Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism. Identity. European citizenship'
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Tilly, Charles. "Citizenship, Identity and Social History." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113586.
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With appropriate lags for rethinking, research, writing and publication, international events impinge strongly on the work of social scientists and social historians. The recent popularity of democratization, globalization, international institutions, ethnicity, nationalism, citizenship and identity as research themes stems largely from world affairs: civilianization of major authoritarian regimes in Latin America; dismantling of apartheid in South Africa; collapse of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and Yugoslavia; ethnic struggles and nationalist claims in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa; extension of the European Union; rise of East Asian economic powers. Just as African decolonization spurred an enormous literature on modernization and political development, the explosion of claims to political independence on the basis of ethnic distinctness is fomenting a new literature on nationalism.
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Ersb⊘ll, Eva. "Nationality and Identity Issues-A Danish Perspective." German Law Journal 15, no. 5 (August 1, 2014): 835–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019179.
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According to the European Convention on Nationality (1997), nationality-or the term “citizenship” used as synonymous with nationality-means a legal bond between a person and a state. As such, nationality is linked to nation building. Nationality can also be defined as equal membership in a political community, and as a status to which rights and duties, participatory practices and a sense of national identity are attached. In other words, nationality constitutes an important element of a person's identity.European Union citizenship is linked to nationality in an EU Member State. Union citizenship grants rights to the Member State nationals and may be defined as membership in a larger political community, the EU. Union citizenship is meant to foster a feeling of European identity. The third report of the Commission on Citizenship of the Union described citizenship as “both a source of legitimation of the process of European integration, by reinforcing the participation of citizens, and a fundamental factor in the creation among citizens of a sense of belonging to the European Union and of having a genuine European identity.”
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Delanty, Gerard. "Beyond the Nation-State: National Identity and Citizenship in a Multicultural Society - A Response to Rex." Sociological Research Online 1, no. 3 (October 1996): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.23.
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The crisis of national identity in Western Europe is related to the rise of a new nationalism which operates at many different levels, ranging from extreme xenophobic forms to the more moderate forms of cultural nationalism. Underlying the new nationalism in general is more a hostility against immigrants than against other nations; it is motivated less by notions of cultural superiority than by the implications multiculturalism has for the welfare state, which is being attacked by neo- liberal agendas. As a cultural discourse, the new nationalism is a product of social fragmentation. Therefore the most important challenge facing the democratic multi- cultural state in the context of European integration is to find ways of preserving the link between social citizenship and multiculturalism. Without a firm basis in social citizenship, multiculturalism will suffer continued attacks from nationalism, feeding off social insecurity.
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BATORY, AGNES. "Kin-state identity in the European context: citizenship, nationalism and constitutionalism in Hungary." Nations and Nationalism 16, no. 1 (January 2010): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2010.00433.x.
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Bast, Jürgen, and Liav Orgad. "Constitutional Identity in the Age of Global Migration." German Law Journal 18, no. 7 (December 1, 2017): 1587–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022446.
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Global migration yields political shifts of historical significance, profoundly shaking up world politics as manifested by the European refugee crisis, the Brexit referendum, and throughout the US election. The refugee crisis—which, from a human rights perspective, is first and foremost a crisis of protection—has enhanced the already-existing discussion on justifiable and unjustifiable attempts by nation-states to safeguard their constitutional “essentials” by reinforcing border controls and using selective immigration and citizenship policies. How can liberal states, or a supranational Union formed by such states, welcome immigrants and treat refugees as future denizens without fundamentally changing their constitutional identity, forsaking their liberal tradition, or slipping into populist nationalism? This question is one of the greatest contemporary challenges in constitutional law and theory nowadays.
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Maglietta, Valentina. "Europe - a project worthy of being built." UNIO – EU Law Journal 4, no. 1 (January 4, 2018): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.4.1.3.
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Sixty years after the emergence of the EU, it is still a challenge to educate citizens about European themes and to really involve them in the integration process. This requires the pursuit for solutions and adequate responses from institutions, among others. But, what does it mean to be a European citizen? Does it make sense to use the concept of “citizenship” beyond the national borders? With the purpose of addressing these questions, this paper is divided into three parts. The first part addresses the definition of citizenship within the borders of a Nation State and, looks at the relationship between nationality and identity emphasized by the philosopher Thomas H. Marshall. The second turns to the European citizenship, looking at the political developments under which this concept has been given greater prominence, becoming both a source of legitimation of the European integration process and a fundamental factor in the creation among citizens of a European identity. Citizenship of the Union treasures the indisputable virtue of being the first political and legal materialisation of a citizenship at a transnational level. Nevertheless, at the time like the present, when nationalist and xenophobic feelings against the EU are on the rise and national egoism is becoming an attractive alternative to integration, the European identity struggles to attain a legitimate status in the eyes of the citizenry. The challenge ahead is that we need to find a new way to narrate European integration to all those who do not feel part of this project and that do not understand the pressing need for being “united in diversity”. In this achievement, the EU stakes its future. With this in mind, in the third section of the article, I propose some areas where progress should be made to encourage a greater sense of integration among European citizens.
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Ivic, Sanja. "EU Citizenship as a Mental Construct: Reconstruction of Postnational Model of Citizenship." European Review 20, no. 3 (May 2, 2012): 419–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798711000640.
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The purpose of this paper is to revise essentialist conceptions of the European Union citizenship and European identity, and make a case for a ‘politics of affinity’. This politics is founded on flexible notion of Union citizenship that accommodates multiple identities. The ‘politics of affinity’ avoids homogenizing assumptions and unitary conceptions of European, national, regional and other identities. It promotes diversity, otherness and fluid character of the postmodern European citizenship. It also advocates a more fluid idea of boundaries. The politics of affinity grounds European politics and citizenship discourse on affinity (not identity). The following lines will reflect on the institutional mechanisms, reforms and policies needed for the implementation of the politics of affinity. This paper will focus on the Treaty of Lisbon, the 2004/38 Citizenship Directive, the 2003 Directive on Long-term Residence Third Country Nationals and some ECJ's rulings in the new millennium.
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Wiesbrock, Anja, and Sergio Carrera. "Whose European Citizenship in the Stockholm Programme? The Enactment of Citizenship by Third Country Nationals in the EU." European Journal of Migration and Law 12, no. 3 (2010): 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181610x520409.
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AbstractThe Stockholm Programme and the European Commission’s Action Plan implementing it have positioned the freedom, security and justice of ‘European citizens’ at the heart of the EU’s political agenda for the next five years. Yet, who are the ‘citizens’ about whom the Council and the European Commission are so interested? At first sight it would appear as if only those individuals holding the nationality of a Member State would fall within this category. This paper challenges this assumption, however, and argues that as a consequence of litigation by individuals before EU courts and of the growing importance given to the act of mobility in citizenship and immigration law, the personal scope of the freedoms accorded to European citizenship already covers certain categories of third-country nationals (TCNs). Through an examination of selected landmark rulings of the Court of Justice in Luxembourg, the paper demonstrates how the requirement of being a national of an EU Member State is progressively becoming less important when defining the boundaries of the European citizenry. TCNs already enjoy and benefit from a number of European citizenship-related and citizenship-like freedoms, rights, benefits and general principles, which are subject to protection and scrutiny at the EU level. This development, we argue, is not only an indication of a continuing loss of discretionary power by the nation-state with respect to European citizenship, but may also constitute a clear signal that a new European citizenship of TCNs is in the making in the Union. This citizenship places the freedom to move and non-discrimination on the basis of nationality at the core of its identity.
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Silveira, Alessandra. "On the CJEU’s post-Brexit case-law on European citizenship. The recovery of the identity Ariadne’s thread?" UNIO – EU Law Journal 3, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.3.1.8.
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The CJEU over the years has helped to forge a concept of citizenship directed to be the “fundamental status of the nationals of the Member States”. However, since the Dereci ruling of 2011, the proactivity of the CJEU concerning the development of European citizenship seemed to have gradually exhausted itself, mostly as far as the so-called social citizenship. It happens, nonetheless, that this crucial moment the European Union faces demands the enhancement of its vertical relation with the citizenry – it is either this or fragmentation. And perhaps this is the subliminal message from the CJEU in three post-Brexit rulings that, decided in the Grand Chamber, surprisingly recover and develop the most emblematic case-law about the European citizenship – namely the Rottmann and Zambrano rulings – whose political potential and/or identity potential seemed irrevocably muzzled. The rulings Rendón Marín, CS and Petruhhin point to the connection between European citizenship and the fundamental rights protection in the EU and possibly even represent an attempt to recover the identity dimension of European citizenship, nourished by a sense of belonging to a community of rights and obligations.
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Scott, James W. "Mobility, Border Ethics, and the Challenge of Revanchist Identity Politics." Journal of Finnish Studies 22, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2019): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.22.1.2.09.
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Abstract The main objective of the essay is to argue that a powerful revanchist and self-referential narrative of authenticity and autonomy is influencing the securitization of mobility. Cultural nationalism, coupled with elements of a new sovereigntism that reifies national interests and unilateralism, is a direct challenge to globalist assumptions that privilege mobility and cosmopolitanism. Discussion begins with a consideration of securitization and the perceptual, socio-cultural, and attitudinal foundations of security. The concept of ontological security is particularly salient in this context, as it emphasizes aspects of national identity that are prone to radicalization as well as relates socio-political bordering processes to securitization. As recent events have made abundantly clear, democratic impulses co-exist with illiberal understandings of belonging, citizenship, and culture. This is manifested by political and social imaginaries of security that are based on what appears to be a reinvigorated cultural nationalism, and as a direct consequence, racial and ethnic autarchy. In contrast to the Nordic examples developed in the present collection, the case of Hungary is elaborated as a perhaps extreme example of revanchist identity politics that is impacting European societies more generally. In concluding, the essay outlines potential consequences of revanchist securitization which in several ways threaten the European Union as a political and multicultural community. Desecuritization will be suggested as an alternative; this is understood as a means of changing the ways in which mobility and migration are discursively framed, and contextually broadening debate on the significance of open borders for European Union.
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Stychin, Carl F. "Unity in Diversity: European Citizenship through the Lens of Popular Culture." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 29 (February 1, 2011): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v29i0.4478.
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Citizenship plays a central role within the political, legal and academic discourse of the European Union. It has been instrumental in attempting to foster a European identity across national boundaries, and it is a useful heuristic device for analyzing wider issues of membership and belonging. Citizenship theory also has been developed using examples drawn from popular culture. This article seeks to build upon this approach and enrich our understanding of European citizenship by interrogating one important annual European cultural event: the Eurovision Song Contest. The Contest, like Europe itself, illuminates a central tension between identity and difference, which demands scepticism towards grand narratives of an inevitably exclusionary European identity and destiny.La citoyenneté joue un rôle clé dans le discours politique, juridique et universitaire de l’Union européenne. La citoyenneté a joué un rôle de premier plan lorsqu’il s’est agi de cultiver une identité européenne par-delà les frontières nationales, et elle représente un moyen heuristique utile pour analyser des questions plus larges comme l’affiliation et l’appartenance. La théorie de la citoyenneté s’est également élaborée au moyen d’exemples tirés de la culture populaire. Cet article cherche à s’inspirer de cette approche et à faciliter notre compréhension de la citoyenneté européenne en examinant un événement culturel européen annuel important : le Concours Eurovision de la chanson. Le Concours, comme l’Europe elle-même, met en lumière une tension fondamentale entre identité et différence, ce qui exige d’accueillir avec scepticisme les métarécits d’une identité et d’une destinée européennes inévitablement discriminatoires.
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Putra, Candra Rahma Wijaya, and Rose Fitria Lutfiana. "CONSTRUCTION OF NATION AND NATIONALISM IN 4 INDONESIAN NOVELS IN EUROPE." Widyaparwa 48, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.26499/wdprw.v48i1.416.
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This study aims to understand the concept of nation and nationalism through four literary works with a European background. The approach of literary sociology in this study is used to look for forms of Indonesian nationalism in Europe. The aim is to find the source of self-depiction as an important element in constructing the concept of the nation. The results showed that the self-image as an Indonesian identity was aimed at citizenship, history, culture (language and food), race (ethnicity), and religion. Collective awareness about citizenship, history, culture, and race refers to the locally imagined community, namely the Indonesian people. Religion refers to the universal community. The five elements are at the same time a source of nationalism, both the nation in understanding local and universal communities.Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk memahami konsep bangsa dan nasionalisme melalui empat karya sastra berlatar Eropa. Pendekatan sosiologi sastra dalam penelitian ini digunakan untuk mencari pembeda nasionalisme Indonesia di Eropa. Tujuannya adalah mencari sumber penggambaran diri sebagai unsur penting dalam mengkonstruksi konsep bangsa. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa gambaran diri sebagai identitas keindonesiaan ditujukan dalam kewarganegaraan, sejarah, budaya (bahasa dan makanan), ras (etnis), dan agama. Kesadaran kolektif tentang kewarganegaraan, sejarah, budaya, dan ras merujuk pada komunitas terbayang lokal, yaitu bangsa Indonesia. Agama merujuk pada komunitas universal. Kelima unsur tersebut sekaligus sebagai sumber nasionalisme, baik bangsa dalam pemahaman komunitas lokal maupun universal.
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Jensen, Kristian Kriegbaum, and Per Mouritsen. "Nationalism in a Liberal Register: Beyond the ‘Paradox of Universalism’ in Immigrant Integration Politics." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 3 (July 4, 2017): 837–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000806.
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In recent years scholars have observed a restrictive turn in West European immigrant integration policies towards conditioning access to permanent residence and citizenship on language proficiency, knowledge of history, institutions, culture and political values, national loyalty and labour market integration. This has been accompanied by a strong reaction among European politicians and publics emphasizing that newcomers must share in certain liberal-democratic values and virtues that characterize the national community. Yet, the influential scholar Christian Joppke argues, among others, that liberal values cannot define national particularity, nor can cultural integration be enforced because legislation and policies are legally and normatively constrained by the same liberal values. Hence, prevalent liberal conceptions of national identity are paradoxical and inconsequential for the formulation of public policies. This article critically examines this argument in detail. It argues that the paradox of universalism does not exist, and that therefore nationalism should not be dismissed as a central factor behind recent policy developments.
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Oltay, Edith. "Concepts of Citizenship in Eastern and Western Europe." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 11, no. 1 (September 1, 2017): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auseur-2017-0003.
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AbstractThe classical meaning of citizenship evokes a nation-state with a well-defined territory for its nationals, where national identity and sovereignty play a key role. Global developments are challenging the traditional nation-state and open a new stage in the history of citizenship. Transnational citizenship involving dual and multiple citizenships has become more and more accepted in Europe. Numerous scholars envisaged a post-national development where the nation-state no longer plays a key role. While scholarly research tended to focus on developments in Western Europe, a dynamic development also took place in Eastern Europe following the collapse of communism. Dual citizenship was introduced in most Eastern European countries, but its purpose was to strengthen the nation by giving the ethnic kin abroad citizenship and non-resident voting rights. In Western Europe, the right of migrants to citizenship has been expanded throughout the years in the hope that this would result in their better integration into society. Eastern Europe and Western Europe operate with different concepts of citizenship because of their diverging historical traditions and current concerns. The concept of nation and who belong to the national community play a key role in the type of citizenship that they advocate.
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MOXON-BROWNE, EDWARD. "The Europeanization of Citizenship: Between the Ideology of Nationality, Immigration and European Identity." Nations and Nationalism 12, no. 2 (April 2006): 367–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2006.00245_6.x.
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Mäkinen, Katja. "Union Citizenship Representing Conceptual (Dis)continuities in EU Documents on Citizenship and Culture." Contributions to the History of Concepts 9, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2014.090107.
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The question in this article is how citizenship is reinvented and recontextualized in a newly founded European Union after the launching of Union Citizenship. What kind of conceptions of citizenship are produced in this new and evolving organization? The research material consists of documents presented by EU organs from 1994 to 2007 concerning eight EU programs on citizenship and culture. I will analyze conceptual similarities (continuities) and differences (discontinuities) between these documents and previous conceptualizations in various contexts, including citizenship discussions in the history of integration since the 1970s as well as theories of democracy and nation-states. Based on the analysis of participation, rights, and identity as central dimensions of citizenship, I will discuss the relationship of Union Citizenship to democracy and nationality.
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Asher, Andrew D. "A Divided City in a Common Market." Anthropological Journal of European Cultures 20, no. 2 (September 1, 2011): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ajec.2011.200203.
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Based on an ethnographic case study in the border cities of Frankfurt (Oder), Germany and Słubice, Poland, this article explores the construction and maintenance of ethnic difference within the transnational economic and social spaces created by the European Union's common market. Through an examination of three domains of cross-border citizenship practice - shopping and consumption, housing and work - this article argues that even as the European Union deploys policies aimed at creating de-territorialised and supranational forms of identity and citizenship, economic asymmetries and hierarchies of value embedded within these policies grant rights differentially in ways that continue to be linked to ethnicity and nationality.
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Arps, Arnoud. "The Fabrics of Home: Remembering the Indo-European Repatriation in Contractpensions-Djangan Loepah!" Journal of Migration History 8, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 374–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08030003.
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Abstract When a large group of Indo-Europeans had to repatriate to a country many had never set foot in, they set in motion an unforeseen culture of remembrance. The subsequent narratives of forced migration – or rather narratives of belonging – deal with memories of home. Whereas first-generation repatriates predominantly used literature to document their memories, the second-generation remembers the past in the cinematic field of the cultural imaginary. Focusing on the documentary Contractpensions by a second-generation Indo-European, this article explores representations of the repatriate Indo-European experience and the relation between the current country in which they reside and the homeland of earlier generations. Of particular significance are the tensions between geographical attachment, their repatriate identity, and a brittle Dutch nationality. The article argues that the idea of home is central to these tensions, and that place, belonging and citizenship are the threads of home that weave Indo-European repatriate culture and identity into being.
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Savchyn, Halyna, and Vitalina Borovikova. "CONTENTS OF THE RIGHT TO CITIZENSHIP: CERTAIN ASPECTS." Social & Legal Studios 13, no. 3 (September 29, 2021): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.32518/2617-4162-2021-3-20-27.
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The article is devoted to the research of current tendencies changes of the content of the right of citizenship under the influence of general integration processes and practices of European Court of human rights. The content of the right of citizenship is subjected under new tendencies assessment taking place in the process of realization of the Association Treaty between Ukraine and European Union. Analyzing the notion of citizenship in the context of Constitution, national legislature, European convention of citizenship differentiation of formal and legal status of an individual, legal relations between an individual and a state, combination of rights and duties according to the current tendencies of the conception of citizenship evolution are carried out. It’s indicated in the work that according to the current realization of the content of the right of citizenship it’s appropriate to maintain practical intention of regulation of legal nature and essence of absent nationality, improving of contextual and legislative principles concerning citizenship and legal identity of an individual in Ukraine as one of the basic constitutional human right. The right of citizenship, as institution of constitutional law, in recent years was proved as subjective right, changing owing to interpretation of citizenship by European Court of human rights within conventional rights and freedoms. At the same time a state, that is the subject of the definition of citizenship policy, regulates all spectrum of issues, connected with citizenship and derivative from above mentioned institution by national legislature. The sphere of citizenship minimally influenced by the norms of international law, that refers legal regulation of citizenship to the internal affairs of a state. A state owns the possibilities to determine a circle of citizens, correcting grounds of citizenship admission, setting restriction for citizens. The right of citizenship is a protection measure of possible behavior directing for the gratification of human interests, appeared in connection with acquirement, changing and outgoing of citizenship. The effectiveness of guarantees of the realization of right of citizenship in Ukraine consists of making legal guarantees that are contained in the norms of laws and depends on logic and systematic expediency, accurate focus and certainty relating specific subject and appropriate social relationship.
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Iglesias Sánchez, Sara. "EU Citizenship and Migration Law: Reshaping the Balance of Multi-National Communities? The Case of Ceuta and Melilla." European Journal of Migration and Law 18, no. 3 (September 20, 2016): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12342102.
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The impact of eu law on the situation of the third country nationals in Ceuta and Melilla has been twofold. The first phase of the construction of an European identity through free movement law had an important impact on the population of the autonomous cities, since the accession of Spain to the eu, which entailed the introduction of several modifications in field of immigration law, led to the emergence of differentiated legal regimes which were previously inexistent, strengthening the differences of status based on nationality. In more recent times, the introduction of the eu migration law has partially overcome this situation. Taking this scenario into account, this article addresses the way in which free movement law—including the Schengen acquis—and eu citizenship have affected the traditional division between citizens and third country nationals in the autonomous cities and the impact of eu immigration policy.
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Sánchez, Sara Iglesias. "Constitutional Identity and Integration: EU Citizenship and the Emergence of a Supranational Alienage Law." German Law Journal 18, no. 7 (December 1, 2017): 1797–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200022550.
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This Article examines some central questions concerning the status of EU foreigners—non-EU nationals legally residing in the EU. First, it addresses the peculiarities of the status of EU citizens and the special nature of EU immigration law as the basis for the construction of an EU alienage law. Second, it examines whether and to what extent the emergence of a supranational immigration and alienage law—with a focus on integration—interacts with the broader debate on European and national constitutional identity. Third, the Article analyzes the legal difficulties for the application of the equal treatment principle between EU citizens and EU foreigners taking as a point of reference the different roles of restrictions and conditions based on the notion of integration.
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Taroni, Catherine. "Union Citizenship as a Source of Rights? Case C-434/09, Shirley McCarthy v Secretary of State for the Home Department, Judgment of the Court (Third Chamber), 5 May 2011, nyr." Journal of Contemporary European Research 8, no. 1 (February 23, 2012): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v8i1.412.
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McCarthy attempted to rely upon rights under Directive 2004/38 within a home state, but this was not a straightforward case of a purely internal situation, the applicant having acquired Irish nationality and claiming that she was a Union citizen living within the UK as a host Member State. The use of dual citizenship as a potential linking element with Union law follows from earlier developments in citizenship case law. Union citizenship has helped those who do not fully meet requirements of secondary legislation. The ‘trigger’ of cross-border movement has been weakened to some extent in the identity cases, and others such as Carpenter. McCarthy’s attempt to rely upon Union law without ever having moved, just by being a Union citizen, gave the Court of Justice of the European Union a chance to dispel ideas that being a dual Member State national was automatically a linking factor with EU law.
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Freadman, Anne. "From assimilation to Jewish identity: The dilemmas of French Jewry under the Occupation." French Cultural Studies 28, no. 1 (January 30, 2017): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957155816678595.
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Following the Napoleonic edict granting citizenship to the Jews, and the implementation of laws consolidating the secularism of the Third Republic, France seemed to have confirmed its status as a land of freedom for European Jews. This changed with the collaboration of Vichy France with the Nazi Occupation. This article studies personal writings, principally diaries, in order to discover the forms of experience of the crisis of identity that beset the Jews of France in the ‘Dark Years’ following this. It shows that under the secularist model of assimilation, this resolved into a series of dilemmas: israélite ou juif, French or Jewish, secular or religiously observant, nationalist, communist or Zionist. The article ends with the key figure of Wladimir Rabinovitch, bringing the account into the second half of the twentieth century. Notwithstanding some key international changes, the terms of these dilemmas has not changed.1
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Sofinska, Iryna. "Passport: global challenges – local solutions." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 3 (November 10, 2020): 342–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.3.2020.62.
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This article deals with the origin and trajectory of the passport, its multifaceted nature in modern life. Firstly, a passport is a standardizedand written, visualized, and anthropometric, personalized proof of citizenship of its bearer, but not always. Secondly, it is aproof of identification, regardless of the time, place, and mode of acquisition of citizenship of a particular state (in the form of personaldata processing) and control over them by that state. Finally, it is a paper document (actually machine-readable) that gives its bearerrights, responsibilities, and privileges guarantee his/her freedom of movement (unlimited and indefinite entry into and exit from thestate of citizenship) and immunity (from extradition and expulsion).In the time of globalization and omnipresent migration, there is a myriad of modern researches worldwide related to passport,citizenship, person identification, etc. Up to my mind, we can shortlist such authors as Atossa Araxia Abrahamian (cosmopolites andglobal citizen), Leo Benedictus (history of the passport), Claire Benoit (the passport in the context of citizenship), Evelyn Capassakis(passport revocations or denials), Jelena Džankić (the global market for investor citizenship), Yossi Harpaz (dual nationality as a worldwideasset), Martin Lloyd and Craig Robertson (the history of the passport), Mark B Salter (the passport in international relations),Ayelet Shachar (the shifting border of immigration regulation), Peter J Spiro (the past and future of dual citizenship), John C Torpey(the invention of the passport), James Tully (on global citizenship), Patrick Weil (citizenship, passports, and the legal identity of persons).In modern days this most traveled document in the world is a perfect political and legal instrument used by the particular stateto identify its citizens, keep them in the borders, and not let them enjoy the freedom of movement extra territory. In this article, I tracethe history of the passport within the law, international relations, and globalization. A separate piece of information is related to its evolutionduring centuries. It is interesting how passports and their carriers (citizens of a particular state) are handled at international borders?And what are the fundamental functions of the passport in global mobility?In 2020 not only states globally in terms of preservation of national security and identity but also health stop (at least hamper)migration. “This virus (COVID-19) does not have a passport”, declared French President Emmanuel Macron on 12 March 2020 in aprimary television address to the French people. Non-essential travel when you possess not enough worthy passport stops you beyondthe borders of the European Union. You are not allowed to enter unless you acquire dual nationality and obtain a second alternativepassport.
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Sofinska, Iryna. "Passport: global challenges – local solutions." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 3 (November 10, 2020): 342–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.3.2020.15.
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This article deals with the origin and trajectory of the passport, its multifaceted nature in modern life. Firstly, a passport is a standardizedand written, visualized, and anthropometric, personalized proof of citizenship of its bearer, but not always. Secondly, it is aproof of identification, regardless of the time, place, and mode of acquisition of citizenship of a particular state (in the form of personaldata processing) and control over them by that state. Finally, it is a paper document (actually machine-readable) that gives its bearerrights, responsibilities, and privileges guarantee his/her freedom of movement (unlimited and indefinite entry into and exit from thestate of citizenship) and immunity (from extradition and expulsion).In the time of globalization and omnipresent migration, there is a myriad of modern researches worldwide related to passport,citizenship, person identification, etc. Up to my mind, we can shortlist such authors as Atossa Araxia Abrahamian (cosmopolites andglobal citizen), Leo Benedictus (history of the passport), Claire Benoit (the passport in the context of citizenship), Evelyn Capassakis(passport revocations or denials), Jelena Džankić (the global market for investor citizenship), Yossi Harpaz (dual nationality as a worldwideasset), Martin Lloyd and Craig Robertson (the history of the passport), Mark B Salter (the passport in international relations),Ayelet Shachar (the shifting border of immigration regulation), Peter J Spiro (the past and future of dual citizenship), John C Torpey(the invention of the passport), James Tully (on global citizenship), Patrick Weil (citizenship, passports, and the legal identity of persons).In modern days this most traveled document in the world is a perfect political and legal instrument used by the particular stateto identify its citizens, keep them in the borders, and not let them enjoy the freedom of movement extra territory. In this article, I tracethe history of the passport within the law, international relations, and globalization. A separate piece of information is related to its evolutionduring centuries. It is interesting how passports and their carriers (citizens of a particular state) are handled at international borders?And what are the fundamental functions of the passport in global mobility?In 2020 not only states globally in terms of preservation of national security and identity but also health stop (at least hamper)migration. “This virus (COVID-19) does not have a passport”, declared French President Emmanuel Macron on 12 March 2020 in aprimary television address to the French people. Non-essential travel when you possess not enough worthy passport stops you beyondthe borders of the European Union. You are not allowed to enter unless you acquire dual nationality and obtain a second alternativepassport.
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Triadafilopoulos, Triadafilos. "Assessing the Consequences of the 1999 German Citizenship Act." German Politics and Society 30, no. 1 (March 1, 2012): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2012.300101.
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This special issue of German Politics and Society offers a retrospective look atthe German Citizenship Act (Staatsangehörigkeitsgesetz, StAG), which passed in1999 and came into force in 2000.1 The law was and continues to be understoodby many academics, policymakers, and lay commentators as constitutinga “paradigm shift” in German citizenship policy and, by extension,prevailing conceptions of German nationhood. The introduction of the lawof territory (jus soli), in particular, was greeted as a welcome acknowledgementof Germany’s de facto status as a modern immigration country. Childrenborn and raised in Germany would no longer be rendered permanentforeigners as a consequence of the dominance of the law of descent (jus sanguinis)in the Reichs- und Staatsangehörigkeitsgesetz (RuStAG), 1913. Proponentsassumed that the reduction of the residency requirement for naturalizationwould also allow greater numbers of long settled immigrants to assume therights and privileges of German nationality. Just as importantly, Germanywould join the European mainstream as regarded citizenship policy. Thestigma associated with its traditionally ethnic conception of nationhoodwould give way to a more positive, civic identity.
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Alaverdyan, Artem L., and Konstantin G. Maltsev. "Sociological and Historical Discourse of the Nation: Method and Structure." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (208) (December 23, 2020): 4–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2020-4-4-14.
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The sociological and historical discourse of a nation transforms the usual ideas about the need for a nation as an exclusive form of political unity of a sovereign people: the historical and sociological conditionality of the nation and the randomness of the historically unique constellation of the circumstances of the emergence of the new European nation-state are revealed. The preconditions and foundations of the sociological-historical discourse of the nation are usually not explicated: “liberal metaphysics” (K. Schmitt), the essence of which is defined as an endless discussion of autonomous individuals-subjects, postulates political loyalty to the state, the citizen of which is the individual, as the basis of the nation as a civil society and the choice of national identity based on the free decision of the autonomous citizen-subject; “ethnic groups” and “historical national communities” are regarded as material, the form and meaning of which is determined by the political nation, the formation of which is due to the need for mass mobilization of the militaristic territorial new European state, the democratic form and expanding political and social citizenship. Changing the configuration of these conditions cancels, gradually, but necessary, the reality of the nation, which is now viewed as a remnant (V. Pareto), representing a social danger (nationalism, ethnic terrorism). Sociological and historical discourse of a nation through causal information (M. Weber) claims to reduce the reality of a nation to the socio-historical conditions of its formation and existence, that is, to completely remove the nation and the national as an “irrelevant” (and marginal) form of identification for modern times.
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BROWN, NICHOLAS. "BORN MODERN: ANTIPODEAN VARIATIONS ON A THEME." Historical Journal 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 1139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004954.
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Making peoples: a history of the New Zealanders from Polynesian settlement to the end of the nineteenth century. By James Belich. London: Penguin, 2001. Pp. 497. ISBN 0-14-100639-0. £9.99.Paradise reforged: a history of the New Zealanders from the 1880s to the year 2000. By James Belich. London: Allen Lane, 2002. Pp. 606. ISBN 0-7139-9172-0. £25.00.The Enlightenment and the origins of European Australia. By John Gascoigne. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002. Pp. xviii+233. ISBN 0-521-80343-80. £45.00.Australian ways of death: a social and cultural history, 1840–1918. By Pat Jalland. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Oxford, 2002. Pp. vi+378. ISBN 0-19-550754-1. £15.99.White flour, white power: from rations to citizenship in central Australia. By Tim Rowse. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Pp. xiii+255. ISBN 0-521-62457-6. £40.00.The five books covered here might seem a random sample: antipodean oddments from the edge of a review editor's desk. Their subject matter – from ‘ways of death’ in Australia to rationing policies for indigenous Australians – is diverse, as are their approaches: a scholarly assessment of the influence of Enlightenment ideas in the Australian colonies through to a massive two-volume general history of New Zealand to 2000. Yet even in this eclectic mix there are common themes, reflecting current interests and models in the writing of history in both countries. For some time, Australia and New Zealand have been productively positioned in relation to European social change as ‘born modern’ experiments, or at least as colonies which forced or anticipated aspects of the modernity shaping metropolitan centres. There have been several phases of historiography advancing this thesis, each reflecting a desire on the part of historians ‘down under’ to relate their account to wider dynamics, or to incorporate models that redress or refute the ‘isolation’ of their history by exploring categories extending beyond the national chronicle. More recently, historians of post-colonialism have returned the interest. They have traced in the extension of colonialism many of the crucial factors shaping core elements of nineteenth-century European nationalism, even the concept of Europe itself. In complex patterns of interdependence within ‘empire’, these historians have also identified several themes of ‘modernity’: reflexive approaches to ‘self’ and identity; discursive matrices of liberal government; the application and testing of the Enlightenment project of ‘reason’ and the ‘disenchantment’ of scientific knowledge and classification.
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Mahadika, Gilang. "Muslim Community in the Atmosphere of Populism in Norway." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 23, no. 2 (December 6, 2021): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v23i2.647.
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In the European nations, there has been a lot of discussions and arguments regarding the community who have a ‘migration background’. Migrants nowadays are more capable of competing against local residents in terms of looking for better employment and participating in the political activities in European countries. Consequently, it creates fear within ‘mainstream’ society since it is presumably able to threaten their way of life. This interesting moment can benefit the populist political parties for gaining voices from the majority population. But, in the aftermath of 22/7 terror attacks in Norway, it also created tension between locals and those who are considered having a ‘migration background’. The people who have migration background, especially Muslim community, already has long history of migration to Norway. Therefore, the research question is how the Muslim community adapt to the situation of populism in Norway. By using historical literatures and research articles regarding the aftermath of 22/7 terror attack, it shows that the intersectional approach is useful to see the intermingled aspects of class, identity, religion, nationality, gender, and ethnicity of marginalised communities. These migrants now are facing multiple discriminations. Protests in the public sphere as a way of adapting to the atmosphere of populism are considered as their struggles for citizenship since the government seems to fail at managing multicultural society, especially advocating the minority groups. This kind of situation is common in the era of populism emerging in many countries targeting minority groups as political manoeuvre in order to gain voices among the ‘common’ society.
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Tavares, Bernardino. "Compounding forms of inequality: Cape Verdean migrants’ struggles in education and beyond in Luxembourg." European Journal of Applied Linguistics 8, no. 2 (September 11, 2020): 307–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eujal-2020-0007.
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AbstractThis paper seeks to show how language, combined with other social variables, exacerbates migrants’ and their descendants’ struggles at school and beyond in Luxembourg. To a certain extent, the official trilingualism of Luxembourg – French, German and Luxembourgish – corresponds to an ‘elite multilingualism’ (Garrido 2017; Barakos and Selleck 2018) which defines who can access certain resources, e. g. education, work etc., and who can be left playing catch-up. The latter are those migrants who I here conceive as multilinguals on the margins. The elitist system is a form of domination and power over those whose language repertoire is less valued. Migrants’ disadvantage is further impacted by other indicators of their identity that can go beyond their educational qualifications and language repertoire per se, such as their country of origin, ethnicity, race, gender, citizenship etc. Language intersects with other forms of disadvantage or privileges. From an ethnographic sociolinguistic perspective, drawing on interviews and participant observations, this paper will illustrate this intersection of language, race and ethnicity, and struggles from the ground-level educational realities and aspirations of Cape Verdean migrants and their descendants in Luxembourg. This helps cast light on the social organisation in Luxembourg and understand the effects of multilingualism in creating ‘abyssal lines’ (Santos 2007) between the nationals, certain European migrants, Lusophone and African migrants in terms of social and economic mobility.
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Schrauwen, Annette. "Book Review: Mandating Identity. Citizenship, Kinship Laws and Plural Nationality in the European Union, by E. Horváth; The Integration of Cultural Considerations in EU Law and Policies." Legal Issues of Economic Integration 36, Issue 4 (November 1, 2009): 369–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/leie2009025.
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FLIGSTEIN, NEIL, ALINA POLYAKOVA, and WAYNE SANDHOLTZ. "European Integration, Nationalism and European Identity." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 50 (February 9, 2012): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.2011.02230.x.
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Lehning, Percy B. "European Citizenship: Towards a European Identity?" Law and Philosophy 20, no. 3 (May 2001): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3505100.
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Follesdal, Andreas. "A Common European Identity for European Citizenship?" German Law Journal 15, no. 5 (August 1, 2014): 765–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019131.
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Over the past two decades, authors, many of whom are included in this volume, have addressed several salient foundational issues concerning citizenship in Europe. Others in this volume address some of these issues—such as the relationship between national and European citizenship regarded as multilevel (Rainer Baubock and Ulf Bernitz), the relationship between citizenship and legal human rights (Samantha Besson), the relationship between citizenship and political rights in particular (Agustin Menendez and Jo Shaw), and citizenship and social rights (Stefano Giuboni).This essay elaborates on the need for shared values among those who share citizenship in Europe, as either citizens of Member States engaged in multilevel governance or as Union citizens. The European crisis has increased the call for such values, and also shows that people contest these values. The issues include: What is the responsible exercise of political rights in national elections with repercussions for EU governance, how to trust authorities at all levels concerning human rights, the extent of cross-border solidarity at the risk of free-riders, and the trust that the political and legal order will remain responsive to the best interests of all affected.
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Freedman, Jane. "Citizenship, Borders and Identity in an Enlarging EU JOAN DEBARDELEBEN (ed.), Soft or Hard Borders? Managing the Divide in an Enlarged Europe, Ashgate, 2005, 214 pp., ISBN 0 7546 4338 7, £49.95. FIORELLA DELL’OLIO, The Europeanization of Citizenship: Between the Ideology of Nationality, Immigration and European Identity,Ashgate, 2005, 170 pp., ISBN 0 7546 3595 3, £50.00." Parliamentary Affairs 59, no. 4 (September 11, 2006): 709–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsl041.
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Gusnelly, Gusnelly. "DIASPORA DAN IDENTITAS KOMUNITAS EKSIL ASAL INDONESIA DI BELANDA." Jurnal Kajian Wilayah 8, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jkw.v8i1.760.
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This paper is the result of research on Indonesian migration that focuses on the diaspora of the exile community in the Netherlands. The purpose to discuss this issue is to tell about the existence of an Indonesian community that has been exiled from the country for decades and became stateless or lost citizenship, because its passport was revoked by the Indonesian government. They are the generation who have been forced to move to several countries and choose to seek asylum in various Western European countries after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The history of their existence abroad as a result of the event of G30S/1965. They were abroad when the G30S occurred in the country. Their departure abroad was in the leftist (socialist) countries of the mid-1960s not because of political affairs but for various interests, but in fact it was related to the occurrence of the G30S/1965. In 1989 with the fall of communism and the end of the cold war after the collapse of the superpower of the Soviet Union, most of them have registered themselves as asylum seekers to several countries in Western Europe, including to the Netherlands. As a Dutch citizen, their descendants get education and work in the Netherlands. Their descendants feel that the Dutch or Europeans are his identity but the exiles keep their nationalism for Indonesia. We call that with long-distance nationalism.Keywords: Dutch, diaspora, exile community, asylum, citizenshipABSTRAKTulisan ini merupakan hasil penelitian tentang migrasi orang Indonesia yang fokus pada diaspora komunitas eksil di Belanda. Tujuan untuk membahas masalah ini adalah untuk menceritakan tentang keberadaan komunitas Indonesia yang sejak puluhan tahun terbuang dari tanah air dan menjadi stateless atau kehilangan kewarganegaraan, sebab pasportnya dicabut oleh pemerintah Indonesia. Mereka merupakan anak bangsa dari satu generasi yang terpaksa pindah ke beberapa negara dan memilih mencari suaka ke berbagai negara Eropa Barat pascaruntuhnya Uni Soviet. Sejarah keberadaan mereka di luar negeri sebagai akibat dari peristiwa G30S tahun 1965. Mereka sedang berada di luar negeri ketika terjadi peristiwa G30S di dalam negeri. Kepergian mereka ke luar negeri yaitu di negara-negara beraliran kiri (sosialis) di pertengahan tahun 60-an bukan karena hanya karena urusan politik, tetapi untuk berbagai kepentingan, namun pada kenyataannya disangkutpautkan dengan terjadinya peristiwa G30S tahun 1965 tersebut. Pada tahun 1989 dengan kejatuhan komunisme dan berakhirnya perang dingin setelah keruntuhan negara adi kuasa Uni Soviet sebagian besar mereka telah mendaftarkan diri menjadi pencari suaka ke beberapa negara di Eropa Barat, termasuk ke Belanda. Sebagai warga negara Belanda, anak keturunannya mendapatkan pendidikan dan bekerja di Belanda. Anak-anak keturunannya merasa Belanda atau Eropa adalah identitasnya akan tetapi orang eksil tetap menjaga nasionalisme mereka buat tanah airnya yaitu Indonesia. Kami menyebutnya dengan nasionalisme jarak jauh. Kata Kunci: Belanda, diaspora, komunitas eksil, suaka, kewarganegaraan
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Touraine, Alain. "Nation, nationalism and citizenship." European Review 3, no. 4 (October 1995): 273–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700001599.
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The idea of nation has been created in Holland and Britain, in the United States and France, as a community of citizens, as a political society which gives a practical expression to universal rights by transforming freedom, equality and justice, into laws and reforms.But, even if the claim for national independence has often associated universalistic principles with the defense of a concrete, historically and culturally defined community, from the second half of the XIXth Century on, aggressive nationalism has been more and more predominant as the defense of the specificity and even of the superiority of a given Volk or Narod, to mention German and Russian notions. We reached extreme points of anti-liberalism, both with a racial or ethnic definition of the nation and with a cultural or a religious one.It is inaccurate to think that economic globalization overcomes and limits nationalism. On the contrary, our world is dominated by the growing separation between ‘open’ economies and ‘closed’ cultures, dissociation which entails a basic crisis or even a decomposition of all social and political mediations.We feel the necessity to reassert the role of political, national or local institutions not as instruments of legitimation of the State but as mediations between globalized economies and identity-obsessed cultures.
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Gamberale, Carlo. "European citizenship and political identity." Space and Polity 1, no. 1 (May 1997): 37–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13562579708721754.
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Šenkár, Patrik. "POSITIONS OF PORTAYAL OF HUMAN BEING AND FREEDOM IN THE HUNGARIAN POEMS BY IMRE FUHL." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 13, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 461–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2019-13-3-461-469.
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The contribution points to the viable creative existence of the poetic words in Hungary. It is based on specific attributes of identity, emphasizing the specifics of a complex individual being (especially in our case of youth) in a given chronotope. The theoretical backgrounds are gradually applied to the concrete literary texts of Imre Fuhl, who still has a specific position in the cultural development in contemporary Hungary (Slovak nationality, Hungarian state citizenship, European thinking, world spirit). He is a versatile creative person of his society (journalist, editor, cultural officer, prosaist, in our perception especially poet). He reports on his nationality, but since his poetic debut he has been bilingual (it means Hungarian, too). An integral part of the contribution is an analysis of his poems originally written in Hungarian, which were published in his own individual collections (books). At that complexity are highlighted Fuhl's poetic impulses, themes, motives and expressions. Intriguing stories of a multicultural individual (lyrical subject) in various socio-psychological relationships in the narrower and wider world around are presented. Naturally, the "youthful temperament" of the author comes to the fore, who, naturally, also reflects that point of view in his poems. On the basis of objective-subjective observations of reading experience within the framework of interpretation procedures, he highlights the question of freedom (national, minority, individual...), i. e. he gives special attention not only to the comprehensive complex existence, desires, determinations or resolutions, but also to some kind of youthful nonconformity, rebellion, pugnacity or adequate desire to change everything around us and in us. In such a perception, the oxymoronic poetic world is constantly concretized in individual verses: changes, develops, improves - is directed (perhaps) for the better. Against this background, the contribution concludes that Fuhl's poems have a significant share in identifying and shaping the creative literary atmosphere in contemporary Hungary (of course, it also sourced from the Hungarian, i. e. Finno-Ugric base). They are the points of contact between the national (minority) existence, identity and creative self-preservation. The contribution also presents specific excerpts from the originals, respectively, metatexts of specialists in the field, thus completing the author's idiolect. The result and benefit of the text is the introduction of generally valid, but also specific features (in the background of the chosen topic) not only from the aspect of the creative author, but also his specific literary work behind the given geographical and cultural intentions.
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Martin, Pablo San. "Nationalism, identity and citizenship in the Western Sahara." Journal of North African Studies 10, no. 3-4 (September 2005): 565–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380500336870.
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Delanty, Gerard. "Models of citizenship: Defining European identity and citizenship." Citizenship Studies 1, no. 3 (November 1997): 285–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621029708420660.
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Kuzio, Taras. "European Identity, Euromaidan, and Ukrainian Nationalism." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 22, no. 4 (October 2016): 497–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2016.1238249.
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Zweerde, Evert van der. ""Plurality in Unity": European Identity and European Citizenship." CREATIVITY STUDIES 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2009): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/2029-0187.2009.1.5-25.
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In this paper, an argument is developed in favour of further integration of “Europe” and, most importantly, its increased “politicization”. It is not based on any romantic or idealistic vision of a positive European cultural identity, but on an assessment of Europe's reality as already integrated economically, socially and ecologically, however lagging behind politically in terms of democratic government and citizenship. The seemingly endless discussions about Europe's identity, limit, unity, civilization, etc. are not a problem that is yet to be solved, but are, precisely, the core of what makes Europe what it is: a plurality in unity instead of a “unity in plurality”, as one of the official slogans of the European Union (EU) has it. Current social, economic and environmental problems require European solutions as well as a more active European citizenship. However, European civil identity that is to match European societal reality, will not be a unitary and homogeneous identity, but heterogeneous and diverse, covering a plurality of perceptions, preferences and ideals ‐ it will be plural, not as a first step towards unity, but in its core; and it will be divided, but not along national lines.
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Welsh, Jennifer M. "A Peoples' Europe? European Citizenship and European Identity." Politics 13, no. 2 (October 1993): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1993.tb00225.x.
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Akmir, Abdelouahed. "European Arabs: identity, education and citizenship." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1016762.
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The Arab diaspora, comprising Arab immigrants and their descendants, currently represents the highest percentage of Arabs living in Europe. They are Arabs and Europeans, but they are unlike the Arabs who were born in the Arab world and unlike the Europeans who inherited their European origins and culture from father to son. The difference between these European Arabs and other Europeans often makes them experience a state of cultural detachment, as well as crises of their education, identity and citizenship. This article is a modest attempt to examine this phenomenon whilst highlighting the obstacles facing European Arabs and to propose some solutions. Furthermore, it is a call to draw attention to the European Arabs who have played a successful role in their communities and to utilize them in raising awareness of Arab issues and rectifying the image of Arabs in Europe with the aim of supporting Euro-Arab dialogue and cooperation.
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Debeljak, Aleš. "European Forms of Belonging." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 17, no. 2 (May 2003): 151–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403017002001.
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The article questions collective identities of “imagined communities” involved in the process of European Union (EU) enlargement. Focusing on issues of citizenship, unity and diversity, nationalism, and patriotism, the author explores the process of EU enlargement from the viewpoint of the “other Europe” in general and Slovenia in particular. It presents the dilemmas of “new democracies” of Central and Eastern Europe and their reluctance to hand over their only recently won national sovereignty to a transnational entity of the EU. The author approaches the question of exclusivism and inclusivism through the scope of modern citizenship and the need of multiple identities that provide not only tolerance but also understanding and possible respect for the Other. On the other hand, it presents the strategies of both sides, the nationalism of candidate states, and the gethoisation (Schengen) of member states as they outline the possibility of a dim scenario of enlarged but internally divided Europe.
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Vetta, Theodora. "Revived nationalism versus European democracy." Focaal 2009, no. 55 (December 1, 2009): 74–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2009.550106.
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Following the Belgrade riots after Kosovo's proclamation of independence in February 2008 and the rise of the nationalist Serbian Radical Party in elections since 2001, several analysts have portrayed Serbia as a highly divided and confused nation unable to choose between a European, urban, and cosmopolitan democrat identity and a patriarchal, peasant, and collectivists nationalist one. This article historicizes this widespread culture-talk by ethnographically grounding it in particular processes that constitute Serbia's trajectory toward free market economy and liberal democracy. The concept of class as an analytical tool appears accurate in trying to understand people's biographies and political choices. By deconstructing popular cultural stereotypes of Radikali, the article argues that nationalism provides a framework that resonates most with the material and symbolic needs of a wide range of population. In the absence of a strong institutionalized left, the political choices of "nationalism's supporters" are based more on rational choice than on identity quests and strategies of manipulation.
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Rees, Kristoffer Michael, and Nora Webb Williams. "Explaining Kazakhstani identity: supraethnic identity, ethnicity, language, and citizenship." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 5 (September 2017): 815–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1288204.
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The demographic composition of Kazakhstan after the fall of the Soviet Union presented a dilemma to the new Kazakhstani government: Should it advance a Kazakh identity as paramount, possibly alienating the large non-Kazakh population? Or should it advocate for a non-ethnicized national identity? How would those decisions be made in light of global norms of liberal multiculturalism? And, critically, would citizens respond to new frames of identity? This paper provides an empirical look at supraethnic identity-building in Kazakhstan – that is, at the development of a national identity that individuals place above or alongside their ethnic identification. We closely examine the Assembly of People of Kazakhstan to describe how Kazakhstani policies intersect with theories of nationalism and nation-building. We then use ordered probit models to analyze data from a 2014 survey to examine how citizens of Kazakhstan associate with a “Kazakhstani” supraethnic identity. Our findings suggest that despite the Assembly of People's rhetoric, there are still significant barriers to citizen-level adoption of a supraethnic identity in Kazakhstan, particularly regarding language. However, many individuals do claim an association with Kazakhstani identity, especially those individuals who strongly value citizenship in the abstract.
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Strizhakova, Yuliya, and Robin A. Coulter. "Spatial Distance Construal Perspectives on Cause-Related Marketing: The Importance of Nationalism in Russia." Journal of International Marketing 27, no. 1 (January 18, 2019): 38–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1069031x18821082.
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Consumers around the globe expect firms to contribute to environmentally and socially responsible causes. Using construal level theory with a spatial distance lens, we examine effects of spatial proximity of the firm (domestic firm vs. foreign multinational corporation [MNC]), cause (domestic vs. global), and consumer cultural identity (locally oriented: nationalism and consumer ethnocentrism; distantly oriented: global identity and global citizenship through global brands) on consumer attitudes toward the firm. Across three studies with a focus on Russia and environmental causes, we consistently find that nationalism moderates consumer attitudes, whereas consumer ethnocentrism, global identity, and global citizenship through global brands do not. When firms engage in cause-related marketing and focus on proximal causes, nationalistic consumers are more favorable toward domestic firms (vs. foreign MNCs). When firms are not engaged in cause-related marketing, consumers with stronger nationalism are more favorable toward domestic firms, and consumers with weaker nationalism are more favorable toward foreign MNCs. Importantly, the effects of nationalism are mitigated when foreign MNCs and domestic firms engage with global causes. Product involvement, environmental concerns, and marketplace skepticism are predictors of attitudes toward the firm. The results highlight the importance of considering the socio-historical-political context of a given country and locally oriented nationalistic beliefs.
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Swimelar, Safia. "Nationalism and Europeanization in LGBT Rights and Politics: A Comparative Study of Croatia and Serbia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 3 (November 29, 2018): 603–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418805135.
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LGBT rights have come to be seen as allied with the idea of “Europe” and a European identity, particularly in the process of European Union enlargement to the East. Scholars have examined the ways in which external norms interact with more local, often “traditional” norms and identities. In this process, nationalism and conceptions of national identity and gender/sexuality norms can be seen as important factors that influence the domestic adoption of LGBT rights, particularly in the post-war Balkans. Croatia and Serbia (from approximately 2000 to 2014) present two interesting and different cases to analyze how discourses and dynamics of national and state identity construction, nationalism, and LGBT rights relate to discourses of “Europeanness” and European identity and how these affect the political dynamics of LGBT rights. This article finds that in Croatia, national identity was constructed in terms of convergence with European norms and identity, homonationalism was used to distinguish themselves from a “Balkan” identity, and there was a lower threat perception of the LGBT community framed primarily as a “threat to the family.” In Serbia, state and national identity was constructed in opposition to Europe and homosexuality had stronger threat perception, framed primarily as “threat to the nation.” In short, nationalism and national identity were less disadvantageous as a domestic constraint to LGBT rights in Croatia than in Serbia. The dynamics between nationalism and LGBT rights played out, for example, in the politics of the marriage referendum, Pride Parades, and public discourse more generally. This research contributes to the scholarship on LGBT rights and nationalism by empirically analyzing the different ways that nationalism, gender/sexuality, and European identity interrelate and influence LGBT rights change in a changing post-war identity landscape and how domestic constraints affect human rights norm diffusion.