Academic literature on the topic 'Nationalism – Pakistan'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Nationalism – Pakistan.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Nationalism – Pakistan"
1
Khan, Surat, Muhammad Faheem, and Saima Gul. "Understanding Pashtunwali and the Manifestation of Pashtun Nationalism in Pakistan: A Conceptual Analysis." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. I (March 31, 2019): 264–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-i).35.
Full textAbstract:
This paper describes the key elements of Pashtunwali and the manifestation of Pashtun nationalism, especially in Pakistan. This study on Pashtun nationalism finds that Pashtunwali is a centuries-old primordial customary code of life and it is important in the context of nationalism as it strengthens the sentiments and feelings of closeness and affinity; central to the phenomenon of nationalism, among the Pashtuns. This paper also highlights two different aspects of Pashtun nationalism in Pakistan. In the formative phase of Pakistans independence, the stance of Pashtun nationalists was more inclined towards the idea of a separate state for the Pashtuns. However, as a result of various factors; including state policies, currently the manifestation of Pashtun nationalism has adopted the internal dimension of highlighting and struggling for the rights of the Pashtuns in the ambit of the Pakistani constitution and by remaining an integral and constitutional part of the country.
2
IQTIDAR, HUMEIRA, and DAVID GILMARTIN. "Secularism and the State in Pakistan: Introduction." Modern Asian Studies 45, no. 3 (April 28, 2011): 491–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000229.
Full textAbstract:
Pakistan occupies an uncertain and paradoxical space in debates about secularism. On the one hand, the academic consensus (if there is any), traces a problematic history of secularism in Pakistan to its founding Muslim nationalist ideology, which purportedly predisposed the country towards the contemporary dominance of religion in social and political discourse. For some, the reconciliation of secularism with religious nationalism has been a doomed project; a country founded on religious nationalism could, in this view, offer no future other than its present of Talibans, Drone attacks and Islamist threats. But on the other hand, Pakistan has also been repeatedly held out as a critical site for the redemptive power of secularism in the Muslim world. The idea that religious nationalism and secularism could combine to provide a path for the creation of a specifically Muslim state on the Indian subcontinent is often traced to the rhetoric of Pakistan's founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. But debate among Muslim League leaders specifically on the relationship of religious nationalism with secularism—and indeed on the nature of the Pakistani state itself—was limited in the years before partition in 1947. Nevertheless, using aspects of Jinnah's rhetoric and holding out the promise of secularism's redemptive power, a military dictator, Pervez Musharraf, was able to secure international legitimacy and support for almost a decade.
3
Ahmed, Manzoor. "The Dynamics of (Ethno)Nationalism and Federalism in Postcolonial Balochistan, Pakistan." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 7 (January 28, 2020): 979–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619900216.
Full textAbstract:
The paper examines how an (ethno)nationalist movement developed and took shape in Balochistan in relation to a broader national question that ranges from seeking provincial autonomy within the federation of Pakistan to gaining independence and formation of a separate state of Balochistan. The paper also analyses the estranged relationship of Balochistan with the state of Pakistan against the background of the failure of the state in accommodating the Baloch national aspirations for economic, social and political rights, while adhering to the basic tenets of federalism. The Baloch, who sporadically engaged in armed conflicts with the state after the British left the Indian Subcontinent in 1947, were not merely the pawns of geopolitics. The conflict in Balochistan must also be seen in a greater context of nationalism as an effort of the Baloch elite to achieve more autonomy within the federal structure of Pakistan. The movement for more national autonomy under the slogan of nationalism may be understood as a tool to further consolidate the social, economic and political strengths of the traditional tribal structure of Balochistan, instead of a struggle for economic and political empowerment of the people of Balochistan. The genuine economic and political aspirations of the people were doubly constrained. On the one hand, the centuries old tribal-centric social structure impeded any social and political evolution in the province and, on the other hand, the limitations of the federal structure in Pakistan restrained Balochistan’s integration into the mainstream national polity and economy. The paper argues that the emergence of nationalism is shaped, firstly by the historical legacy of the colonial era, the identity politics of Baloch nationalists, resource-grabbing and hegemonic approach of the Baloch Sardars or tribal chieftains, and secondly by Pakistan’s failure in adhering to the principles of federalism. Extreme centralization or quasi federalism with its authoritarian nature has promoted regionalism and centrifugal tendencies. Balochistan being a periphery happened to be a fertile ground for the emergence and development of a nationalist movement against the attitudes of the state of Pakistan, which led towards a conflict situation between Balochistan and the state of Pakistan.
4
Khan, Surat. "The Interplay of Nationalism and Religion in Pashtun Society: An Analysis." Global Social Sciences Review IV, no. III (September 30, 2019): 235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2019(iv-iii).30.
Full textAbstract:
This paper discusses the role and interplay of nationalism and religion in the context of Pashtun society. Both nationalism and religion have been pivotal in shaping the international system and in guiding the mutual interactions of human beings and social groups. For the Pashtun society, both religion and nationalism simultaneously exist . Historically, the role and impact of both phenomena have been varied. However, as a result of Pakistans policy of strategic depth and the resultant Afghan Jihad in Afghanistan vis-à-vis the USSR, religious extremism and radicalization have increased specifically in the Pashtun areas of Pakistan and this rise has conversely impacted the nationalist fervor of the Pashtuns resulting in the decline of the Pashtun nationalism.
5
Atta-ul-Mustafa, Ghulam Murtaza, and Ali Usman Saleem. "Revisiting Ideological Boundaries of Pakistani Nationalism: A Study of Aslam's The Blind Man's Garden." Global Social Sciences Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2020): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2021(vi-i).03.
Full textAbstract:
This study explores the shattered Pakistani nationalism in Nadeem Aslam's 'The Blind Man's Garden' (2013) in the context of the post-9/11 invading military globalism and reactionary social globalism. Focusing on Nadeem Aslam's hallmark work, 'The Blind Man's Garden' (2013), this article not only explores the current foundationless nationalism of Pakistan as the byproduct of undue chauvinism instead of being the outcome of its real ideology but also stresses the need for renewal of ideological boundaries of Pakistan in the light of current sweeping effects of thick globalism. Being a diaspora and much influenced by the secularity of the host society, Aslam seems to be desirous of featuring the nationalist inscription of home society in accordance with the global world, as is revealed from the roles played by his characters like Mikal etc. in the novel. The study motivates us to revisit the national myths with an aim to devise the marks of nationalism, provided if we are to rehabilitate our national identity.
6
Bokhari, Imtiaz H. "Pakistan and West Asia." American Journal of Islam and Society 3, no. 1 (September 1, 1986): 141–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v3i1.2761.
Full textAbstract:
State to state relations between Pakistan and Southwest Asian states dateback to the birth of Pakistan in 1947, but the ideological bonds are much older.In 1946, it was late king (then prince) Faisal who chaperoned the PakistanMovement delegation headed by Mr. Isphahani that visited the United Nationsand got sympathetic ears to its pleas? Again, the Saudi king was thefirst head of state to felicitate Mohammad Ali Jinnah after learning of theViceroy’s decision to grant independence to Pakistan and India. Equally warmand sincere support came from Iran.Pakistan and West Asia: Evolution of RelationsImmediately on achieving independence, Pakistan displayed notable enthusiasmin advocating the cause of Islam and Islamic states but soon learntto be more patient. Pakistan’s call for Islamic unity was seen by the Arabsas a move to stifle nascent Arab nationalism at the instigation of the West.These developments corresponded to the early 50s when Pakistan, under intensethreat from India, signed the Mutual Defense Aid pact with the UnitedStates and became a suspect in the eyes of the Arabs who thought of Pakistanas an instrument of the West. Pakistan's joining of the Baghdad Pact in 1954along with Iraq was also interpreted by the Arab nationalist leaders as a neocolonialmove to divide the Arab world. Saudis even called it a stab in theheart of the Arab and Muslim states. In 1956, Indian Prime Minister JawaharLal Nehru’s warm welcome in Saudi Arabia followed by the Suez Crisis putPakistan’s relations with those important Islamic states at their lowest level.During that period the Arabs viewed the region mostly in the Arab and non-Arab context ...
7
Anjum, Gulnaz. "Women’s Activism in Pakistan: Role of Religious Nationalism and Feminist Ideology Among Self-Identified Conservatives and Liberals." Open Cultural Studies 4, no. 1 (February 27, 2020): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2020-0004.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis paper explores women’s activism and political engagement in contemporary Pakistan. In this exploration with self-identified liberal and conservative groups of women, emerged their experiences and narratives about Feminism and Nationalism with a common moderator being religious affiliations. In this qualitative and phenomenological exploration, the informants belonged to various self-identified liberal and conservative women-led organizations. To this end, 20 women (age-range 23-48 years) were interviewed. Results indicated that gender roles and feminism were seen very differently between the two groups; gender and national identity were closely associated with Islamic values and there was a negative association between nationalism and feminist ideology. Women from liberal organizations, mostly feminists, emphasized pro-public-sphere engagement of women, rebelling against religious fundamentalism. On the contrary, many self-reported conservative women proclaimed nationalist, anti-feminists (they did not identify as Islamic feminists) and pro-private-sphere engagement of women. Many of the liberal informants complained about Pakistan’s misogynistic society and hurdles they faced in demanding equal opportunities for women. This research has implications for gender equality and female identity in the context of nationalism, women’s mobility and entitlement to the public sphere. The study also has applied significance for prejudices and stereotypes that make it difficult for women, to break away from fixed categories of gender role expectations. This paper informs academics and practitioners on socially and politically engaged Pakistani women’s views regarding these narratives. The study concluded that women’s activism is influenced by their religious views and their religious interpretation of feminism and nationalism in Pakistani society.
8
Nawaz, Dr Rafida, and Syed Hussain Murtaza. "Ethnic Nationalism or Uneven Development: A Subaltern Realist Analysis of Bengali Nationalism in Pakistan." Journal of Law & Social Studies 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.52279/jlss.04.01.113130.
Full textAbstract:
After a short span of achieving statehood on basis of religious identity, the Bengali Muslims redefined their identity and once again demanded a separate state on basis of linguistic identity. Hobsbawm believe that identity formation in terms of nationhood is a result of deliberate ideological engineering. Economic factors serve as tangible signposts to cultural subjugation. Though many historians owe the Bengali nationalism and claims of statehood to linguistic and cultural difference that proved detrimental for state and nation making in pre 1971 Pakistan, the prime argument of this paper is that nationalist discourse is a discursive formation and a sort of language game rooted in material socio economic phenomenon of inequality and disparity. The concept of inequality and disparity essentially employ that a binary exists, and a group is feeling excluded, marginalized and at disadvantageous position in respect to some other group. The feeling of victimhood is at base of the nationalist movements and (re)definition of identity. Employing the concept of Subaltern Realism given by Mohammed Ayoob and the toolkit of Foucauldian Discourse Analysis, and taking discourse as a combination of material and discursive formations, influencing human subjectivities and conditions of existence; the paper will examine the material economic conditions of existence in pre 1971 Pakistani federation and discursive responses as claims of self-determination and separatist nationalism. One of the key findings of paper is that ethnic Bengali nationalism was a derivative phenomenon of economic exclusion and uneven development.
9
He, Hongmei, and Shaoqing Zhou. "Comparative Study of Nationalism and National Identity Paradigms between India and Pakistan." Asia Social Science Academy 7, no. 3 (June 30, 2022): 11–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/jass.2022.7.3.11.
Full textAbstract:
Whether viewed from theoretical hypothesis or historical experience, nationalism and national identity are the two pillars during the process of nation-state building. After the “partition of India”, the nationalist forces of India and Pakistan have also grown stronger. At the same time, it has greatly influenced the national identity of the people of India and Pakistan and has had a profound impact on the process of nation-state building in India and Pakistan.
10
Musarrat, Rubab, Muniba Fatima Zahra, and Amna Ashraf. "ISPR Productions vs. Nationalism, Inclination to Join Army and Image Building: Case of Pakistan's Military Operations." Global Social Sciences Review VI, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2021(vi-iv).01.
Full textAbstract:
This study targets to investigate the impact of Inter-Services of Public Relations (ISPR) production, broadcasted during the war against terrorism, on Pakistani youth. It is hypothesized that ISPR productions have helped in inflating the motivation level of Pakistani youth, thus helping in promoting the nationalism and positive image of Pakistan. Furthermore, the role of ISPR productions in motivating youth to join Pakistan's Army is also explored. A cross-sectional survey research design was used. The sample of this study was comprised of youth aged between 18 to 24 years, selected through the non-probability purposive sample. The measures comprised of a self-constructed indigenous questionnaire assessing the impact of ISPR productions during a military operation in image building, promotion of nationalism and motivation to join the army. The data analyzed through SPSS Version 22.00 yielded insightful findings. The finding revealed that watching ISPR productions helped in instilling a fervent attitude of Pakistani youth towards nationalism and the Pakistani military. There had been a clearer inclination of youth to aspire for joining the military for upholding the nationalism beliefs, and this finding appears promising, keeping in mind the relative declining opinion that has been observed in youth from the past decade pertaining to nationalism and military operations.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nationalism – Pakistan"
1
Safi, Akmal. "Relationship Between Religion and Nationalism in Pakistan : A Study of Religion and Nationalism in Pakistan during the period 1947 to 1988." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444295.
Full textAbstract:
Religion has always been at the core of the Pakistani national narrative. This research paper argues that the relationship between religion and nationalism in Pakistan is complex and has changed its character during different phases of the Pakistani political history. The aim of this paper was to understand this relationship during the period 1947 to 1988 of the Pakistani political history using the theoretical framework developed by Rogers Brubaker. Our analysis points out that the role of religion and its relationship has taken different shapes during different phases depending on political developments and processes, actors and visions. During the first time frame - from August 1947 - 12 March 1949 - religion under the leadership of the founder of the country Mohammad Ali Jinnah was viewed from the perspective of identity. This is explained by Brubaker’s first approach according to which religion functions as a mode of identification. During the politically chaotic decade after Jinnah’s death, religion was integrated into the organization of the state through the Objectives Resolution and the inclusion of Islamic articles in the country’s first constitution of 1956 and Islam was viewed as the cause of nationalism in Pakistan, explained by Brubaker’s second approach. When General Ayub Khan took over in October 1958 as the first military dictator, the country experienced progressive reforms challenging the role of Islam. This led to agitation from the religious parties who demanded political representation, acting as political claimants. This is explained by the third variant in Brubaker’s first approach in which religion is employed as a way of framing political claims. During Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s tenure, the nations’s Islamic identity was emphasized to establish closer relation with other Muslim nations. Bhutto developed a transnational vision according to which the Pakistani nation was to lead other Islamic countries. This is explained by the second kind of Brubaker’s third approach in which religion is viewed as intertwined with nationalism. General Zia ul Haq’s military dictatorship promoted Nizam-e-Islami to implement a process of Shariatization of the country. General Zia viewed Islam and the Pakistani nation as existentially interdependent and he attempted to bring religion, state and nation into a singularity. This kind of religious nationalism is explained by Brubaker’s fourth approach as a distinctive form of nationalism.
2
Samad, Yunas. "A nation in turmoil : nationalism and ethnicity in Pakistan, 1937-1958 /." New Delhi ; Thousand Oaks (Calif.) : New Delhi : Sage publ. ; in association with the Book review literary trust, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39041988d.
Full text
3
Faiz, Asma. "Ethnic nationalism, State and party politics : the Sindhi and Siraiki movements in Pakistan." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0044.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse examine l'origine, le mécanisme et la mobilisation du nationalisme ethnique au Pakistan. Depuis sa création en 1947, le Pakistan a souffert d'un manque de consensus ethnique important face aux projets de construction nationale et consolidation de l'État du Centre. Les mouvements et partis ethniques du Pakistan sont un reflet important de la résistance sociétale contre l'hégémonie perçue de l'Etat. À l'heure actuelle, le Pakistan abrite plusieurs mouvements ethniques qui sous-tendent la grande désaffection avec les politiques de l'État. L'objet de cette thèse portera sur deux de ces mouvements, à savoir les nationalismes ethniques Sindhi et Siraiki. Au-delà de l'étude des mouvements et dirigeants nationalistes, cette thèse propose également une étude sur les courants plus larges de la politique partisane et du comportement électoral dans les provinces du Sindh et du sud du PunjabThis dissertation examines the origin, mechanism and mobilization of ethnic nationalism in Pakistan. From its inception in 1947, Pakistan has suffered from a serious lack of ethnic consensus in the face of nation-building and state-consolidation projects of the Center. The ethnic movements and parties of Pakistan are an important reflection of societal resistance against the perceived hegemony of the state. At present, Pakistan is home to several ethnic movements underlying the broad disaffection with the policies of the state. The focus of this dissertation will be on two of these movements, i.e. the Sindhi and Siraiki ethnic nationalisms. Going beyond the study of nationalist movements and leaders, this dissertation will also engage with the broader currents of party politics and electoral behavior in Sindh and south Punjab
4
Khan, G. "Politics of nationalism, federalism, and separatism : the case of Balochistan in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2014. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/967w9/politics-of-nationalism-federalism-and-separatism-the-case-of-balochistan-in-pakistan.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is concerned with the principles of federalism and practice of federation in Pakistan, Baloch nation/nationalism and the politics of separatism. Since its inception, Pakistan adopted federalism as a system of government to manage a new country consisting of various ethno-national and linguistics groups. The purpose was to acknowledge diversity but discourage separatism. However, the history of Pakistan, including the creation of Bangladesh out of East Pakistan in 1971, shows its failure to fulfil this purpose of avoiding separatism. A key challenge faced by Pakistani federation for many years has been the conflict in its largest province of Balochistan. The conflict has multiple dimensions including a strong movement for separation of Baloch lands from Pakistan. This thesis investigates various phases of the Baloch conflict with Pakistani federation and analyses different strands of Baloch nationalism. It also explores the shifting power and relation of these strands – federalist and separatist - with the crises of federalism in Pakistan. It argues that the primary driver affecting Baloch nationalism is the failure of Pakistani federation to be genuinely federal. This thesis suggests that the Pakistan federation needs to revisit its constitution to make it more federal in a way wherein each ethno-national group feels the ownership of the country and can be convinced that its identity and language is protected and its land and resources utilised for welfare of the local inhabitants.
5
Axmann, Martin. "Back to the future : the khanate of Kalat and the genesis of Baloch nationalism, 1915-1955 /." Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2008. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9780195476453.
Full text
6
Major, Angela L. "The interpretation of Islam and nationalism by the elite through the English language media in Pakistan." Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300942.
Full text
7
Khan, Mohamed Umer. "Re-emergent pre-state substructures : the case of the Pashtun tribes." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2011. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/f5943f61-e7b7-14f2-12c0-d5b7388534a3/9/.
Full textAbstract:
This study explores borderlands as a function of the imposition of the post-colonial state upon primary structures of identity, polity and social organisation which may be sub-state, national or trans-state in nature. This imposition, particularly in the postcolonial experience of Asia, manifests itself in incongruence between identities of nation and state, between authority and legitimacy, and between beliefs and systems, each of which is most acutely demonstrated in the dynamic borderlands where the competition for influence between non-state and state centres of political gravity is played out. The instability in borderlands is a product of the re-territorialisation of pre-state primary structures, and the state's efforts in accommodating, assimilating or suppressing these structures through a combination of militarisation, providing opportunities for greater political enfranchisement, and the structure of trans-borderland economic flows. The Pashtun tribes of the Afghan borderland between Pakistan and Afghanistan are exhibiting a resurgence of autonomy from the state, as part of the re-territorialisation of the primary substructure of Pakhtunkhwa that underlies southern Afghanistan and north-western Pakistan. This phenomenon is localised, tribally driven, and replicated across the entirety of Pakhtunkhwa. It is a product of the pashtunwali mandated autonomy of zai from which every kor, killi and khel derives its security, and through the protection of which each is able to raise its nang, and is able to realise its position within the larger clan or tribe. Other examples of competition between postcolonial states and primary structures are the Kurdish experience in south-eastern Turkey and the experience of the Arab state. While manifesting significant peculiarities, all three cases - the Kurds, the Arabs and the Pashtuns - demonstrate that the current configuration of the postcolonial state system in Asia is a fragile construction, imposed upon enduring, pre-state primary structures which are resurgent through competition with the state.
8
Shahani, Uttara. "Sind and the partition of India, c.1927-1952." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/290268.
Full textAbstract:
Sindhi Hindus comprise the world's most widespread South Asian diaspora. When the British divided their Indian empire in 1947, unlike Punjab, Bengal, and Assam, they did not partition Sind (today a part of Pakistan), despite the minority campaign for a partition of the region. Sind's partition in 1947 was a deterritorialised and demographic one, producing over a million 'non-Muslim' refugees who resettled in India and abroad. A frequently overlooked region in histories of South Asia, Sind is of profound importance to the history of the partition of India. In the decades preceding partition Sind formed the core of the demand for the creation of 'Muslim majority' provinces that later gave Pakistan its territorial basis. This thesis outlines a new history of partition from the pre-partition Sindhi movement for separation from the Bombay Presidency. It explores the hardening of communal identities in a province renowned for its blurred religious boundaries and the ambiguities of defining a 'Muslim majority' province in the run-up to the foundation of Pakistan. Partition histories emphasise the role of sudden and unexpected genocidal violence in creating refugees. The processes of nation-formation and establishing new political-legal sovereignties also shaped refugee flows. Sindhi Hindu migration at the time of partition is also located within their older histories of mobility and suggests a more complex picture of displacements at the time of partition. Largely unwelcome in India, Sindhi refugees exercised a considerable amount of initiative, in rehabilitating themselves and in challenging the state's slow response to their demands for rehabilitation. Using rarely studied legal archives, this thesis charts how, despite being a stateless minority, Sindhi refugees' legal campaigns shaped the Indian constitution and informed broader notions of Indian citizenship. Refugee initiatives to create a 'new' Sind and port in Kutch collided with the governmental agenda to secure the integration of the princely states and harness their economic resources to the Indian Union. By investigating the 'failures' of this attempt to re-establish 'Sind in India', this thesis provides unique insights into the fraught interaction between refugee resettlement and the birth of a new nation.
9
Dunne, Justin S. "Crisis in Baluchistan : a historical analysis of the Baluch Nationalist Movement in Pakistan /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FDunne.pdf.
Full text
10
Levesque, Julien. "Être sindhi au Pakistan : nationalisme, discours identitaire et mobilisation politique (1930-2016)." Paris, EHESS, 2016. https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-01916988.
Full textAbstract:
Ce travail s'intéresse à la construction du discours nationaliste sindhi au cours du 20e siècle, en proposant de concevoir celui-ci comme un discours performatif. Cette approche théorique nous permet de montrer qu'en dépit de son succès limité sur le plan politique, le nationalisme sindhi est tout de même parvenu à imposer sa vision ethnique de l'identité et participe à la construction d'un rapport de force au sein du Pakistan en visant à déplacer les frontières de groupes. Dès lors, nous proposons une socio-histoire du nationalisme sindhi, qui permet d'identifier les acteurs qui construisent, consolident et diffusent ce discours. Nous montrons que le discours nationaliste sindhi est porté par trois générations successives dont les profils évoluent en fonction des configurations politiques que connaît le Pakistan au cours de la période. Nous mettons aussi en évidence la fragmentation progressive des partis nationalistes, qui finissent par représenter un éventail de revendications allant de l'acceptation du jeu électoral à la lutte armée. Nous examinons ensuite le contenu du discours nationaliste pour comprendre le processus de production de marqueurs identitaires, en nous intéressant en particulier à trois thèmes : le soufisme, la folklorisation de la culture, et les symboles du Sindh dans la culture visuelle. La mobilisation de ces symboles dans des contextes variés favorise leur diffusion, par laquelle ils deviennent des marqueurs communément acceptés pour signifier le Sindh. Ainsi, cette thèse montre que le nationalisme sindhi, malgré l'incapacité des groupes séparatistes à obtenir l'indépendance du Sindh, a profondément transformé la société sindhie, et ne peut donc être considéré comme un échecThis dissertation focuses on the construction of Sindhi nationalist discourse during the 20th century, by proposing to conceive nationalism as a performative discourse. This theoretical approach allows us to show that in spite of its limited success on the political front, Sindhi nationalism has still managed to impose its ethnie vision of identity and takes part in the construction of a power struggle within Pakistan by aiming to displace group boundaries. Therefore, our socio-history of Sindhi nationalism identifies the actors that construct, consolidate and disseminate Sindhi nationalist discourse. We show that this discourse is upheld by three successive générations whose profiles evolve depending on Pakistan's political configurations. We also highlight the progressive fragmentation of nationalist parties, who end up voicing demands that range from participation in the political process to armed struggle. In order to understand the process through which identity markers are produced, we also examine the content of the nationalist discourse, concentrating on three thèmes: Sufism, the folklorization of culture, and symbols of Sindh in visual culture. Their usage in differing contexts facilitâtes their dissémination and ultimate acceptance as signifiers of Sindh that are also identity markers. Hence, this dissertation shows that Sindhi nationalism, in spite of the inability of separatist groups to achieve Sindh's independence, has deeply transformed Sindhi society, and thus cannot be dismissed as a failure
Books on the topic "Nationalism – Pakistan"
1
Christophe, Jaffrelot, ed. Pakistan: Nationalism without a nation? New Delhi: Manohar, 2002.
Find full text
2
Talbot, Ian. India and Pakistan. London: Arnold, 2000.
Find full text
3
Iqbāl, Jāvīd. Ideology of Pakistan. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2005.
Find full text
4
Ideology of Pakistan. 2nd ed. Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1998.
Find full text
5
Aziz, K. K. The making of Pakistan: A study in nationalism. 4th ed. Lahore: Islamic Book Service, 1994.
Find full text
6
Aziz, Khursheed Kamal. The making of Pakistan: A study in nationalism. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2002.
Find full text
7
Nationalism in conflict in India. Delhi: Discovery Pub. House, 1986.
Find full text
8
Pakistan and Muslim India. Nationalism in conflict in India. Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2005.
Find full text
9
Arun, Prabha. Pathway to Pakistan: Role of imperialism, nationalism and communalism. New Delhi: Intellectual Publishing House, 1992.
Find full text
10
Speaking like a state: Language and nationalism in Pakistan. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Nationalism – Pakistan"
1
Woodwell, Douglas. "India, Pakistan, and China." In Nationalism in International Relations, 129–56. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230607200_7.
Full text
2
Malik, Iftikhar H. "Ethnicity, Nationalism and Nation-Building." In State and Civil Society in Pakistan, 168–89. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376298_9.
Full text
3
Ali, Imran. "The Punjab and the Retardation of Nationalism." In The Political Inheritance of Pakistan, 29–52. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11556-3_2.
Full text
4
Malik, Iftikhar H. "South Asian Islam and Pakistan: Historiographical Debate." In Islam, Nationalism and the West, 38–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230375390_3.
Full text
5
Malik, Iftikhar H. "Understanding Civil Society in Pakistan: Imperatives and Constraints." In Islam, Nationalism and the West, 123–45. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230375390_6.
Full text
6
Malik, Iftikhar H. "Ideals and National Interests: American Public Diplomacy in Pakistan." In Islam, Nationalism and the West, 220–49. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230375390_10.
Full text
7
Malik, Iftikhar H. "Kashmir and Pakistan: Politics of Nationalism, Regionalism and Islam." In Islam, Nationalism and the West, 174–99. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230375390_8.
Full text
8
Sumbal, Saadia. "Reformist Islam and Majlis-i-Ahrar's politics of nationalism." In Islam and Religious Change in Pakistan, 76–104. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003119364-3.
Full text
9
Malik, Iftikhar H. "Islam, Muslim Nationalism and Nation-Building in Pakistan: Issues of Identity." In Islam, Nationalism and the West, 98–122. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230375390_5.
Full text
10
Malik, Iftikhar H. "Pakistan and the Muslim World: National Security Imperatives and Islamic Trans-Territoriality." In Islam, Nationalism and the West, 200–219. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230375390_9.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Nationalism – Pakistan"
1
Vabre, Alexandre. "Campagne de mesures au moyen de traceurs radioactivables et fluorescents sur le canal de Jamrao (Sindh, Pakistan)." In Journées Nationales Génie Côtier - Génie Civil. Editions Paralia, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.5150/jngcgc.2000.041-v.
Full text
2
Kunhipurayil, Hasna, Muna Ahmed, and Gheyath Nasrallah. "West Nile Virus Seroprevalence among Qatari and Immigrant Populations within Qatar." In Qatar University Annual Research Forum & Exhibition. Qatar University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/quarfe.2020.0197.
Full textAbstract:
Background: West Nile virus (WNV) is one of the most widely spread arboviruses worldwide and a highly significant pathogen in humans and animals. Despite frequent outbreaks and endemic transmission being reported in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), seroprevalence studies of WNV in Qatar are highly lacking. Aim: This study aims to investigate the actual prevalence of WNV among local and expatriate communities in the Qatar using a large sample size of seemingly healthy donors. Method: A total of 1992 serum samples were collected from donors of age 18 or older and were tested for the presence of WNV antibodies. Serion enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) commercial microplate kits were used to detect the presence of the WNV IgM and IgG. The seropositivity was statistically analyzed using SPSS software with a confidence interval of 95%. Results: The seroprevalence of anti-WNV IgG and IgM in Qatar was 10.3% and 3.4%, respectively. The country-specific seroprevalence according to nationality for WNV IgG and IgM, respectively, were Sudan (37.0%, 10.0%), Egypt (31.6%, 4.4%), India (13.4%, 3.2%), Yemen(10.2%, 7.0%), Pakistan (8.6%, 2.7%), Iran (10.6%, 0.0%), Philippines (5.4%, 0.0%), Jordan(6.8%, 1.1%), Syria (2.6%, 9.6%), Palestine (2.6%, 0.6%), Qatar (1.6%, 1.7%), and Lebanon (0.9%, 0.0%). The prevalence of both IgM and IgG was significantly correlated with the nationality (p≤0.001). Conclusion: Among these tested nationalities, Qatar national has a relatively low burden of WNV disease. The highest prevalence of WNV was found in the Sub Saharan African nationalities like Sudan and Egypt. The seroprevalence of WNV is different from the previously reported arboviruses such as CHIKV and DENV, which was highest among Asian countries (India and Philippines). Further confirmatory tests such as viral neutralization assays are needed to confirm the IgM seropositivity in these samples since these samples could be a source of viral transmission through blood donation.
Reports on the topic "Nationalism – Pakistan"
1
Ihsan, Yilmaz, and Raja Ali M. Saleem. The nexus of religious populism and digital authoritarianism in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0016.
Full textAbstract:
Pakistan has a turbulent political history. In the seven decades since its creation, the country has faced four military-led dictatorships and another two decades under indirect military rule. Given this political trend, authoritarianism is not a novel phenomenon in the country. Digital authoritarianism, however, is a relatively new domain of oppression. This paper looks at how a political party in power and the “establishment” (military elite and its civilian collaborators) have been increasing the control of digital mediums as well as weaponizing space. This dual control and usage allow for growing digital authoritarianism. Using the case study of Imran Khan’s government (2018-2022) and its collaboration with the military establishment in enforcing digital authoritarianism, this article uses four levels of an assessment of internet governance in Pakistan (whole network level, sub-network level, proxy level, and user level). In addition, the role of Khan’s political party’s Islamist populist outlook in contributing to authoritarianism is also discussed. A lot of censorship happens around ideas of protecting Islam and Pakistan’s Muslim identity. The review also finds that the establishment uses not only religion but also ultra-nationalism and fears of foreign attacks, primarily by “Hindu” India, as means to closely surveil and curb the rights of citizens which it deems not worthy of trust. Our results find that Pakistan’s digital space is highly oppressive where ideas of religion, ontological insecurity, and nationalism are weaponized to legitimize the state’s growing authoritarianism.
2
Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
3
Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.
Full textAbstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.