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Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism – Europe, Western – Case studies'
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1
Lieberman, Victor. "Ethnic Hatred and Universal Benevolence: Ethnicity and Loyalty in Precolonial Myanmar, and Britain." Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, no. 2 (March 25, 2021): 310–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000062.
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AbstractInsisting on a radical divide between post-1750 ideologies in Europe and earlier political thought in both Europe and Asia, modernist scholars of nationalism have called attention, quite justifiably, to European nationalisms’ unique focus on popular sovereignty, legal equality, territorial fixity, and the primacy of secular over universal religious loyalties. Yet this essay argues that nationalism also shared basic developmental and expressive features with political thought in pre-1750 Europe as well as in rimland—that is to say outlying—sectors of Asia. Polities in Western Europe and rimland Asia were all protected against Inner Asian occupation, all enjoyed relatively cohesive local geographies, and all experienced economic and social pressures to integration that were not only sustained but surprisingly synchronized throughout the second millennium. In Western Europe and rimland Asia each major state came to identify with a named ethnicity, specific artifacts became badges of inclusion, and central ethnicity expanded and grew more standardized. Using Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain as case studies, this essay reconstructs these centuries-long similarities in process and form between “political ethnicity,” on the one hand, and modern nationalism, on the other. Finally, however, this essay explores cultural and material answers to the obvious question: if political ethnicities in Myanmar and pre-1750 England/Britain were indeed comparable, why did the latter realm alone generate recognizable expressions of nationalism? As such, this essay both strengthens and weakens claims for European exceptionalism.
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Aryal, Manish. "Neo-Nationalism: A Tool for National Integrity." Unity Journal 2 (August 3, 2021): 145–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38821.
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An ever-growing trend of radical rightist parties has brought newer dynamics to world politics. Neo-nationalism has further substantiated national integrity for changing the socio-cultural, economic and political landscape brought by globalization during the 1980s. The paper intends to analyze the concept of neo-nationalism. The paper explores this concept through an intensive study of the origin and background of neonationalism. In the paper, a study is conducted on the use of national integrity and patriotism to implement the concept of neo-nationalism in those countries. The major precautions in adopting the neo-nationalism concept are discussed in the project. A deep study is undertaken to investigate reasons that have led the world on a modern neo-nationalist order are discussed. Four peculiar reasons, in particular, the oil crisis, the collapse of the USSR and 9/11, financial and refugee crisis, and new nationalists focusing on national integrity have remained key contributors to the formation of the neo-nationalist society in the modern world. The paper studies all the reasons in depth and analyzes the key factors which might determine the new world order. The paper also uses two contemporary examples of Scotland and Western Europe to study the effects of neo-nationalism. A proper comprehensive study is done to recognize the concept of neo-nationalism and its effect on societies. The positive and negative effects are expanded to formulate a better cohesive study. Neo-nationalism is found to be a double-edged sword with monumental benefits and drawbacks. Its concept must be adopted with proper care and precaution so that major extremity groups wouldn’t be formulated.
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Kojanec, Giovanni. "Part III: Prospects for and Barriers to Implementation: Case Studies: The UN Convention and the European Instruments for the Protection of the Migrants." International Migration Review 25, no. 4 (December 1991): 818–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839102500408.
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Two different situations concerning migration are present in Western Europe today: the EEC system and the framework of rules established independently of that system by specific treaties. The EEC regulations are based on the principle of freedom of movement, stay and work for nationals of a member state in the territory of all other member states, equality of treatment with nationals of the host country being strictly applicable. Outside the Community context, a number of multilateral treaties between member states of the Council of Europe, whose rules have been developed mainly on the basis of principles established by ILO Conventions, are in force, all inspired by the following guiding principles: safeguarding the right of each state to decide on the admission of foreign immigrants; affirming the guarantee of equal treatment to immigrants legally admitted and limiting the application of said rules to nationals of the contracting parties. Basic civil and political rights are protected, independently of nationality, with regard to every person within the jurisdiction of states parties to the European Convention on Human Rights. Consequently, the UN Convention is essentially relevant for those migrant workers present in Europe who are nationals of those states not members of the EEC or not parties to those European conventions. Particularly important are the provisions concerning irregular migrations.
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Ramdhan, Muhammad Angga. "POLITIK KETAHANAN NASIONAL." Jurnal Dinamika Global 4, no. 02 (January 8, 2020): 347–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v4i02.137.
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The rise of nationalism values among democratic election in Western Europe had brought back the trend of classical realism in current international relations. Brexit phenomena, in which Great Britain choose to withdraw from European Union membership, is not separated from the trend. The phenomena become interesting case studies when compared to Indonesian election in 2019 where national resilience becomes the political focus. Using classical realism, this article aimed to understand why populism movement based on national resilience values was accepted in Brexit referendum but insignificant in Indonesian election. From the inquiries, this article concludes that populism movement emphasizing threats and nationalistic approach works in Great Britain due to instability caused by migrant, while Indonesia was much stable due to stronger national resilience against threats.
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Piirimäe, Kaarel. "Federalism in the Baltic: Interpretations of Self-Determination and Sovereignty in Estonia in the First Half of the Twentieth Century." East Central Europe 39, no. 2-3 (2012): 237–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-03903004.
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The objective of this article is to challenge the widespread interpretation of interwar East Central Europe as a hotbed of excessive nationalism, by establishing a longue durée of federalist thinking in Estonia in the first half of the twentieth century. By focusing on personal continuities from the founding years of the Estonian Republic into the 1940s, it is possible to detect a remarkable persistence of ‘idealist’ visions about intra and interstate federalism that had been internalized by Estonian statesmen before and during the First World War and earlier. Apart from establishing the continuity of federalist thought the article analyzes the political discourse in which the concept of national self-determination was picked up. The primary framework for Estonian thinkers on nationality was the debate that developed within the all-Russian socialist movement in the context of the nationality problems of the multinational Western provinces and Congress Poland. The discourse on territorial and cultural autonomy within a federative Russia, demands that came to the fore in 1905, developed only after the idea of self-determination entered the thinking of Estonian radicals. Until late 1917, asserting the right to self-determination by no means meant separation from Russia. Even after 1917 Estonian politicians imagined the future republic as part of a regional league or union relinquishing part of its sovereignty to a supranational authority, plans that foundered on the incompatibility of national interests by 1920. Although the experience had not been encouraging, Baltic politicians resuscitated federalist concepts in the early period of the Second World War, as they tried to envisage a new structure for a cooperative and autonomous East Central Europe, within a restored Europe.
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Kazemi, Sona. "Whose Disability (Studies)?" Canadian Journal of Disability Studies 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cjds.v8i4.530.
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This article is part of a larger inquiry into the production of disabled bodies due to violence. I examine processes of disablement in the global south, namely Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, by wars launched and nurtured by both the local nation-states in the Middle East as well as the global north - the United States, Russia, and Western Europe. Utilizing a dialectical and historical materialist approach, I studied the Iran-Iraq war, the longest war of the 20th century. I explore how the disablement of global southern bodies in imperialist and nationalist wars is persistently naturalized – that is, attributed to the natural state of affairs in those regions, with the inevitable consequence that they cannot be connected to the violence of ongoing global and regional imperialism. This paper briefly touches upon the theoretical framework and methodology utilized to conduct this research, as well as the “problem” of disability in Iran. Subsequently, it goes on to extensively discuss the living conditions of the surviving Iranian veterans and surviving civilians of the Iran-Iraq war told through their own resilient voices. The veterans’ narratives expose their post-war experiences, including poverty, unemployment, inadequate medical-care, lack of medication due to the U.S.-imposed economic sanctions, and the presence of a dysfunctional disability-measurement system employed by the Iranian state. As a survivor of this war myself, I invite the reader to bear witness to how the violence of imperialism and nationalism not only renders people disabled, but also fetishizes their disablement by masking/mystifying the socio-political and economic relations that mediate the violent processes that render people disabled. By focusing on the veterans’ actual living conditions, this paper seeks to defetishize disablement, shifting the narrative of disabled veterans and civilians from tales of terrorism, heroism, living martyrdom, and patriotism, towards recognition of disability of/in human beings in need of care and support.
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Sandu-Dediu, Valentina. "The Beginnings of Romanian Composition: Between Nationalism and the Obsession with Synchronizing with the West." Nineteenth-Century Music Review 14, no. 3 (December 2017): 315–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479409817000179.
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Romanian composition in the nineteenth century went through rapid changes, moving from a Greek-oriental sound world to a Western European one. It is interesting to examine, in this context, the musicians’ quest for a ‘national’ sound and identity. Analysis of piano miniatures or vaudeville, the favourite genre of the Romanian audience in the first half of the century, shows eclectic combinations of urban folk music with sources of inspiration borrowed from popular foreign melodies. The second half of the century seems to be marked in modern scholarship by premieres: some composers are included in Romanian history just for the merit of writing the first Romanian symphony, the first string quartet, the first opera, and so forth. Their work led towards the constitution of a ‘national language’ adapted to genres borrowed from contemporary Western European music.In addition to demonstrating these ideas in the work of a number of Romanian composers (Josef Herfner, Ioan Andrei Wachmann, Anton Pann, Alexandru Flechtenmacher, Ludwig Anton Wiest, Carol Miculi, George Stephănescu, Constantin Dimitrescu, Gavriil Musicescu, Eduard Caudella, George Dima, Ciprian Porumbescu, Iacob Mureşianu, Dumitru Georgescu Kiriac, Alfonso Castaldi, Eduard Wachmann), the present article also encompasses two case studies. The first is Franz Liszt’s tour through the Romanian Countries, which offers a clearer image of the popular ideas circulating within the musical scene of the time. Liszt’s initiative to emphasize the national spirit through folk quotations reworked in rhapsodies should have inspired Romanian musicians; we will see whether this actually happened. The second case study concerns the musical life of Bucharest around 1900, when the directions of Romanian modern music were being traced, and cautious and selective steps were made toward harmonizing with Europe began.
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Kyrchanoff, M. W. "POLITICS OF MEMORY IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN AS A NON-WESTERN FORM OF HISTORICAL POLITICS (BETWEEN THE VALUES OF THE UMMAH AND THE PRINCIPLES OF NATIONALISM)." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(55) (2021): 46–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-4-46-55.
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The author analyzes the main features and directions of the policy of historical memory in the Islamic Republic of Iran, proclaimed in the 1979. Analyzing the politics of memory in Iran, the author transplants those models of explanation and interpretation to Iranian contexts, which were originally proposed for the study of ideologically mo-tivated manipulations of history in Europe. It is assumed that the politics of memory depends on the dynamics of political and socio-economic modernization in its Islamic version. Elites actively use history and the past as symbolic resources in their attempts to legitimize regime, and the politics of memory has become one of the dimensions of Iranian political imagination, integrated into the Shia political discourse. The main forms of politically and ideologi-cally motivated manipulations with history in the Islamization contexts are presented. The author states that the Irani-an elites are active in their attempts to marginalize the Zoroastrian and pre-Islamic heritage, imagined as alien cultur-ally and anti-Islamic traditions. Therefore, the early policy of memory in Iran was radical and repressive in its nature. The author analyzes the radical forms of the politics of memory, including the destruction of historical and cultural monuments. It is assumed that political Islam and the values of the Ummah in the historical imagination of Iran be-came more important factors than Iranian ethnic nationalism. In general, the article shows the interdependence of the memorial politics of the non-secular Shia regime and Iranian nationalism, despite its marginalization. The author presumes that the politics of memory belongs to the few spheres of social and cultural life of Islamic Republic of Iran, where Iranian secular intellectuals can visualize their identity and nationalist preferences. The historical politics in Iran actualizes the peculiarities of ideological struggle of the Shia regime against the Iranian political emigration, which criticizes Islamization. The results of the politics of memory also demonstrate the significant potential of the historical experience (Iranian-Iraqi war) as a stimulus for consolidation and promotion of loyalty. Therefore, the au-thor analyzes the politics of memory as a constantly revising project, declaring the need for its further interdiscipli-nary analysis.
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Rausch, Helke. "Staging Realms of the Past in 19th-Century Western Europe: Comparing Monumental Strategies of Middle-Class Nationalists." East Central Europe 36, no. 1 (2009): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633009x411467.
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AbstractIn large parts of late 19th-century Europe, monumental landscapes in the metropoles appear as public platforms where national realms of the pasts were invented. Public statues installed in Paris, Berlin and London would hardly express coherent national mentalities. They rather symbolize their initiator's propagandist attempts at defining the nation while they could be perceived quite controversially. Beyond state-dominated images of the nation in Berlin, there were attempts at referring to more liberal demands in the German national movement. In London, the seemingly consensual recourse to British Monarchy testifies to the fact that monument committees transformed the concept of monarchy into a common reference point of civic patriotism while public reference to the highly non-egalitarian social order was ignored. In Paris, the placement of national cult figures was even more part of a controversial process and hardly exemplified a constantly assured French nation. A comparative analysis of rhetorical strategies and their repercussions upon the public could add to a pluralistic European history of resilient nationalistic rhetorics and their questionable success in each case.
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Abăseacă, Raluca. "Collective memory and social movements in times of crisis: the case of Romania." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 4 (July 2018): 671–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2017.1379007.
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Social movements are not completely spontaneous. On the contrary, they depend on past events and experiences and are rooted in specific contexts. By focusing on three case studies – the student mobilizations of 2011 and 2013, the anti-government mobilizations of 2012, and the protests against the Rosia Montana Gold Corporation project of 2013 – this article aims to investigate the role of collective memory in post-2011 movements in Romania. The legacy of the past is reflected not only in a return to the symbols and frames of the anti-Communist mobilizations of 1989 and 1990, but also in the difficulties of the protesters to delimit themselves from nationalist actors, to develop global claims, and to target austerity and neoliberalism. Therefore, even in difficult economic conditions, Romanian movements found it hard to align their efforts with those of the Indignados/Occupy movements. More generally, the case of Romania proves that activism remains rooted in the local and national context, reflecting the memories, experiences, and fears of the mobilized actors, in spite of the spread of a repertoire of action from Western and southern Europe.
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MARX, CHRISTIAN. "Reorganization of Multinational Companies in the Western European Chemical Industry: Transformations in Industrial Management and Labor, 1960s to 1990s." Enterprise & Society 21, no. 1 (July 22, 2019): 38–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2019.28.
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Multinationals experienced a great growth after the European postwar boom. Factors in the 1970s included increasing competition from the United States, the emerging European market, as well as ongoing economic crises and changes in the international economy. The articles analyzes three case studies of Western European chemical companies—Hoechst, Akzo, and Rhône-Poulenc—to show the consequences of structural changes on management and the workforce. This article argues that (1) domestic export-oriented supplement investments lost importance, and the domestic workforce had a harder time meeting qualification requirements; (2) organizational changes incorporated divisional competitive elements into a company’s organization of work; and (3) managers had to learn to respect national path dependencies and specific skills of the local workforce. Furthermore, it illustrates the developments of the workforce in Europe and abroad and stresses the importance of nationality within the management of multinationals.
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Đorđević, Ivan. "Whose game is this? An overview at the role of football in the construction of national identity." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, no. 1 (February 25, 2016): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i1.5.
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In this paper I will consider the ways in which national identity is constructed through football, by analyzing different case studies foremost in the countries of Western Europe which are, in public narratives, signified as “developed”. I will attempt to point out the fact that, despite the weakening of the prerogative of the nation-state, the identity which refers to such a state is still strong, and that football is one of those cultural elements though which such identification is encouraged and supported. On the other hand, through analyzing the “nation building” through football project in countries which, supposedly represent the ideal for a transitional country like Serbia, in both the economic and political sense, it is my intent to point out that the ideology of nationalism and its instrumentalization in the media, such as that given in the examples, is by no means locally specific nor connected to so-called “insufficiently modernized societies”, where this term, in itself has the ideological weight in context – that we could thus refer to certain societies as “enough” or “completely” modernized. On the contrary, these models, more or less, function the same way everywhere, only they are historically determined, and greatly dependent on momentary power relations, or that which the dominant discourse in continual hegemonic struggles defines as the desirable image of “nation”, “economy” or anything else.
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Vuletic, Dean. "Out of the homeland: The Croatian Right and Gay Rights." Southeastern Europe 37, no. 1 (2013): 36–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03701003.
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This article discusses how the Croatian right’s attitudes towards gay rights have been defined by nationalism and Europeanism. It focusses on the Croatian Democratic Union (Hrvatska demokratska zajednica, HDZ), which has dominated Croatian politics since it was first elected to government in 1990. It led Croatia to independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 and through the homeland War from 1991 to 1995, and it also started and finished Croatia’s negotiations for accession to the European Union from 2005 to 2011. The HDZ government did not actively address gay rights in Croatia in the 1990s, especially since it espoused a heteronationalism influenced by Roman Catholic teachings. Homosexuality was usually mentioned by HDZ officials only in negative terms, such as when allegations of it were used to discredit critics or opponents. Although the HDZ government had sought to integrate Croatia with Western Europe, it was isolated by the West in the late 1990s because of its authoritarian and nationalist tendencies. However, after its electoral defeat in 2000, the HDZ transformed itself into a more moderate right-wing party, and it returned to government in 2003. Subsequently, it had to actively address gay rights, as these had become a prominent political issue under the previous government and with the rise of a local gay movement. As the HDZ government placed EU accession at the centre of its programme, it also came under pressure from the EU to adopt anti-discrimination laws to protect sexual minorities. However, the HDZ continues to oppose the expansion of gay rights in debates on same-sex marriage or adoption rights for same-sex couples, which are not required for admission into the EU, and it continues to do this with references to traditional Croatian and Catholic values.
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Sorescu, Andrei Dan. "National History as a History of Compacts." East Central Europe 45, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 63–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04501004.
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This article aims to show that concepts originating in the vocabulary of international relations were crucial to the rhetoric of nation-building in mid-nineteenth-century Europe. A close examination of the Romanian context elucidates in a more general way historical actors’ reflections and critiques of this conceptual vocabulary as well as the permeable nature of the (inter)national in the given historical context. The article explores two conceptual pairs: jus Gentium versus jus publicum Europaeum, and sovereignty versus suzerainty. In the process, it shows how Romanian nation- and state-builders became scholars of international relations. This they did in an effort to demonstrate the historically grounded sovereignty of the Romanian Principalities, in a manner compatible with the prevailing norms of the law of nations. The emphasis on a contractual relationship with the Ottoman Empire allowed for the assertion of national agency, both in the past and in the present. Increasingly focused on the imperfect translatability of concepts forged by the Western historical experience, pamphleteers of all stripes ultimately came to jettison the supposedly feudal, anachronistic vocabulary of suzerainty, militating for the inclusion of the Principalities as full parties in European public law. Thus, the article elucidates some significant conceptual tensions in the development of mid-nineteenth-century nationalism, simultaneously contributing to a growing body of scholarship on the intellectual history of international relations.
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Núñez, Xosé-Manoel. "Nations and Territorial Identities in Europe: Transnational Reflections." European History Quarterly 40, no. 4 (September 9, 2010): 669–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691410375163.
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This essay aims to explore the question of the difference between ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ European nationalism in historical terms, and to inquire whether it makes sense to refer to a dichotomy between ethnic and civic nationalism intrinsically related to that divide, ascribing them to certain areas of Europe according to historians’ own ‘mental maps’. Taking into account the existing links between nationalism, national history and the emergence of history as an academic discipline, an exploration of the ‘territorial entanglements’ still evident in a large part of the scholarly literature will attempt to highlight the key issue as to whether it is possible to identify a ‘European way’ of studying nationalism and territorial identities, or whether it is more convenient to proceed to a ‘reprovincialization’ of European nationalism(s).
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Hjerm, Mikael. "National Sentiments in Eastern and Western Europe*." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 4 (December 2003): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000152933.
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In a world of presumed nation-states nation has been, and still is, an intrinsic part of political legitimization. The claim of nationality has played an important role in such legitimization for the last two centuries. More than this, it has also constituted a fundamental collective entity for an individual's understanding of who they are in relation to those who are perceived as not sharing the nationality. This is nothing new, but in an era of globalization we are witnessing the rebirth of nationalism and nationality (Castells, 1997), where the power struggle over the political agenda will increasingly be about the struggle for the right to identity and the risks of exclusion from the national community. Even if this is the case it stands clear that everyday nationalism and nationalist struggles take different forms in different parts of the world.
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Dikici, Erdem. "Immigration-nationalism-religion nexus: remaking 21st century Western Europe." Ethnic and Racial Studies 43, no. 13 (June 8, 2020): 2427–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1762908.
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Perry, Andy. "Japan, America and Western Europe: nationalism, bilateralism or trilateralism?" Asian Studies Association of Australia. Review 9, no. 2 (November 1985): 142–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147538508712397.
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Barker, Philip. "IMMIGRATION AND RELIGIOUS NATIONALISM IN EUROPE." POLITICS AND RELIGION JOURNAL 12, no. 1 (March 24, 2018): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1201127b.
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Previous research has established that the concept of difference is critical in national identity formation. This paper applies these broad understandings of identity formation to current immigration trends in Europe by looking at the relationship between immigration, nationalism, and religiosity in the European context. If theories about religious difference are accurate, then states with large and increasing numbers of Muslim immigrants should show stronger and increasing measures of religious (Christian) nationalism as Europeans fall back on religion as a key tool in self-identification. This hypothesis is tested by using OLS regression and Logit to calculate the strength of the relationship between religion and nationalism in central and western European states using data drawn from World Values and European Values Surveys. Additional controls, including age, sex, education, income, and political orientation are also included. The resulting measure of religious nationalism is then examined in relationship to immigration trends across the continent. The findings show an increased, albeit complicated, link between religion and nationalism in countries with higher levels of non-EU immigration, and therefore partially support the hypothesis. The findings also show that increased religious diversity undermines religious nationalism over time, therefore painting a mixed picture for the future of identity politics in Europe.
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Akirav, Osnat. "Intersectional Representation Between Gender, Religion, and Nationality." Review of European Studies 13, no. 4 (November 15, 2021): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v13n4p32.
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Immigrants who came to Europe in recent decades (work immigrants and/or refugees) grapple with intersectional identities, such as religion, nationality and gender, yet current political research addresses these issues only in part. To address these omissions, I conducted a content analysis of all parliamentary questions Muslim representatives raised in their parliamentary activities in three Western countries. I also investigated whether the representatives' invisibility pertains only to their descriptive representation or whether it affects their substantive representation by analyzing five research hypotheses for differences in the content of the parliamentary questions. I found that male and female Muslim representatives ask parliamentary questions about Muslim men and women. In addition, I developed an Intersectional Representation Index to measure and demonstrate the complexities Muslim representatives face in Western countries. The index shows that such representatives have several identities, some of which have become invisible, as previous studies indicated.
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VILALLONGA, BORJA. "THE THEORETICAL ORIGINS OF CATHOLIC NATIONALISM IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 2 (June 26, 2014): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000031.
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Catholicism's contribution to the development of nationalist ideology, and more generally to the process of European nation building in the nineteenth century, has been neglected. Most previous work has concentrated instead on varieties of liberal nationalism. In fact, Catholic intellectuals forged a whole nationalist discourse, but from traditional-conservative and orthodox doctrine. This essay charts a transnational path through Latin European countries, whose thinkers pioneered the theoretical development of Catholic nationalism. The Latin countries–France, Italy, and Spain, especially–were the homeland of Catholicism and theological, philosophical, historical, and political theories originating in it had a tremendous impact on the general formation of Western nationalism. This essay examines the formation, evolution, and consolidation of Catholic nationalism through “New Catholicism,” showing how the nation-state project and modernity itself were rethought in a new conservative and Catholic form.
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Eperjesi, Zoltán. "Certain Aspects of Mental Mapping and the Origins of the Nationalism in Eastern Europe / Câteva aspecte legate de numirea regiunilor şi originile naționalismului ȋn Europa de Est." Hiperboreea A2, no. 2-5 (January 1, 2013): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.2-5.0042.
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Abstract Author searches for the scientific origins of nationalisms in the region of Eastern Europe. The evaluation starts with an intellectual experiment by trying to understand certain complex aspects of mental mapping concerning the regional concepts of Eastern and Central Europe. Author examines certain historical definitions on nationalisms as extreme forms of patriotism re-emerged after the turnaround of 1989/1990 in the region of Eastern or Central Europe, in the Balkans. However, it is fact, that nationalism as such is still present today even in the Western part of Europe, thus it is in the middle of modern civilisations, despite intricate internationalisation processes. According to the author, it is necessary to understand the impact of communism on the development of nationalisms in Central and Eastern Europe, because this could be a connection link by evaluating different prevalent forms of nationalism in today's Europe.
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Skorokhodova, Tatiana G. "The problem of the nation and nationalism in the social-philosophical thought of Rabindranath Tagore." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Philosophy and Conflict Studies 37, no. 3 (2021): 464–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu17.2021.308.
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Rabindranath Tagore’s lectures Nationalism (1916) were an early attempt to interpret and analyze the phenomenon from the social-philosophical point of view. In non-Western social thought it was one of first approaches to comprehend nationalism in its fullness and complexity of content with the complex of its objective consequences. Based on hermeneutical methods and phenomenological approach, the author offers a reconstruction of Tagore’s theoretical interpretation of nationalism in a broad social context from India to the East and the West. The interpretation is based on Tagore’s understanding of the nation as a mechanical organization for economic and political purposes, born in the “political civilization” of Europe. According to him, the nation is the problem for all societies both Western and non-Western, because it destructs its freedom, morality and humanity, and generates conflicts, aggression, violence and war. Nationalism is presented as “perfect organization of power” for domination over other peoples, as well as over their own society. Both constructs are exported to non-Western peoples who are not nations, and consequently create difficult problems in their societies. For Eastern peoples both ways of responding to Western nationalism’s challenge are dangerous in Tagore’s opinion. The first is nation-building by the state according to the Western model which turns into statism and militarism (the example of Japan). The second response is an attempt to solve social problems through belief in the achievement of political independence (the example of India). Essentially, Tagore had anticipated the modernist (constructivist) approach to the analysis of nationalism as an artificial and purposeful mechanism for achieving political goals, primarily in regard to the state, and pointed to the borrowed nature of nationalism in non-Western societies.
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Poniedziałek, Jacek. "Eastern and Central European ethnicism in light of Western studies on nation and nationalism." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 13, no. 1 (June 27, 2022): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.7659.
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The aim of this article is to critically analyze the binary concept of civic nations represented by the civic communities of Western Europe and ethnic groups living in Central and Eastern Europe. The works of Ernest Gellner and John Breuilly were selected for research because they have used the indicated concept in their texts, and have become an inspiration for many researchers of national issues. The former represents a deterministic trend of sociological inquiries, the latter – social constructivism. Due to the above, they are representative examples of academic reflection on national issues widespread in Western European thought. The research proposes to reject the binary model in which civil nations were characterized as rational and striving for consensus communities and ethnic groups as irrational communities striving for conflict. The analytical model characterizing nations as political and ethnic communities was proposed instead of it.
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Dobrescu, Caius. "Conflict and Diversity in East European Nationalism, on the Basis of a Romanian Case Study." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 17, no. 3 (August 2003): 393–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325403255306.
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Nationalism in Eastern Europe cannot be conceived apart from the inner conflicts of modernity at large. In one and the same country, it is widely conditioned by divergent in-grown historical traditions, educational backgrounds, interests, value systems, and principles. Nationalism in this area of the world has been and still is generated at the intersection between often irreconcilable Western intellectual influences and the intricacies accumulated in the local development processes. This study analyzes the main sources of conflict and diversification in the history of Romanian nationalism. Its conclusion is that the dynamics of defining nationhood imply so many centrifugal determinations and so many disagreeing but influential actors that it can be best understood as structurally open. This creates an unexpected prospect for integrating nationalism, seen as inherently fragmented, dispersed, and self-conflicting, in a process that might lead to a full-grown social, political, and cultural pluralism.
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Imre, Anikó. "Why Should We Study Socialist Commercials?" European Television Memories 2, no. 3 (June 30, 2013): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18146/2213-0969.2013.jethc033.
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This article looks at television’s so far neglected contribution as a relay and interpretive framework at the intersection of postsocialist memory and history studies. It zooms in on postsocialist nostalgia as a relational expression of a heterogeneous set of desires that operate in an intercultural network. Televisual nostalgia also implicates Western Europe and makes explicit a Western European longing for the divided Europe of the Cold War. This longing, in turn, shores up Europe’s repressed imperial history. Television’s role at the pressure points of postsocialist institutional and economic policy, consumption and narrative concerns makes it an indispensable window into the intertwined workings of nostalgia and nationalism within a postcolonial Europe.
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Nugteren, Albertina. "Hindu Ritual Dynamics: Case Studies from Contemporary Western Europe: Introduction." Journal of Religion in Europe 2, no. 2 (2009): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187489209x436991.
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AbstractIn the study of religion, Ninian Smart and Kim Knott were among the first to make a plea to investigate 'ethnic minority' or 'migrant' religion, and to indicate trends and patterns. In the 1990s a gradual vocabulary shift, from 'migration' to 'diaspora,' took place, at least in religious studies. Diaspora communities have increasingly become visible in public life, and their places of worship have begun to be recognisable features of the religious mosaic in many European cities. This special issue on Hindu ritual dynamics in western Europe starts with an introductory essay on some of the basic expressions used in the descriptions and analyses by the various authors. The introduction gives the reader a first impression of the ritual space that Hindu communities in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Norway, and Switzerland are occupying today.
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O'Brien, Peter. "Making (Normative) Sense of the Headscarf Debate in Europe." German Politics and Society 27, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 50–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270303.
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This article analyzes the most influential weltanschauungen at play in the politics of immigration in Europe. I categorize relevant value judgments into what I, following Theodore Lowi, call "public philosophies." I highlight three competing public philosophies in the politics of immigration in Europe: 1) liberalism; 2) nationalism; and 3) postmodernism. Liberalism prescribes universal rights protecting the autonomy of the individual, as well as rational and democratic procedures (rules of the game) to govern the pluralism that inevitably results in free societies. Against liberalism, nationalism stresses community and cultural homogeneity in addition to a political structure designed to protect both. Rejecting both liberalism and nationalism, postmodernism posits insurmountable relativism and irreducible cultural heterogeneity accompanied by ultimately irrepressible political antagonism. I examine the three outlooks through a case study of the headscarf debate. The article concludes with consideration of how normative ideas combine with other factors to influence policymaking.
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van der Brug, Wouter, and Eelco Harteveld. "The conditional effects of the refugee crisis on immigration attitudes and nationalism." European Union Politics 22, no. 2 (February 1, 2021): 227–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116520988905.
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What was the impact of the 2014–2016 refugee crisis on immigration attitudes and national identification in Europe? Several studies show that radical right parties benefitted electorally from the refugee crisis, but research also shows that anti-immigration attitudes did not increase. We hypothesize that the refugee crisis affected right-wing citizens differently than left-wing citizens. We test this hypothesis by combining individual level survey data (from five Eurobarometer waves in the 2014–2016 period) with country level statistics on the asylum applications in 28 EU member states. In Western Europe, we find that increases in the number of asylum applications lead to a polarization of attitudes towards immigrants between left- and right-leaning citizens. In the Southern European ‘arrival countries’ and in Central-Eastern Europe we find no significant effects. Nationalistic attitudes are also not affected significantly.
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Dudeková Kováčová, Gabriela. "Between Transnational Cooperation and Nationalism." Aspasia 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 56–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/asp.2022.160105.
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Focusing on the involvement of feminist activist women from Czechoslovakia in the Little Entente of Women (LEW), this article examines the ideological and political limits of transnational cooperation within such an international organization, one that aimed to promote women’s rights and pacifism in Central and Eastern Europe. The case of Czechoslovakia suggests that deep, ideological divisions between liberal feminist and conservative nationalist threads within the LEW’s national branch seriously undermined eff orts at unity and “global sisterhood” on the international level. It became possible to overcome ideological and political differences in the 1920s without questioning the very existence of the LEW. However, the antirevisionist political agenda of states involved in the LEW was a decisive factor in its reorganization. This article characterizes the rather limited impact of the LEW’s activities in Czechoslovakia and presents new details on its reorganization in the 1930s.
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Ferencikova, Sonia. "Reverse knowledge transfer from Central to Western Europe: Selected Case Studies." Journal of Eastern European and Central Asian Research (JEECAR) 7, no. 1 (March 14, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.15549/jeecar.v7i1.340.
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Reverse knowledge transfer refers to the knowledge flow from the subsidiaries to the parent companies. The paper analyzes if the subsidiaries located in former transitional country (Slovakia) can create and transfer original knowledge to the parent companies in so-called developed Western Europe and focuses on the drivers, communication channels and contributions of such a knowledge flow for both, the headquarters and the subsidiaries. Qualitative research of four subsidiaries of multinational corporations was conducted to identify reverse knowledge transfers and to study them in-depth using case study method.
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Landman, Christina. "Responses to 'The piety of Afrikaans women'." Religion and Theology 2, no. 3 (1995): 334–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430195x00249.
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AbstractThe book The piety of Afrikaans women is placed in the context of the methodological discussion on religion feminism, that is religion feminism as it was discussed in Western Europe in the early 1990s. It is argued that in South Africa the book was not read against this background but as an onslaught on Afrikanerdom and as a liberal effort to alienate metaphysics from spirituality. Three reactions for and against the contents of the book are discussed. The first refers to local nationalism, the second to the political agenda of women's spirituality and the third to the relationship between spirituality and historical criticism.
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Anderson, Lars, and Mathieu Lejay. "Space and time in the Upper Palaeolithic: Case studies from Western Europe." Quaternary International 498 (December 2018): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2018.09.003.
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Özay, Mehmet, and Muhammad Saifuddin. "A Preliminary Discussion on the Notion of Nationalism in Weber’s Thought: Max Weber and His Cogitation of Nationalism." Journal of Humanity and Society (insan & toplum) 12, no. 3 (September 2022): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.12658/m0660.
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Nationalism is known as the product of the continuation of the Enlightenment in Western Europe. Although this ideology has an established place in studies on political science and has been a subject studied by political scientists, discussing whether the founding fathers of sociology had deliberated or not on this would be interesting. Max Weber seems to have developed an interest in the concept of nationalism after getting his professorship in economics. Once nationalism became a mainstream phenomenon among the world communities at the end of 20th century, Weber’s approach evoked interest among social scientists. This paper pays attention to Weber’s discussion of this notion in the context of German nationalism mostly based on the socio-political changes he witnessed. The basic question is what was Weber’s idea about nationalism and its place in his sociological and economic views? This paper tries to answer this question by comparatively going through sources. This preliminary work intends to review the ideas of Weber’s nationalism by engaging in the existing literature which is believed to be meaningful. This article limitedly addresses the reconstruction of Weber’s concept of nationality based on the availability of relevant data by revealing the academic discussion.
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Furuoka, Fumitaka. "Malaysia-Japan Relations under the Mahathir Administration: Case Studies of the ““Look East”” Policy and Japanese Investment in Malaysia." Asian Survey 47, no. 3 (May 2007): 505–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2007.47.3.505.
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This article analyzes Malaysia-Japan relations under the Mahathir administration, focusing on two case studies, the ““Look East”” policy and Japanese direct investment in Malaysia. As the case studies suggest, Mahathir's policies were first and foremost dictated by his nationalism and anti-Western stance, which tended at times to alienate the Japanese government.
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Ben-Rafael Galanti, Sigal, Paz Carmel, and Alon Levkowitz. "Innovations in Israel’s Civics Textbooks." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350304.
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Classic Western democracies (those of Western Europe and the Anglophone world) view the teaching of civics as a policy instrument through which liberal values, democracy, and even globalization are introduced to future citizens, thus expecting to assure the persistence of democracy. In present-day democracies in general, and mainly in non-Western democracies, however, civics assumes other forms, including the study of nationalism. This article analyzes innovations in the teaching of civics in Israel by examining the changes in school textbooks that accompany changing national leaderships. We highlight the current Israeli high school civics textbook, written under a significantly rightist-religious government. Assuming that civics textbooks express the political credo of ruling elites, our findings suggest similarities between trends in Israel and non-Western democracies, hinting at the fragility of democratization in general and chiefly outside the West.
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Ben-Rafael Galanti, Sigal, Paz Carmel, and Alon Levkowitz. "Innovations in Israel’s Civics Textbooks." Israel Studies Review 35, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 52–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2020.350304.
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Classic Western democracies (those of Western Europe and the Anglophone world) view the teaching of civics as a policy instrument through which liberal values, democracy, and even globalization are introduced to future citizens, thus expecting to assure the persistence of democracy. In present-day democracies in general, and mainly in non-Western democracies, however, civics assumes other forms, including the study of nationalism. This article analyzes innovations in the teaching of civics in Israel by examining the changes in school textbooks that accompany changing national leaderships. We highlight the current Israeli high school civics textbook, written under a significantly rightist-religious government. Assuming that civics textbooks express the political credo of ruling elites, our findings suggest similarities between trends in Israel and non-Western democracies, hinting at the fragility of democratization in general and chiefly outside the West.
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Goodman, Sara Wallace. "Fortifying Citizenship: Policy Strategies for Civic Integration in Western Europe." World Politics 64, no. 4 (October 2012): 659–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000184.
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Why have European states introduced mandatory integration requirements for citizenship and permanent residence? There are many studies comparing integration policy and examining the significance of what has been interpreted as a convergent and restrictive “civic turn,” a “retreat from multiculturalism,” and an “inevitable lightening of citizenship.” None of these studies, however, has puzzled over the empirical diversity of integration policy design or presented systematic, comparative explanations for policy variation. This article is the first to develop an argument for what, in fact, amounts to a wealth of variation in civic integration policy (including scope, sequencing, and difficulty). Using a historical institutionalist approach, the author argues that states use mandatory integration to address different membership problems, which are shaped by both existing citizenship policy (whether it is inclusive or exclusive) and political pressure to change it (in other words, the politics of citizenship). She illustrates this argument by focusing on three case studies, applying the argument to a case of unchallenged restrictive retrenchment and continuity (Denmark), to a case of negotiated and thus moderated restriction (Germany), and to a case that recently exhibited both liberal continuity (the United Kingdom, 2001–6) and failed attempts at new restriction (the United Kingdom, 2006–10). These cases show that although states may converge around similar mandatory integration instruments, they may apply them for distinctly different reasons. As a result, new requirements augment rather than alter the major contours of national citizenship policy and the membership association it maintains.
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Szabó, Miloslav. "From Protests to the Ban: Demonstrations against the ‘Jewish’ Films in Interwar Vienna and Bratislava." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 1 (November 17, 2017): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417712112.
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Taking the example of the protests against the films All Quiet on the Western Front (1930–1) and Le Golem (1936) in interwar Austria and Slovakia, this study addresses the links between antisemitism, nationalism and cinema in Central Europe that historical research has so far overlooked. Unlike other demonstrations against the talkies, campaigns against so-called ‘Jewish’ films were not an expression of linguistic nationalism, as they pointed to the ‘destructive’ impact of capitalism, socialism or modern art, which in the ideology of antisemitism were allegedly personified by ‘Jews’. The conservatives and radicals who called for a ban of those ‘Jewish’ films considered it a first step towards the creation of a national community without ‘Jews’. In Austria the moderate and radical opponents of A ll Quiet on the Western Front ultimately reached their goal through a joint effort. In Slovakia they only managed to get the film Le Golem completely banned when the geopolitical conditions changed after the mutilation of Czechoslovakia on the eve of the Second World War. The fact is that in both cases, moderate nationalists placed themselves in the ambivalent position of pioneers of antisemitism and ultimately facilitated fascist and Nazi radicals in the practical implementation of their postulates.
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Wolf, Sibylle, and Claire Heckel. "Ivory Ornaments of the Aurignacian in Western Europe: Case studies from France and Germany." L'Anthropologie 122, no. 3 (June 2018): 348–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.anthro.2017.12.003.
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Khokhlov, N., A. Vasiliev, A. Belichenko, P. Kirdyankina, and A. Korotayev. "Echo of Arab Spring in Western Europe." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 19, no. 2 (2021): 21–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2021.19.2.65.7.
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Our analysis allows us to talk about two waves of the echo of the Arab spring in Western Europe. The first wave was observed in 2011 and was expressed in the explosive growth of mainly peaceful protests. Taking into account the data on the direct impact of the events of the Arab Spring on the protest activity in Western Europe, the explosive increase in the number of anti-government demonstrations, riots and general strikes recorded in Western Europe in 2011 can be attributed to the influence of the Arab Spring up to a very considerable extent. In 2012–2014 the protest movement in Western Europe acquired its own logic and continued at a fairly high level, despite the disappearance of the "Arab impulse" – to a large extent under the influence of the second wave of the financial and economic crisis. The second wave of the echo of the Arab spring in Western Europe was observed with a noticeable time lag in 2014–2015. and manifested primarily in the form of rapid growth of terrorist (mainly Islamist) activities. One of the consequences of the Arab Spring was the collapse or sharp weakening of several sufficiently effective Arab authoritarian regimes, which led to a significant improvement in the possibility of the activities of terrorist organizations of various kinds, the rapid growth of their strength, influence and effectiveness of organizational forms – including, which is very important for Western Europe, in cyber space. Terrorist activities penetrated from Arab countries to Western Europe through various channels: refugees, quite effective Internet propaganda of ISIS, jihadists returning to Western Europe, and so on. The second wave was expressed in a certain increase in protest activity, but it radically differed from the protests in 2011, since in the latter case it was a matter of the protests organized mainly by the right-wing forces against the migrant wave, which was generated to a very high degree by the tsunami of the Arab Spring.
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Máté-Tóth, András. "Wounded Words in a Wounded World: Opportunities for Mission in Central and Eastern Europe Today." Mission Studies 37, no. 3 (December 16, 2020): 354–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341736.
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Abstract The goal of this paper is both descriptive and prescriptive. The European sub-region called Central and Eastern Europe is understood and analyzed mostly through social scientific theories and models which have a Western European or North American origin. The region is often observed from the outside, and many interpretations of regional transformation are based on codes and categories of these external perspectives, which I will call heteropoiesis. I try to argue for an autopoietic approach from the opposite direction: from the inside. In my approach, I focus, first of all, on the historical and contemporary social experiences of the societies of the region. After authoring many theoretical and analytical works on it, I have come to believe that the key characteristic of the region is its wounded collective identity. The main narrative in the region is backward-looking and nostalgic, and also characterized by feelings of victimhood and revenge. Nationalism and xenophobia in the region are consequences of this traumatized self-understanding. To understand Central and Eastern Europe one must understand the wounds of history and the role of the trauma-centered narratives of today.
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Papathanassopoulos, Stylianos. "The Development of Digital Television in Europe." Media International Australia 86, no. 1 (February 1998): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x9808600109.
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This paper discusses the recent development of digital television in Western Europe. It traces the players and the outcome of the new television revolution as it is considered in Europe and argues that, as in the case of cable and satellite TV in the 1980s, the development of digital television is mostly associated with hype and ‘technorazzamatazz’ rather than with realistic estimates and most importantly not taking into account the reaction of the viewers.
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Extra, Guus, and Ton Vallen. "Migration and Multilingualism in Western Europe: A Case Study of the Netherlands." Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 17 (March 1997): 151–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0267190500003329.
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In this survey, the demographic and linguistic consequences of recent processes of migration and minorization in Western Europe are reviewed, and a case study of the Netherlands is presented to illustrate and detail the effects of these processes on an individual European Union country. After a discussion of demographic data and criteria in a European context, linguistic issues are addressed in terms of L1 and L2 studies on immigrant and ethnic minority groups. Major demographic trends in Dutch society and education derived from these cross-national perspectives is then outlined. Specific attention is given to research and policy in the domains of Dutch as a second language and ethnic minority languages within the context of primary education.
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Mansbach, S. A. "Modernist Architecture and Nationalist Aspiration in the Baltic: Two Case Studies." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 65, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 92–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25068240.
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Modern art developed comparatively late in the eastern Baltic, with a variety of meanings, political purposes, and national references different from those to be found elsewhere in Europe and the Americas. Shaped by specific historical events and determined by distinctive local interests, Baltic modern architecture and art of the early twentieth century was charged with a national mission to reflect the political aspirations of the emergent new states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. The present article investigates this charged nationalism within the modern art in the Baltic by focusing on the function of architecture in the newly established republics of Lithuania and Estonia during the years following World War I. The comprehension of the creative ways in which Baltic modern architecture was simultaneously employed domestically to articulate a national self-image and implemented internationally to signal democratic and republican progress might serve as a model with which to probe more penetratingly the roles of modern art generally, as well as to provide a new perspective from which to assess national narratives.
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Moran, Pádraic, and John Whitman. "Glossing and Reading in Western Europe and East Asia: A Comparative Case Study." Speculum 97, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 112–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/717331.
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Cox, Kevin R. "Development policy, Western Europe and the question of specificity." European Urban and Regional Studies 27, no. 1 (October 2, 2018): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776418798689.
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In the Anglophone literature on local and regional development policy there are tendencies to overextension of claims from one side of the Atlantic to the other, or there is no comparative framing at all. As a result the specificity of the West European case tends to be lost. In contrast with the USA, the West European instance is very different indeed. Although there have been changes since the postwar golden years of urban and regional planning, central government remains crucial in the structuring of local and regional development and has given expression to counter-posed class forces: regional policy was historically an aspect of the welfare state as promoted by the labor movement, while urbanization policy has been much more about the forces of the political right. In the USA, by contrast, local governments and to a lesser degree, the states, have been and continue to be supreme; in contrast to Western Europe, location tends to be much more market-determined, with local and governments acting as market agents. Class forces have seemingly been much weaker, territorial coalitions occupying the center ground. As a first cut, these differences have to do with state structure: the Western European state is far more centralized, facilitating the implementation of policies that are relatively indifferent to local specificity, while in the USA the converse applies. State structures, however, are parts of broader social formations and reflect the different socio-historical conditions in which West European societies, on the one hand, and their American counterpoint, on the other, have emerged.
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Van den Brandt, Nella, and Sandra Wallenius-Korkalo. "Negotiating Religion." Temenos - Nordic Journal of Comparative Religion 56, no. 2 (December 21, 2020): 227–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33356/temenos.79326.
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This article analyses the production of gendered subjectivities in contemporary cultural representations of women and girls belonging to conservative protestant communities in Northern and Western Europe. We take the recent work of the Finnish and Dutch female novelists Pauliina Rauhala and Franca Treur as our case study. We explore how their novels represent the negotiations of women and girls from conservative protestant faiths and traditions. Approaching the novels as narratives of sense-making, we focus on notions of creativity and imagination, and gendered embodied experiences. Our analysis thus sheds light on contemporary understandings of women in conservative religions in contemporary Northern and Western Europe.
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Gagyi, Agnes. "“Coloniality of power” in East Central Europe: external penetration as internal force in post-socialist Hungarian politics." Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no. 2 (August 16, 2016): 349–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.626.
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Joining a series of analyses of effects of othering, orientalism, or coloniality in East Central Europe, the paper asks how long-term structural-ideological effects of global hierarchies, as reflected in post-colonial contexts by the term “coloniality of power,” can be conceptualized for East Central Europe. In a case study of political polarization in post-socialist Hungary,it examines the effects of global integration, claiming that two dominant economic-political blocks formed along a division of vertical alliances related to integration with either Western or national capital. From those positions, they developed divergent political ideologies of development: modernization through Western integration, versus the protection of “national” wealth from Western capital and its local allies. While both propagated capitalist integration, they each needed to develop ideologies that appealed to electorates suffering the costs of integration. One framing of developmentalist emancipation promised Western modernity through rejection of popular, backward characteristics of the country, including nationalism. The other promised advancement in the global hierarchy through overcoming internal and external enemies of national development. These two, mutually reinforcing ideological positions, which I call“democratic antipopulism” and “antidemocratic populism,” denied the contradiction between elites’ and workers’ interest and perpetuated existing global hierarchies. Within the wider debate over cross-contextual applications of the notion of “coloniality of power,” and of emancipative efforts born from the “colonial wound,” the paper emphasizes the significance of the structural conditions, positions and alliances within which experiences of global domination are born and mobilized.
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Lee, Gregory. "The ‘East is red’ goes pop: commodification, hybridity and nationalism in Chinese popular song and its televisual performance." Popular Music 14, no. 1 (January 1995): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000007649.
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In 1989 the Western media left its consumers with the romantic impression that it was merely the students who were demonstrating for ‘democracy’, as if emulating the student demonstrations of twenty years before in Europe and America. But there were workers involved too, who had illegally organised unofficial labour unions, and beyond concerns about democratic rights, there was the impetus of a socio-economic crisis. Most of those killed by the tanks in Tiananmen were workers, not students. People from all walks of life had marched and demonstrated throughout China from Canton ti Lhasa. Nine months before the Tiananmen massacre of June 1989, reversals in official economic policy put a halt to investment and constructions, and the problem of unemployment of rural migrants who had come to the towns was exacerbated. This migration was illegal but had been tolerated since labour was needed for construction. In 1989 anywhere between 60 to 100 million unemployed and homeless people were moving around the country en masse. At one time 250,000 were camped at Canton railway station.