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1

Hjerm, Mikael. "National Sentiments in Eastern and Western Europe*." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 4 (December 2003): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000152933.

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In a world of presumed nation-states nation has been, and still is, an intrinsic part of political legitimization. The claim of nationality has played an important role in such legitimization for the last two centuries. More than this, it has also constituted a fundamental collective entity for an individual's understanding of who they are in relation to those who are perceived as not sharing the nationality. This is nothing new, but in an era of globalization we are witnessing the rebirth of nationalism and nationality (Castells, 1997), where the power struggle over the political agenda will increasingly be about the struggle for the right to identity and the risks of exclusion from the national community. Even if this is the case it stands clear that everyday nationalism and nationalist struggles take different forms in different parts of the world.
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2

STEFANIV, Vasyl. "RELIGION IN THE IDEOLOGY OF EUROPEAN NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS AND UKRAINIAN INTEGRAL NATIONALISM DURING THE INTERWAR PERIOD: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-58-74.

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The article highlights the international historical context in which the relationships between nationalists and conservatives were formed during the interwar period in Europe. There was made a comparative analysis of similar and distinct attitudes towards religion in the ideology of nationalist movements in interwar Europe and Ukrainian nationalism. For the broader historical context, the example of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe is crucial for understanding Ukrainian nationalism's ideology, including its attitude towards religion. It describes the complex relationships of modern nationalist movements with traditional Christianity, which was a distinct feature of the intellectual and political life of that time in Europe. The study analyzed the ideological foundations of nationalist movements in Central and Eastern Europe, where church and religion occupied a prominent place. Similar and distinctive features of the religion in the nationalist movement in Galicia were analyzed compared to the similar processes in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The author states that the representatives of the Polish integrated nationalism and the fascist parties that came to power, namely the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) led by A. Hitler, the Croatian Ustasha, the Iron Guard in Romania, had a fairly large proportion of mythical foundations in their political programs and resembled political religion in their ideology. The ultimate instrument by which the nation could believe in their ideas was the Church. However, the modern political religion that was created could not completely deny the previous one. Therefore, most of the nationalist movements analyzed here had built their relationship with the Church, mainly for two purposes: first, to receive its support, hence the commitment of the believers; second, they used the authority of the Church and religion in their political activities. Keywords: nationalism, fascism, Nazism, Poland, Croatia, Romania, Codreanu, Pavelic, OUN, Onatsky.
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3

Blank, Stephen. "The Return of the Repressed? Post-1989 Nationalism in the “New” Eastern Europe." Nationalities Papers 22, no. 2 (1994): 405–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999408408336.

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The intractable war in Yugoslavia, the breakup of Czechslovakia, the nationalist rumblings in Hungary and Romania, and manifestations of imperial and nationalist longings in Russian politics signify nationalism's enduring potency in Central and Eastern Europe. While some foreign observers worried about this potency, the new elites largely believed that liberalism in power could overcome those forces. Liberal democracy's triumph supposedly meant the end of History,inter alia,aggressive nationalism in Eastern Europe. They believed that these national liberation movements had cooperative, mutually supportive relationships that would flower after Communism ended. Nationalist discords were due to Eastern Europe's previous historical post-1914 nightmares, but the new post-1989 states would have amicable relations with their neighbors. Ostensibly, nationalism, once freed from Soviet repression, would bring an end to Soviet rule and usher in a new ‘springtime of nations.'
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4

Gellner, Ernest. "Nationalism and politics in Eastern Europe." European Review 1, no. 4 (October 1993): 341–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700000752.

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The article restates the theory of Nationalism, which it links to the transition from agrarian to industrial or industrializing society. In an agrarian society, culture is used to underscore a complex and fairly stable system of statuses. Political units themselves are complicated and overlapping and ill-defined, and culture does not demarcate their boundaries. In an industrial society, work ceases to be physical and becomes semantic, and society itself is highly mobile. Under these circumstances, a shared and standardized, codified culture, inculcated by formal education, becomes a precondition of social participation and employability. When shared, literacy-linked culture is very important, people identify with it and thus become ‘nationalists’. The article also traces the five stages which Europe has passed in the course of this transition: the perpetuation of the old dynastic/religious political system in 1815, the century of nationalist irredentism, the setting up of a political system in 1918 based on nationalities which was weak and self-defeating, the most intensive period of ‘ ethnic cleansing’ in the 1940s under the cover of war-time secrecy and post-war retaliation, and finally a certain demolition of the intensity of ethnic feeling during advanced industrialism, thanks to the partial convergence of industrial cultures and the softening impact of affluence.
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5

Eperjesi, Zoltán. "Certain Aspects of Mental Mapping and the Origins of the Nationalism in Eastern Europe / Câteva aspecte legate de numirea regiunilor şi originile naționalismului ȋn Europa de Est." Hiperboreea A2, no. 2-5 (January 1, 2013): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.2-5.0042.

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Abstract Author searches for the scientific origins of nationalisms in the region of Eastern Europe. The evaluation starts with an intellectual experiment by trying to understand certain complex aspects of mental mapping concerning the regional concepts of Eastern and Central Europe. Author examines certain historical definitions on nationalisms as extreme forms of patriotism re-emerged after the turnaround of 1989/1990 in the region of Eastern or Central Europe, in the Balkans. However, it is fact, that nationalism as such is still present today even in the Western part of Europe, thus it is in the middle of modern civilisations, despite intricate internationalisation processes. According to the author, it is necessary to understand the impact of communism on the development of nationalisms in Central and Eastern Europe, because this could be a connection link by evaluating different prevalent forms of nationalism in today's Europe.
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6

Hage, Ghassan. "The Spatial Imaginary of National Practices: Dwelling—Domesticating /Being—Exterminating." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 14, no. 4 (August 1996): 463–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d140463.

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The prevalence of a culture of ‘tolerance’ towards ethnic minorities in the West in the face of the practices of ‘ethnic cleansing’ in Eastern Europe and of other more general practices of intolerance and extermination in parts of the Third World has led to a popular as well as a sometimes academic conception of ‘Western’ and ‘Eastern’ nationalisms essentialised into two radically different kinds of nationalism. In this paper I offer a critique of such a differentiation based on an examination of various practices of dealing with otherness in the process of nation building, particularly in Lebanon and Australia. I argue that practices of nation building, ranging from the promotion of ethnic cultures to mass ethnic killings, are guided by national imaginaries which, despite their empirical variety, are basically structured in the same way. This means, first, that such differences are better understood as the historical or contextual privileging of specific nationalist problematics grounded in this common national imaginary. Second, it means that within the nationalist imaginary that guides them there is a space in which, in given circumstances, the practitioners of valorisation and tolerance can turn into practitioners of mass killings and vice versa without them turning into a radically different kind of nationalists. Far from being specific to an ‘Eastern’ nationalism, the logic of extermination is inherent to any form of nation building today.
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7

Deets, Stephen. "Constitutionalism and Identity in Eastern Europe: Uncovering Philosophical Fragments." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 4 (December 2005): 489–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500353956.

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Despite the euphoria surrounding the 1989 revolutions, over the past 15 years voices have warned that resurgent nationalism may bring “democracy in dark times” (Isaacs, 1998; Tismaneanu, 1998; Ramet, 1997). Reflecting this fear, a stream of articles has asserted that nationalism in the East is different from the more civic nationalism of the West (Vujacic, 1996; Bunce, 2001; Schöpflin, 2003). If true, these sentiments should be reflected in the constitutions, documents that define the polity and the foundational values of the state in addition to creating the basic institutional order. Debates over religious references in the European Union constitution and the focus on constitutional change by Albanian forces in Macedonia in 2000 serve as reminders of the centrality of constitutions in contention over identity. However, as all constitutions in East Central Europe and the Balkans set out a democratic structure informed by a tangle of national and liberal ideas, they cannot be neatly divided between those which are nationalist and those which are civic, between those which respect minority rights and those which do not. In fact, what is striking about the constitutions is how they combine ideas of liberal individualism, strong democracy, and pluralism.
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8

Kuzio, Taras. "Comparative perspectives on Communist successor parties in Central-Eastern Europe and Eurasia." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 41, no. 4 (November 7, 2008): 397–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2008.09.006.

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The article builds on Ishiyama’s (1998) seminal study of Communist successor parties [Ishiyama, J.T., 1998. Strange bedfellows: explaining political cooperation between communist successor parties and nationalists in Eastern Europe. Nations and Nationalism 4(1), 61e85] by providing the first comparative study of the fate of Communist successor parties in Eurasia and Central-Eastern Europe. The article outlines four paths undertaken by Communist parties in former Communist states: those countries that rapidly transformed Communist parties into center-left parties; countries that were slower at achieving this; countries with imperial legacies; and Eurasian autocracies. The fate of successor Communist parties is discussed within the parameters of previous regime type, political opposition in the Communist era and the nationality question.
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9

Zuzowski, Robert. "Nationalism and Marxism in Eastern Europe." Politikon 33, no. 1 (April 2006): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589340600618107.

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10

Filler, Susan. "Jewish nationalism in opera." Studia Musicologica 52, no. 1-4 (March 1, 2011): 499–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/smus.52.2011.1-4.34.

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From the late nineteenth to the early twentieth century, the Jewish communities of Eastern Europe supported the development of musical theater in Yiddish. Given the difficulties of life in the shtetl, comprising isolation from non-Jewish neighbors, limited educational opportunities, poverty and political oppression, Yiddish opera functioned as a statement of Jewish nationalism. In this paper, I will discuss the historical conditions under which it was presented, including the following factors: effect of folk music styles documented in the field research of ethnomusicologists in Eastern Europe; topicality of subject matter in Yiddish opera as definition of the growing Jewish nationalist political movement; and identity and background of important composers and performers of the genre, and the effect of emigration to the United States on the style and content of their work.
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11

Campbell, John C., Jeffrey Simon, and Trond Gilberg. "Security Implications of Nationalism in Eastern Europe." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 5 (1986): 1122. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042832.

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12

Livanios, Dimitris. "Nationalism in Eastern Europe and the Balkans." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 2, no. 2 (May 2002): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683850208454696.

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13

Nikiforov, Konstantin. "The distinctive characteristics of transformation in Eastern Europe a combination of democracy and nationalism." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 427–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950427n.

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Transformation in the eastern part of Europe began following the ?velvet? revolution and continued after the ?colour? revolutions. These two types of transformative revolution have many things in common, first of all a form of mass protest combining democracy and nationalism at its roots. However, nationalism did not begin to appear immediately after the fall of communism but rather after the first halting and unsuccessful democratic changes. In other words, nationalists did not take over from communists, but from democrats.
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14

Mevius, Martin. "Reappraising Communism and Nationalism." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (July 2009): 377–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985637.

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There are two popular myths concerning the relationship between communism and nationalism. The first is that nationalism and communism are wholly antagonistic and mutually exclusive. The second is the assertion that in communist Eastern Europe nationalism was oppressed before 1989, to emerge triumphant after the Berlin Wall came down. Reality was different. Certainly from 1945 onwards, communist parties presented themselves as heirs to national traditions and guardians of national interests. The communist states of Central and Eastern Europe constructed “socialist patriotism,” a form of loyalty to their own state of workers and peasants. Up to 1989, communists in Eastern Europe sang the national anthem, and waved the national flag next to the red banner. The use of national images was not the exception, but the rule. From Cuba to Korea, all communist parties attempted to gain national legitimacy. This was not incidental or a deviation from Marxist orthodoxy, but ingrained in the theory and practice of the communist movement since its inception.
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15

Bianchini, Stefano. "L'Europa orientale a venti anni dal 1989." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 78 (October 2009): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2009-078001.

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- Eastern Europe twenty years on looks retrospectively at the radical changes that have occurred in East-Central Europe since 1989. Despite the Cold War, cultural, economic and social exchanges and "métissages" had developed between the two parts of Europe. The communist collapse of 1989 offered a simultaneous opportunity of reforms and integration, given the interdependence between the "post-socialist transition" and the double process of the Eu enlargement and deepening. Nationalism however has emerged in opposition to integration (and globalization) in both Eastern and Western Europe, giving a new dimension to processes that increasingly have emphasized how Europe is no longer divided in an East-West dichotomy, but displays similar problems in dealing with diversity, social welfare, effective governance and mutual recognition.Key words: Post-socialist transition, European Union, métissage, Nationalism, Globalization.Parole chiave: transizione post-socialista, Unione europea, meticciato, nazionalismo, globalizzazione.
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16

Sheremet, Viacheslav. "Marxism, nationalism and modernization processes in Eastern Europe in the middle of 19th – early 20th century." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200213.

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The aim of the article is to elucidate the impact of Marxism and Nationalism on modernization processes in Eastern Europe from the perspective of their formation and mutual influence. Research methods: synthesis, induction, analysis, retrospective. Main results. During research we studied programs of both ideologies and compared their distinctive traits. Through analysis oftheoretical patterns of nationalism movements, different theories of public modernization and European point of view about backwardness, we found that Nationalism and Marxism significantly diverged around the role of statehood in culture and political changes. For Nationalism – state was the main aim and, simultaneously, result of nationalist movement activity. Further progress of nation was related to national state, which could provide certain conditions for cultural and economic development. Statehood in Marxists views was unwelcome; changes in society were related to social revolutionary movements without creation new state formations. State’s participation in transformation processes was, in theory, different for both ideologies. But when communists seized a power in the former Russian Empire, they faced a necessity of making their own statehood with its national policy. In fact, Nationalism became an artificial method on the way towards modernization of society. In conclusion, Eastern Europe modernization happened due to unification of communist and nationalist political thought. Scientific novelty of the paper is explained by analysis of works by Austrian Marxists, who made a theory for Soviet national policy. We explain this point by comparing some Austrian ideas to J. Stalin’s view on national question. The author also advocates the idea of existence some nationalistic traits during socialistic modernization in the USSR. Practical value of the research is a creation of background for studying Soviet ideology from new point of view. Type of article: empirical research.
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17

Ram, Uri. "Postnationalist Pasts: The Case of Israel." Social Science History 22, no. 4 (1998): 513–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017934.

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National identity is hegemonic among the population of Jewish descent in Israel. Zionism, modern Jewish nationalism, originated in eastern Europe in the last quarter of the nineteenth century. A national movement without a territory, Zionism naturally adopted the ethnic, or integrative, type of nationalism that prevailed in the region (for a basic typology of nationalism see Smith 1986: 79-84). In Palestine the diasporic Jewish nationalism turned into a settler-colonial nationalism. The state of Israel inherited the ethnic principle of membership and never adopted the alternative liberal-territorial principle. To this day the dominant ethos of the state is Zionist, that is, Jewish nationalist. Though Israeli citizenship is de jure equal to Jews and Arabs, a de facto distinction is easily discernible between the dominated minority and the dominant majority and its state.
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18

Pirie, Paul, and Joseph Held. "Populism in Eastern Europe: Racism, Nationalism and Society." Slavic and East European Journal 41, no. 3 (1997): 525. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/310213.

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19

Malešević, Siniša. "Wars that Make States and Wars that Make Nations: Organised Violence, Nationalism and State Formation in the Balkans." European Journal of Sociology 53, no. 1 (April 2012): 31–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975612000021.

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AbstractSince the beginning of the 19th century the Balkans has been a synonym for aggressive nationalism and unbridled violence; the two phenomena traditionally understood to be the key obstacles for its social development. This paper contests such views by arguing that it was the absence of protracted warfare and coherent nationalist doctrines that distinguishes the history of South Eastern Europe from the rest of the continent. Drawing critically on bellicose historical sociology and modernist theories of nationalism - with a spotlight on the work of Charles Tilly and Ernest Gellner. Drawing critically on bellicose historical sociology and modernists theories of nationalism the paper makes a case that it was not the abundance of nationalism and organised violence but rather their historical scarcity that proved decisive for the slow pace of social development in the Balkans.
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20

Blokker, Paul. "Populist Nationalism, Anti-Europeanism, Post-nationalism, and the East-West Distinction." German Law Journal 6, no. 2 (February 1, 2005): 371–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013687.

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In the literature on emergent populism and nationalism in post-communist Eastern Europe, two main assumptions regarding the origins of the phenomenon can be distinguished. One line of argumentation holds that the unexpected resurgence of populism and nationalism after the collapse of the communist regimes is a direct result of the ‘valley of tears’ that characterizes the post-communist transformation from a communist, centrally planned system, to a democratic, market society. The ‘social costs’ of the transition and the still ‘incomplete’ nature of modernization make a large number of ‘modernization losers’ susceptible to mobilization by populist movements. The emergence of populist, nationalist movements should be understood as a radical form of protest against the degradation of the quality of life and widespread social dislocation and unemployment. A second explanation for the phenomenon is that populism and its naturalist, exclusivist portrayal of the nation is the result of the re-emergence of deeply, culturally ingrained perception of social belonging, and of the foundations of the polity, in which the social whole is considered prior to the individual, and in which local culture is valued differently from Western culture. In this explanation, the structural difference between Eastern and Western Europe is emphasized, a difference that can only be overcome by the former adopting the political model of the latter.
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21

Chiantera-Stutte, Patricia. "Populist Use of Memory and Constitutionalism: Two Comments – I." German Law Journal 6, no. 2 (February 1, 2005): 391–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200013699.

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The reasons for the recent rise of Eastern European populism constitute a puzzling issue in political and scientific discussions. As Paul Blokker shows, Eastern European populism can neither be seen as a mere reaction to communism, nor as the “natural” consequence of the transition from a socialist economy to a liberal market model of production. Nor is populism just another form of ethnic nationalism, developed in Eastern Europe and juxtaposed to civic nationalism. The strong dichotomy between an ethnocultural and exclusive nationalism and a civic and inclusive nationalism does not exist in these terms and is the product of a scientific bias, and not a product of empirical observation.
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22

Núñez, Xosé-Manoel. "Nations and Territorial Identities in Europe: Transnational Reflections." European History Quarterly 40, no. 4 (September 9, 2010): 669–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691410375163.

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This essay aims to explore the question of the difference between ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ European nationalism in historical terms, and to inquire whether it makes sense to refer to a dichotomy between ethnic and civic nationalism intrinsically related to that divide, ascribing them to certain areas of Europe according to historians’ own ‘mental maps’. Taking into account the existing links between nationalism, national history and the emergence of history as an academic discipline, an exploration of the ‘territorial entanglements’ still evident in a large part of the scholarly literature will attempt to highlight the key issue as to whether it is possible to identify a ‘European way’ of studying nationalism and territorial identities, or whether it is more convenient to proceed to a ‘reprovincialization’ of European nationalism(s).
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23

Pejovich, Svetozar. "Institutions, Nationalism, and the Transition Process in Eastern Europe." Social Philosophy and Policy 10, no. 2 (1993): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500004143.

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In the late 1980s, the actual accomplishments of capitalism finally made a convincing case against socialism. After several decades of experimentation with human beings, socialism in the former Soviet Union and Eastern European countries (hereafter, Eastern Europe) died an inglorious death. To an economist, the present value of the expected future benefits from socialism fell relative to their current production costs. And Marx was finally dead and, hopefully, buried.
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24

Salecl, Renata. "Nationalism, Anti-Semitism, and Anti-Feminism in Eastern Europe." New German Critique, no. 57 (1992): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/488441.

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Salecl, Renata. "Nationalism, anti‐semitism, and anti‐feminism in eastern Europe." Journal of Area Studies 1, no. 3 (January 1993): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02613539308455689.

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26

Magstadt, Thomas. "Revolution and nationalism in Eastern Europe: Five alternative futures." History of European Ideas 15, no. 4-6 (December 1992): 599–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(92)90068-n.

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27

Verdery, Katherine. "Transnationalism, Nationalism, Citizenship, and Property: Eastern Europe since 1989." American Ethnologist 25, no. 2 (May 1998): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1998.25.2.291.

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28

Todorova, Maria. "Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Communist Legacy in Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 7, no. 1 (December 1992): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325493007001008.

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29

Żuk, Piotr, and Paweł Żuk. "The Independence Day as a nationalist ritual: Framework of the March of Independence in Poland." Ethnography 23, no. 1 (March 2022): 14–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14661381211073406.

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The article contains a cultural analysis of the March of Independence as a symbol of nationalist revival in Poland. The authors analyse the social context of this event, show its history and, inspired by Goffman’s classic approach, describe the theatrical setting of this annual event – its scenography, props, musical setting and costumes (‘patriotic clothing’). In addition to participant observation, the authors analyse materials posted by the organisers of the March of Independence on the YouTube channel. The article presents historical and cultural patterns used by contemporary Polish nationalists – primarily symbols, messages and ideology of nationalists from the interwar period (1918–1939). According to the authors, events such as the March of Independence are a manifestation of local discourse over Western modernisation. The neoliberal order in Eastern Europe cannot do without the help of nationalism – losers of the neoliberal transformation have become the main basis for the ‘national awakening’.
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Sych, Olexandr. "The choice of the peoples or the choice of elites?" Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 2, no. 50 (December 16, 2019): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2019.50.79-85.

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It is known the WWI has drastically altered the map of Central and Eastern Europe. The peoples of the newly formed states had to choose the most optimum way of their social development and political system. The direction of their subsequent historical development substantially depended on the solution of this task. We know that the new independent states of the Central and Eastern Europe made a choice in favor the Western socio-political model. It is represented to analyse an actual scientific problem: how natural and justified there was this choice, and whose choice it was - of the peoples or of the elites? The democratic reforms along Western lines began in the countries of this region. However, the period of democratization and modernization was minimized by a number of reasons such as monarchism, government centralism, tough social control, corporativism, clericalism, commitment to social stability and order, negative attitude to innovations, traditionalism. Nationalism also had negative and destructive impact on the fate of democracy in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The idea of my paper is to show that imperial legacy (in fact, the legacy of agrarian, or traditional, society) and nationalism were the major reasons that have caused the evolution of their political system from democracy to authoritarian dictatorships in the interwar period. Keywords: Central and Eastern Europe, elites, modernization, democratization, nationalism, ethnic minorities, authoritarian dictatorships.
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Diachenko, Aleksandr. "Archaeology and the nation state. The case of eastern Europe." Archaeological Dialogues 23, no. 1 (May 20, 2016): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203816000039.

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AbstractThis paper discusses state influences on archaeology in eastern Europe (as geographically defined by the United Nations Statistics Division). In this respect, the following issues are considered: the current situation of a nation state, the links between archaeology and nation states in eastern Europe and the factors influencing the future potential increase of nationalism in the discipline.
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Liber, George. "Ukrainian Nationalism and the 1918 Law on National - Personal Autonomy." Nationalities Papers 15, no. 1 (1987): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998708408043.

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Traditionally in Eastern Europe, one national group constituted a majority in the countryside but a minority in the urban areas. Thus, while the cities of Eastern Europe possessed a disproportionate share of an area's political and socio-economic resources, for the most part they were ethnically alien to the peasantry. This was not a problem until the nineteenth century, which by 1914 turned Eastern Europe into a cauldron of inter-ethnic and anti-Semitic tensions. In the subsequent struggle for power, the national movements of both the urban and rural areas claimed the cities as well as the surrounding countryside. Inasmuch as these movements did not possess a common set of interests, whatever the proposed solution — whether territorial autonomy, irredentism, independence, expansion, or the maintenance of the status quo — hardly any provision was made for minority rights.
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33

Popa, Bogdan. "Trans Politics and the Legacy of Nationalism in Eastern Europe." Hungarian Studies Review 48, no. 2 (November 2021): 186–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hungarianstud.48.2.0186.

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Abstract This essay argues that the LGBTQ+ rhetoric in Eastern Europe is not sufficiently prepared to challenge the anti-gender ideology of the new conservative governments. Instead, it proposes that critical trans politics is a theoretical orientation that not only dismantles traditional categories of man and woman but also interrogates the ethnic and racial divisions of national states. The essay offers a brief history of the emergence of sexual categories in the nineteenth century and their link to national and colonial dynamics. It also suggests that critical trans politics can serve as an answer to the rise of nationalism in Eastern Europe.
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Klumbytė, Neringa. "Europe and Its Fragments: Europeanization, Nationalism, and the Geopolitics of Provinciality in Lithuania." Slavic Review 70, no. 4 (2011): 844–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.70.4.0844.

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With a focus on Gintaras Beresnevičius's bookThe Making of an Empire(2003) and the marketing and consumption of "Soviet" sausages, this article explores the rise of national ideologies that promote an "eastern" and "Soviet" identity in Lithuania. Both during the nationalist movement against the Soviet Union and later in the 1990s and 2000s, the west and Europe were seen as sites of prestige, power, and goodness. Recently the reinvented "east" and "Soviet" have become important competing symbols of national history and community. In this article Neringa Klumbytė argues that nationalism has become embedded in the power politics of Europeanization. National ideologies are shaped by differing ideas about ways of being modern and European rather than by simple resistance to European Union expansion. The resulting geopolitics of provinciality, a nationalist politics of space, thus becomes an integral part of the story of European modernity and domination within a global history.
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35

Tilly, Charles. "Citizenship, Identity and Social History." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113586.

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With appropriate lags for rethinking, research, writing and publication, international events impinge strongly on the work of social scientists and social historians. The recent popularity of democratization, globalization, international institutions, ethnicity, nationalism, citizenship and identity as research themes stems largely from world affairs: civilianization of major authoritarian regimes in Latin America; dismantling of apartheid in South Africa; collapse of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and Yugoslavia; ethnic struggles and nationalist claims in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa; extension of the European Union; rise of East Asian economic powers. Just as African decolonization spurred an enormous literature on modernization and political development, the explosion of claims to political independence on the basis of ethnic distinctness is fomenting a new literature on nationalism.
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Szlek Miller, Stefania, and Caroline Bayard. "Introduction: Nationalism and Self-Determination in Multicultural Societies: Eastern Europe." Canadian Slavonic Papers 37, no. 3-4 (September 1995): 596–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00085006.1995.11092112.

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37

Cviic, Christopher. "Religion and Nationalism in Eastern Europe: The Case of Yugoslavia." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 14, no. 2 (September 1985): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298850140020701.

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38

Merdjanova, Ina. "In Search of Identity: Nationalism and Religion in Eastern Europe." Religion, State and Society 28, no. 3 (September 2000): 233–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713694765.

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39

Salmon, Yosef. "The Emergence of a Jewish Nationalist Consciousness in Europe." AJS Review 16, no. 1-2 (1991): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003135.

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A discussion of the emergence of a modern Jewish collective consciousness in Eastern Europe does not require us to address the question of the beginnings of a movement, which also has an organizational aspect. The phenomenon under discussion—at least in its initial stage—was not organized; there were no membership cards, bylaws, or party conferences. It is my contention, however, that the emergence of a Jewish nationalist movement was connected to, and dependent upon, the prior emergence of a collective consciousness.Thus, on the one hand, our discussion is not based upon the phenomenological definition of nationalism, which is not a simple matter, while, on the other hand, we view the institutionalized nationalist movement as a consequence of a process of consciousness-building. Mine is a syncretic approach, the advantage of which is that it does not observe a historical process from an intellectual or theoretical point of reference foreign to the process.
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40

BEBLER, ANTON. "SECURITY CHALLENGES IN SOUTH EASTERN EUROPE." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, me 2013/ ISSUE 15/3 (September 30, 2013): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.15.3.3.

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The purpose of this article is to identify the principal security challenges in South Eastern Europe. The mix of challenges has changed radically since the end of the Cold War and the wars in the former Yugoslavia, in favour of non-military threats. The era of wars of religion, ideology and redrawing of state borders in the Western Balkans seems to be over. The tranquillity in the region, imposed from the outside has been buttressed by two international protectorates. The suppression of armed violence did not add up to long-term stability as the underbrush of nationalism, in- tolerance and inter-communal hatred still survives in the Balkans. The potential for interethnic conflicts and for further fragmentation in the former Yugoslavia has not yet been fully exhausted in spite of much improved interstate relations. Prominent among the non-military threats to security are organized crime, corruption, natural and ecological disasters, climate change and weak energy security. The inclusion of the entire South Eastern Europe into Euro-Atlantic structures offers the best promise. There are thus good reasons for moderately optimistic expectation that the South Eastern Europe will eventually become a region of democracy, prosperity and stability.
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41

Lugosi, Nicole VT. "Radical right framing of social policy in Hungary: between nationalism and populism." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 34, no. 3 (October 2018): 210–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2018.1483256.

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AbstractThe populist radical right (PRR) is increasingly associated with welfare chauvinism, but the literature mainly focuses on Western and Northern European cases. Turning attention to Central Eastern Europe, this article investigates how PRR parties in Hungary frame welfare issues in five social policy areas from 2010 to 2016. This is done through a critical frame analysis applied to party manifestos and State of the Nation speeches by the Fidesz and Jobbik parties. Special care is taken to delineate the interlocking but not interchangeable concepts of nationalism and populism, as recent research asserts this distinction is often overlooked. The main findings are threefold: First, these parties articulate their positions chiefly through nationalist rather than populist framing; Second, while Hungary's PRR exhibits welfare chauvinist framing similar to Western and Northern Europe, a main difference detected was the role of the communist legacy; Third, beyond the article's original goals, the findings revealed a strong connection between nationalist framing and the role of gender, suggesting that the two are not mutually exclusive.
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Tipei, Alex R. "Audience Matters: ‘Civilization-Speak’, Educational Discourses, and Balkan Nationalism, 1800–1840." European History Quarterly 48, no. 4 (October 2018): 658–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418799547.

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This article tracks how political and intellectual leaders from south-eastern Europe used the concept of civilization, or a particular type of ‘civilization-speak’, from the end of the eighteenth century through the mid-nineteenth century. It compares and contrasts how they employed civilization-speak in different linguistic milieus – French, Modern Greek, and Romanian – and how they deployed it to further changing political aims during a period of political upheaval in the Balkans. It traces how civilization-speak served initially as a tool for extracting support from west European, especially French, patrons, and was later refashioned into a rhetorical instrument of nationalism. This study places the intellectual and political history of south-eastern Europe during the era in a pan-European context and adds nuance to discussions about the development of nationalism in the region.
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Santoro, Stefano. "Da nazionalismo non dominante a nazionalismo dominante: il caso transilvano." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 84 (October 2011): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2011-084004.

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The Rumanian nationalism of Transylvania, which developed during the 19th century to defend the rights of the Rumanian population from the Magyarization policies implemented by Budapest's government, suddenly found itself in a completely different situation at the end of World War I: from non-dominant it had become dominant. As in other areas of postwar Eastern Europe during the 1920s and 1930s,, this transition involved a reversal of the paradigms of reference of the Rumanian nationalists that changed from inclusive and democratic values into an exclusive and fundamentally totalitarian ideology.
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Koropeckyj, Roman. "Serhiy Bilenky. Romantic Nationalism in Eastern Europe: Russian, Polish, and Ukrainian Political Imaginations." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 1, no. 1 (August 9, 2014): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t2vc7j.

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<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>Serhiy Bilenky. </span><span>Romantic Nationalism in Eastern Europe: Russian, Polish, and Ukrainian Political Imaginations. </span><span>Stanford Studies on Central and Eastern Europe. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012. xiii, 389 pp. Maps. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Cloth. </span></p></div></div></div>
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45

Ganga, Paula. "Economic Nationalism Goes Global: Illiberal Governments Instrumentalizing Globalization in Eastern Europe." Journal of Illiberalism Studies 2, no. 2 (2022): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/wckw3544.

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What are the consequences of electing illiberal leaders for the liberal international order? Traditional responses suggest they either want to increase their influence or change it radically. By understanding the illiberal domestic agenda of economic nationalism and statism in a world of increased financialization, I argue that the economic concentration taking place domestically will result in illiberal leaders instrumentalizing globalization for their political survival. This means these leaders have learned to selectively pick those parts of globalization most likely to sustain their regime—for example, criticizing multilateral organizations such as the European Union while reaping the benefits of EU membership. In this article, I begin by examining the trend of illiberal governments adopting economic nationalism and statism. I then theorize the nuanced ways in which illiberal leaders still use the liberal order for their political survival—in spite of espousing an illiberal economic agenda. I examine this phenomenon with an emphasis on illiberal leaders in Hungary and Poland and provide evidence from the last two decades of economic and political developments in Eastern Europe, as well as explore the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the recent war in Ukraine on the future of illiberal leaders’ approach to globalization.
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Hann, Chris. "Postsocialist Nationalism: Rediscovering the Past in Southeast Poland." Slavic Review 57, no. 4 (1998): 840–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501049.

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Since the collapse of socialist regimes in 1989 few subjects in eastern Europe have attracted as much attention as nationalism. Detailed academic studies have been carried out from many disciplinary perspectives, by scholars native to the region as well as many from outside it. This is also a field in which governmental and nongovernmental organizations have undertaken numerous policy-oriented initiatives. Eastern European developments have figured prominently in global discussions of "ethnicity" and "identity politics," while a few scholars have used materials from this region to articulate more general frameworks of comparative analysis.
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Máté-Tóth, András, Gábor Dániel Nagy, and Réka Szilárdi. "Populism and religion in Central and Eastern Europe." Belvedere Meridionale 32, no. 3 (2020): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/belv.2020.3.2.

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Populism is a re-emerging modern topic. Since 2015 it has been one of the most mentioned and analyzed issues in the political sciences, international relations, and sociological academic literature. Although populism is a worldwide phenomenon it is also highly regionalized. This research focuses on link between populism, nationalism, and religion in Central and Eastern Europe. Differences seen between this region, Western Europe, and United States are also examined. In this paper, we offer a novel understanding of populist phenomenon in Central and Eastern Europe based on decisive impacts of geopolitical and geo-cultural status of the region. This populist phenomenon can be traced back to “nurture itself” on the traumatized collective identity and a special kind of mindset, which is termed as wounded collective identity in this paper.
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48

Spencer, Philip, and Howard Wollman. "Nationalism and democracy in the transition from communism in Eastern Europe." Contemporary Politics 3, no. 2 (June 1997): 171–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569779708449922.

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49

Lovell, David W. "Nationalism, Civil Society, and the Prospects for Freedom in Eastern Europe." Australian Journal of Politics and History 45, no. 1 (March 1999): 65–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8497.00054.

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50

Kizilov, Mikhail. "Historical consciousness, Haskalah, and nationalism among the Karaites of Eastern Europe." East European Jewish Affairs 49, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 266–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501674.2019.1722506.

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