian History: In Search of a Narrative." Journal of Asian Studies 57, no. 4 (November 1998): 1068–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659304.

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Few events have been more important to the history of modern South Asia than the partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan in 1947. The coming of partition has cast a powerful shadow on historical reconstructions of the decades before 1947, while the ramifications of partition have continued to leave their mark on subcontinental politics fifty years after the event.Yet, neither scholars of British India nor scholars of Indian nationalism have been able to find a compelling place for partition within their larger historical narratives (Pandey 1994, 204–5). For many British empire historians, partition has been treated as an illustration of the failure of the “modernizing” impact of colonial rule, an unpleasant blip on the transition from the colonial to the postcolonial worlds. For many nationalist Indian historians, it resulted from the distorting impact of colonialism itself on the transition to nationalism and modernity, “the unfortunate outcome of sectarian and separatist politics,” and “a tragic accompaniment to the exhilaration and promise of a freedom fought for with courage and valour” (Menon and Bhasin 1998, 3).

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Aisha Anees Malik. "Gender and Nationalism: Political Awakening of Muslim Women of the Subcontinent in the 20th Century." Strategic Studies 37, no. 2 (October 6, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.037.02.00216.

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This paper explores the conflicting relationship between feminism and nationalism by probing into the perception which views women as merely symbols of biological repository of a nation. This formulation is temporarily suspended during nationalist struggles, where women’s support was needed to show unity of identity driven by common objectives. Once independence was achieved, women were expected to stop being comrades in the nationalist struggle and return to being biological and ideological repositories of the nation itself. The political struggles of the Muslim women in the pre and post-independence Pakistan have been used as a case in point. The 20th century social reform movement, the Pakistan Movement and post-independence political struggles, till the end of the century, reflect how a masculine nation-state attempts to limit women’s political and legal rights: the same nation-state that was born as a result of the struggles of women alongside their men.

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Shirazi, Quratulain. "Cosmopolitanism and Nationalism: Redefining Fundamentalism in Mohsin Hamid’s The Reluctant Fundamentalist (2007)." Journal of Literature, Language & Culture (COES&RJ-JLLC) 1, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25255/2378.3591.2020.1.3.44.55.

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This article is based on a study of The Reluctant Fundamentalist (2007), a novel by a Pakistani writer Mohsin Hamid. The novel is based on the story of transformation of an expat Pakistani living in New York from a true cosmopolitan to a nationalist. The article will explore the crisis of identity suffered by the protagonist in a new land where he reached as an immigrant student and worker. However, he experienced a resurgence of nationalist and patriotic sentiments within him as 9/ 11 happened in 2001. The force of American nationalism that was imperial in nature, resulting in the invasion of Afghanistan and Iran, triggered resentment in the protagonist who decided to leave America and went back to the country of his origin, Pakistan. During his stay in America, the protagonist redefined fundamentalism as an imperial tendency in the American system while rejecting the accusations hurled towards him of an Islamic fundamentalist. The article will explain that there is a loss of cosmopolitan virtue in the post 9/11 era and the dream of universal peace and harmony is shattered due to unbridled state ambitions to invade foreign territories. The article will conclude with the assertion that the loss of cosmopolitanism and reassertion of national identities give way to confrontation and intolerance destroying the prospects of peace and harmony in a globalized world.

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Varshney, Ashutosh. "India, Pakistan, and Kashmir: Antinomies of Nationalism." Asian Survey 31, no. 11 (November 1, 1991): 997–1019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645304.

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Sathananthan, S. "Sindhi Nationalism and Islamic Revolution in Pakistan." International Studies 37, no. 3 (July 2000): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881700037003003.

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Varshney, Ashutosh. "India, Pakistan, and Kashmir: Antinomies of Nationalism." Asian Survey 31, no. 11 (November 1991): 997–1019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1991.31.11.00p01057.

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Naqvi, M. B. "Ethno-Nationalism in Pakistan: Cross-Border Overlaps." South Asian Survey 4, no. 2 (September 1997): 213–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097152319700400203.

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Ali, Furkan. "Book Review: Pakistan: Nationalism Without a Nation." South Asia Research 26, no. 3 (November 2006): 304–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272800602600311.

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Sharma, Ms Himani, and Dr Bhavya. "Postcolonial Conflictual Nationalism causing Gender Violence in Pakistan and Srilanka analyzed through Fatima Bhutto and Nayomi Munaweera’s Select Fictions." ENSEMBLE 3, no. 1 (August 20, 2021): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.37948/ensemble-2021-0301-a012.

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Nationalism, although a celebrated ideology, is observed as suffocating and detrimental to feminist individuality in certain regions of post liberated Pakistan and Sri Lanka wherein aggravated sectarian and ethnic conflicts have led to gender-based violence which has demolished feminine sexual purity forever. Since independence, both nations have undergone national crises as Sri Lankan citizens lived in trepidation for almost a decade because of the Sinhala-Tamil dispute whereas minority Shias and other deviant sects of Pakistan live in a constant threat of violence from radicalized and orthodox religious nationalist groups. The self-proclaimed nationalist Sunni and Sinhala groups peculiarly target women who apart from their role as reproducers and nurturers, participated equally in the anti-colonial liberation struggle only to be rewarded with ethnic and sectarian violence conflated with gender violence. The research article aims to present a literary exploration of Shia and Tamil women’s grievances and resistance through Fatima Bhutoo & Nayomi Munaweera’s select fictional works and highlights the postcolonial political privileging of masculinity through nationalist ideologies and strategies which, despite structuring a brave new world of equality, attempts to silence women forever. At this point, the fundamental flaw of nationalism i.e. creating rife based on inequalities of ethnicity, race, culture, religion, and gender divisions within a nation becomes evident which not only conspires to push women back from their struggle for equal gender rights but also deprives them of social acceptance forever.

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Saeed, Sadia. "Pakistani Nationalism and the State Marginalisation of the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan." Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism 7, no. 3 (December 2007): 132–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1754-9469.2007.tb00166.x.

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Afzal-Khan, Fawzia. "Roshan Ara Begum: Performing Classical Music, Gender, and Muslim Nationalism in Pakistan." TDR/The Drama Review 62, no. 4 (December 2018): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00790.

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The imbrication of issues of nation, class, gender, and religion necessitates a critical revision of the so-called secular postcolonial modernity embraced by Indian nationalists, including musicologists. The life and struggle of Roshan Ara Begum — Pakistan’s first and, to date, arguably greatest singer of classical music — is an instructive example of the complex intertwining of agency, resistance, and resignation in Muslim-identified Pakistan and Hindu-identified India.

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Saikal, Amin. "Afghanistan and Pakistan: The Question of Pashtun Nationalism?" Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 30, no. 1 (March 2010): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602001003650572.

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Shahzad, Aisha, Sadia Mahmood Falki, and Asma Sana Bilal. "TRANSFORMATION OF INDIAN NATIONALISM AND ‘OTHERIZATION’ OF MUSLIMS IN INDIA." Margalla Papers 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.25.1.50.

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India has altered its military stratagem under the Modi government from nuclear deterrence to offensive defence. The constant use of offensive defence in the milieu of deliberate political aggression against Pakistan and victimization of the Muslim community in India is making Indian military doctrine a hostage of hyper-nationalistic politics of Hindutva. Since its rise to power, the BJP government has conflated anti-Muslim and anti-Pakistan approaches. Pakistan remains a crucial factor in its domestic, diplomatic, and foreign policy rhetoric. The internal discord and surge of violence against the Muslim population, as evident by 2020-riots in north-eastern New Delhi, are indicative of vigorous reforming of the national identity of India dominated by Hindutva ideology. Therefore, this paper addresses Hindu nationalism, which arose as a political ideology and caused an insecure environment for Indian Muslims while becoming precarious for Pakistan. It infers that Hindu nationalism, along with its assimilation approach towards minorities, is gradually asserting exclusionary conception of a state where cultural and political centrality of Hindutva has become a core theme. Bibliography Entry Shahzad, Aisha, Sadia Mahmood Falki, and Asma Sana Bilal. 2021. "Transformation of Indian Nationalism and ‘Otherization’ of Muslims in India." Margalla Papers 25 (1): 48-58.

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Shahzad, Aisha, Sadia Mahmood Falki, and Asma Sana Bilal. "TRANSFORMATION OF INDIAN NATIONALISM AND ‘OTHERIZATION’ OF MUSLIMS IN INDIA." Margalla Papers 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.25.1.50.

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India has altered its military stratagem under the Modi government from nuclear deterrence to offensive defence. The constant use of offensive defence in the milieu of deliberate political aggression against Pakistan and victimization of the Muslim community in India is making Indian military doctrine a hostage of hyper-nationalistic politics of Hindutva. Since its rise to power, the BJP government has conflated anti-Muslim and anti-Pakistan approaches. Pakistan remains a crucial factor in its domestic, diplomatic, and foreign policy rhetoric. The internal discord and surge of violence against the Muslim population, as evident by 2020-riots in north-eastern New Delhi, are indicative of vigorous reforming of the national identity of India dominated by Hindutva ideology. Therefore, this paper addresses Hindu nationalism, which arose as a political ideology and caused an insecure environment for Indian Muslims while becoming precarious for Pakistan. It infers that Hindu nationalism, along with its assimilation approach towards minorities, is gradually asserting exclusionary conception of a state where cultural and political centrality of Hindutva has become a core theme. Bibliography Entry Shahzad, Aisha, Sadia Mahmood Falki, and Asma Sana Bilal. 2021. "Transformation of Indian Nationalism and ‘Otherization’ of Muslims in India." Margalla Papers 25 (1): 48-58.

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Hussain, Ghulam. "Understanding Hegemony of Caste in Political Islam and Sufism in Sindh, Pakistan." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 5 (April 4, 2019): 716–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619839430.

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This paper is an attempt to investigate the historical trajectory of Ashrafia hegemony in Sindh, the province of Pakistan. I begin with the analysis of biopolitics of caste, class and religion organised around Hindu–Muslim binarism and unity as it unfolded during and after the partition of the Indian subcontinent. I particularly analyse the demographic shifts, the official categorisation of populations, and the communal and ethnonationalist claims that led to the specific kind of interpretation of religion, caste and class. Informed by the Ambedkarian subaltern perspective and based on the analysis of ethnographic data and vernacular literature, I explain that nationalist ideologies framed in the narratives of political Islam and Sufism tend to organise politics around Hindu–Muslim otherness, as in case of Pakistani nationalism, and Hindu–Muslim harmony, as in case of Sindhi nationalism. Based on that understanding, I argue that Ashrafia advantage, by and large, is the product of pre-existing historical hegemonic relations than any conscious strategy, and or directly imposed domination. Since both the Ashrafia narratives primarily imagine people through religious binaries, they lack the counter-hegemonic elements that could confront casteism that lies at the intersection of class and religion. None of the narratives, being performative projections of the ideal religious society, brought casteism in their focus while dealing with the structural inequalities, social hierarchies and the issues of political representation of the Dalit class. It resulted in the unwarranted legitimacy for Ashrafia hegemony, Jati Hindu domination and Dalit subordination. This re-hierarchised caste groups and continue to (re)distribute the caste capital by (re)producing Sayedism, Dalit exclusion and caste-class oligarchies.

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ALI, IMRAN. "Thwarted Nationalism, Economic Counter-revolutions, and Anarcho-vassalage: Pakistan and the lineages of retardation." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 6 (November 2017): 1756–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000652.

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AbstractThere are challenging complexities in analysing both historical trends and contemporary structures in the region now comprising Pakistan. Interrelating both history and the present poses further challenges. With scholarship aligned on either side of the apparent watershed of 1947, analysts have hitherto remained negligent of a pattern of continuity and disjuncture that is explored in this article, which it is hoped will enable a deeper understanding of historical causations and outcomes. Further, we propose here that such multiple and diverse trends, while they might demand distinct empirical analyses, can coalesce within three overarching themes. Analysing these themes and their interstices, enables a more cohesive and integrated understanding of Pakistan's complex realities than has been hitherto forthcoming from the more segmented approaches that dominate discourse on the study of Pakistan's past and present. The author aims to shed light on why and how retardation in Pakistan is so resilient, and hopes that understanding these long-term outcomes will be greatly assisted by an analytical approach predicated on three themes: thwarted nationalism, economic counter-revolutions, and anarcho-vassalage.

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Wani, Shakoor Ahmad. "Balúčské povstání v Pákistánu a souvislost s Čínou." Kulturní studia 2021, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 100–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/ks.2021.170204cs.

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This article examines the interplay between big ticket investment projects financed by the Chinese capital and ethno-nationalism in the province of Balochistan. It argues that the growing Chinese presence in Balochistan has provided a new impetus to an already simmering Baloch nationalist resistance. Balochistan has profuse natural resource wealth, yet its riches have not benefited its people. The Baloch are one of the most deprived communities in Pakistan. Successive central governments have exploited the province’s resources in the name of development to the detriment of its inhabitants. The advent of CPEC (China–Pakistan Economic Corridor) has exacerbated Baloch grievances. They believe that mega-development projects like Gwadar port would impinge adversely on local demography by attracting a huge influx of economic migrants and render the Baloch minority in their own land. The insurgent groups view China as a ‚partner in crime‘ and have responded by selectively targeting Chinese assets and personnel. The article analyses the nature of resistance to Chinese presence and the changing modus of insurgent groups. It argues that Islamabad’s attempts to deter the attacks by intensifying the militarisation of the province are counterproductive as they reinforce Baloch opposition to CPEC.

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Iqbal, Husnain. "Denying the Denial: Reappraisal of ‘Genocide’ in East Pakistan." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 16, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.43.1.

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The conflict in erstwhile East Pakistan, especially during 1970-1, was one of the bloodiest and most contested in the post-WWII era. While Bangladesh has always called it genocide, Pakistan has always denied both the intent and the scale of killings. This paper argues that the struggle of East Pakistanis to form their own country was reduced to a civic-political demand and not an ethnic-based claim to distinct nationalism. Revisiting Bangladesh‟s claims of genocide based on primary and archival material, this paper posits that the violence unleashed in former East Pakistan amounted to the systematic wiping out of the ethnic distinctiveness of its people through ideological, economic, political and military means. This paper contends that the recognition of the massacre in former East Pakistan during its Liberation Struggle as genocide is not only ethically demanded, but this recognition also demands a qualitative widening of the existing legal understanding of genocide.

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Shaista, Dr Shaista Andleeb, and Dr Muhammad Asif Khan Muhammad Asif Khan. "The Use of Irony as a Feministic Device to Deter Gender-Nationalistic Duo in Meatless Days." International Journal of Linguistics and Culture 2, no. 2 (November 24, 2021): 197–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/ijlc.v2i2.62.

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The analogy of critical representation of the feminine issues prohibits the sustained continuation of the ideological manuscript of gender division in Pakistan. The Postcolonial nativity, the charisma of nationalism, the rigid concentration of aristocratic Westernization create a hard line between the social, cultural, and political identification of regional/national roles after the establishment of Pakistan. Bhabha (1994) reminds us that ‘postcoloniality is a salutary reminder of the persistent neo-colonial relations within new world order’(p.06). The structure of crucial gender boundaries is drawn in Pakistani society to promote the collective nationalistic consciousness in the wake of political achievements. Whereas, ‘the recesses of the domestic space become sites for history’s most intricate invasions’ (1994, p.09).This invasion confuses the ‘borders between home and world’ and combines the public and private to a more disorienting vision of life. This paper tries to recollect the gist of deformed gender rhetoric in the nationalistic restructuring of Pakistani society in Meatless Days by Sara Suleri. The paper concentrates on the artistic development in the course of the memoir to identify the irony of people as a dichotomy between the real and the fictional re-appropriation of Postcolonial Pakistan. Key Words: Feminism, Nationalistic consciousness, Gender-boundaries, Memoir, Irony, Postcolonial Pakistan.

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Sohail, Aamir, and Muhammad Zawar Khan. "Nationalism in the Poetry of Dr. Allama Muhammad Iqbal and Walt Whitman: A Comparative Literary Analysis of I Hear America Singing and Tarana-I-Hindi." Scope : Journal of English Language Teaching 6, no. 1 (October 6, 2021): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.30998/scope.v6i1.9880.

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<p>This paper is based on the comparative study of the two poets, Allama Muhammad Iqbal from Pakistan and Walt Whitman from America as nationalistic poets of their specific age. Nationalism was a common theme in most of their works. These two poets belonged to different geographical social cultural and religious backgrounds but they have some similarities as well as differences. Allama Muhammad Iqbal was famous for the fan Islamist and he was considered as the Muslim nationalist of their time throughout the world while Walt Whitman was famous for American nationalism and democracy. All the time he speaks about the superiority of the American I have used the variation theory of comparative literature presented by changing Cao for the purpose to compare and contrast the work of two different for similarity as well as difference and another framework I will use comparative cultural studies presented by Totsy Zepetnek in my research.</p>

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42

Crawley, William. "In Search of Lost Glory: Sindhi Nationalism in Pakistan." Asian Affairs 52, no. 3 (May 27, 2021): 758–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03068374.2021.1943969.

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Khan, Adeel. "Mohajir Ethnic Nationalism in Pakistan: El Dorado Gone Sour." Asian Studies Review 28, no. 1 (March 2004): 41–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1035782042000194518.

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Moten, Abdul Rashid. "Nationalism, Elite Politics, and the Break-up of Pakistan." Muslim World 88, no. 1 (January 1998): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.1998.tb03648.x.

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Talbot, Ian. "PAKISTAN AND SIKH NATIONALISM: STATE POLICY AND PRIVATE PERCEPTIONS." Sikh Formations 6, no. 1 (June 2010): 63–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448727.2010.484139.

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46

Ernst, C. W. "Local Cultural Nationalism as Anti-Fundamentalist Strategy in Pakistan." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 16, no. 1 (March 1, 1996): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-16-1-68.

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47

Imran, Rahat. "Locating the Storyteller in Silent Waters: Sabiha Sumar’s Cinematic Tale of Shared Histories and Divided Identities." CINEJ Cinema Journal 9, no. 2 (December 14, 2021): 231–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cinej.2021.426.

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In her multi award-winning feature film Silent Waters (2003), Pakistani woman filmmaker Sabiha Sumar connects the socio-political traumas of the Partition of India and creation of Pakistan (1947) with the onset of military dictator General Zia-ul-Haq’s Islamization period (1977-1988) in Pakistan. Presenting a story based on real-life events, the film focuses on the impact of religious fundamentalism and nationalism on women in particular. Examining Silent Waters as an example of “history on film/film on history” (Rosenstone 2013), and film as an “agent, product, and source of history” (Ferro 1983), the discussion identifies and analyzes the filmmaker’s own tacitly embedded location and participation in the filmic narrative as an experiential ‘auto/bio-historiographer’, arguing for the value of this new paradigm in Cinema Studies.

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Wani, Shakoor Ahmad. "The Baloch Insurgency in Pakistan and the Chinese Connection." Kulturní studia 2021, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 82–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/ks.2021.170204.

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This article examines the interplay between big ticket investment projects financed by the Chinese capital and ethno-nationalism in the province of Balochistan. It argues that the growing Chinese presence in Balochistan has provided a new impetus to an already simmering Baloch nationalist resistance. Balochistan has profuse natural resource wealth, yet its riches have not benefited its people. The Baloch are one of the most deprived communities in Pakistan. Successive central governments have exploited the province’s resources in the name of development to the detriment of its inhabitants. The advent of CPEC (China–Pakistan Economic Corridor) has exacerbated Baloch grievances. They believe that mega-development projects like Gwadar port would impinge adversely on local demography by attracting a huge influx of economic migrants and render the Baloch minority in their own land. The insurgent groups view China as a ‚partner in crime‘ and have responded by selectively targeting Chinese assets and personnel. The article analyses the nature of resistance to Chinese presence and the changing modus of insurgent groups. It argues that Islamabad’s attempts to deter the attacks by intensifying the militarisation of the province are counterproductive as they reinforce Baloch opposition to CPEC.

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Abbasi, Azhar Mahmood, and Muhammad Shoaib Malik. "Sub-Nationalism and the Case for Intrastate Re-Demarcation in South Asia." Global Political Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 184–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).18.

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The demographic make-up of South Asia has helped reinforce ethnic politics in each country in the region. South Asia is a diverse and vibrant region ethically, culturally, lingual and religiously. The diversity has its own downside in the region as it has been a constant source of tension and strife as well. Sub-nationalism largely revolves around ethnicity, and all-important policy decisions mainly reflect the ethnolinguistic diversity of any society. Various South Asian countries like India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka Nepal, Bangladesh, and have practised many sub-nationalist movements, most of them acquired separate political and social identities, and others are still persisting in certain forms. This article seeks to analyze the discourse around subnationalism, ethnic politics, ethnonationalism, and the creation of new federating units in South Asia.

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BOSE, NEILESH. "Purba Pakistan Zindabad: Bengali Visions of Pakistan, 1940–1947." Modern Asian Studies 48, no. 1 (March 14, 2013): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x12000315.

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AbstractThis paper details the history of the concept of Pakistan as debated by Bengali intellectuals and literary critics from 1940–1947. Historians of late colonial South Asia and analysts of Pakistan have focused on the Punjab along with colonial Indian ‘Muslim minority’ provinces and their spokesmen like Muhammed Ali Jinnah, to the exclusion of the cultural and intellectual aspects of Bengali conceptions of the Pakistan idea. When Bengal has come into focus, the spotlight has centred on politicians like Fazlul Huq or Hassan Shahid Suhrawardy. This paper aims to provide a corrective to this lacuna by analyzing Bengali Muslim conceptualizations of the idea of Pakistan. Bengali Muslim thinkers, such as Abul Mansur Ahmed, Abul Kalam Shamsuddin, and Farrukh Ahmed, blended concepts of Pakistan inside locally grounded histories of the Bengali language and literature and worked within disciplines of geography and political economy. Many Bengali Muslim writers from 1940 to 1947 creatively integrated concepts of Pakistan in poetry, updating an older Bengali literary tradition begun in earlier generations. Through a discussion of the social history of its emergence along with the role of geography, political thought, and poetry, this paper discusses the significance of ‘Pak-Bangla’ cultural nationalism within late colonial South Asian history.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism – Pakistan'

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