Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism, ethnic and national identities'
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1
Foster, Russell. "'Cry God for Harry, England, and Saint George': Europe and the Limits of Integrating Identity." Global Discourse 9, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378918x15453934505969.
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Since the early 1990s a dominant modernist narrative has assumed that European integration and the progressive march of secularism, multiculturalism and increased material prosperity would lead to the fading-away of tribal, national, racial and other parochial identities; identities ostensibly incompatible with a meta-national 'European' identity founded not in ethnosymbolic myth, but in cosmopolitanism. This has informed not only academic theory but has also guided 60 years of EU policy making, with Ernst Haas' doctrine of neofunctionalist spill-over dominating European assumptions that a pan-European identity would replace national affiliations. Brexit contradicts this in four ways. First, Brexit demonstrates the renewed appeal of ethnic nationalism on multiple levels: nationalist (British), sub-nationalist (English), and meta-nationalist (white nationalism). Second, Brexit demonstrates shifts in traditional nationalism in the form of gulfs in a neo-medieval society. Third, Brexit demonstrates the existence of multiple and incompatible 'European' identities. Finally, Brexit demonstrates how a specifically EUropean identity can be just as hostile and exclusionary as ethnic nationalism. This reappearance of social discord, ethnosymbolic identities, and the praxis of ethnic identity exemplified by the British, but seen across the EU, necessitates a fundamental reconsideration of the apparently irreversible trends of an unfalsifiable theory of modernist, neofunctionalist progressivism in the form of European integration. Using the British as a case study, this paper argues that the very processes of European integration have, by accelerating antagonistic national and EU identities, inadvertently constructed the apparatus for EUrope's potential disintegration.
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Grad Fuchsel, Hector, and Luisa Martín Rojo. "“Civic” and “ethnic” nationalist discourses in Spanish parliamentary debates." Journal of Language and Politics 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2002): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.2.1.04gra.
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Parliamentary debates on the definition of the nation-state and national identities are a very revealing discursive domain of tracing the cues of the social construction of this category. Integrating social-psychological and discourse analyses, this article studies how Spanish nationalism interacts with the most influential regional (Catalonian and Basque) nationalisms in the Spanish Parliament in Madrid, and in the regional Parliaments of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The study is based on a two-dimensional framework, which characterises nationalist cultures in terms of their Institutional Status (“established” vs. “rising” nationalism), and in terms of the Basic Assumptions (“civic” vs. “ethnic” aspects in the social representation of the nation — Smith, 19986, 1991). According to the conceptual framework, each of these nationalisms represents a different combination of “established” (Spanish) or “rising” (Basque and Catalonian) Institutional Status as well as of “civic” (in Catalonia) or “ethnic” (Spanish and the Basque) Basic Assumptions (Grad, 1999). The study shows that, in these parliamentary contexts, the Institutional Status and the Basic Assumptions not only configure different nationalist positions, but also configure distinct “discursive formations” — reflected in interactional dynamics (of inclusion vs. exclusion, compatibility vs. incompatibility, and consensus vs. conflict relations) — between the different national projects and identities. These discourses belong to an “enunciative system” including systematic subject (the dominant national identity), system of references (or referential) terms to denote national categories or supra-regional — Spain, Spanish State, Basque Country, Catalonia — that serve to distinguish between national in-group and out-group, and clearly differ in extent and connotations in established and rising national codes), as well as associated fields (more ascriptive membership criteria, rigid group boundaries, requirement of internal homogeneity, restrictive referent and extension of the “us” in the ethnic than in civic codes), and materiality (strategies of discursive polarisation, especially salient in the Basque Country parliamentary discourse, which both indicate less compatibility between identities and aim to delegitimise dissent with regard to national referents and goals). Finally, in parliaments where ethnic codes are confronted (Spanish and Basque) politeness is impaired, there is a higher degree of controversy, and the strategies of delegitimisation constitute strong face-threatening acts which endanger the “tacit contract” of the parliamentary interactions. In this regard, ethnic centralist and independentist political positions make harder the compatibility between national identities than civic regional-nationalist and federal proposals. Recent confrontations between Spanish and Basque national positions seem to confirm the patterns found in this analysis.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "Patterns of national identity development among the Balkan orthodox Christians during the nineteenth century." Balcanica, no. 44 (2013): 209–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1344209m.
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The paper analyses the development of national identities among Balkan Orthodox Christians from the 1780s to 1914. It points to pre-modern political subsystems in which many Balkan Orthodox peasants lived in the Ottoman Empire at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Serbian and Greek uprisings/revolutions are analyzed in the context of the intellectual climate of the Enlightenment. Various modes of penetration of the ideas of the Age of Revolution are analyzed as well as the ways in which new concepts influenced proto-national identities of Serbs and Romans/Greeks. The author accepts Hobsbawm?s concept of proto-national identities and identifies their ethno-religious identity as the main element of Balkan Christian Orthodox proto-nations. The role of the Orthodox Church in the formation of ethno-religious proto-national identity and in its development into national identity during the nineteenth century is analyzed in the cases of Serbs, Romans/ Greeks, Vlachs/Romanians and Bulgarians. Three of the four Balkan national movements fully developed their respective national identities through their own ethnic states, and the fourth (Bulgarian) developed partially through its ethnic state. All four analyzed identities reached the stage of mass nationalism by the time of the Balkan Wars. By the beginning of the twentieth century, only Macedonian Slavs kept their proto-national ethno-religious identity to a substantial degree. Various analyzed patterns indicate that nascent national identities coexisted with fluid and shifting protonational identities within the same religious background. Occasional supremacy of social over ethnic identities has also been identified. Ethnification of the Orthodox Church, in the period 1831-1872, is viewed as very important for the development of national movements of Balkan Orthodox Christians. A new three-stage model of national identity development among Balkan Orthodox Christians has been proposed. It is based on specific aspects in the development of these nations, including: the insufficient development of capitalist society, the emergence of ethnic states before nationalism developed in three out of four analyzed cases, and an inappropriate social structure with a bureaucratic class serving the same role as the middle class had in more developed European nationalisms. The three phases posed three different questions to Balkan Christian Orthodox national activists. Phase 1: Who are we?; Phase 2: What to do with our non-liberated compatriots; and Phase 3: Has the mission of national unification been fulfilled?
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Guanghao, Hou. "A Mighty River Flowing Eastward." China Report 54, no. 1 (December 26, 2017): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744410.
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This article attempts to interpret the narratives presented in the autobiography of Situ Hua (Szeto Wah, 1931–2011), well-known activist and leader of pressure-group movements in modern Hong Kong, in order to understand his ethnic and national identities. This exploration can illustrate the interaction between collaborative nationalism, critical nationalism and colonialism that is ongoing and constantly changing in modern Hong Kong. The article suggests that during his childhood and youth, Situ ethnically identified himself as being Chinese and, in terms of his national identity, he longed for a strong communist Chinese state. Second, it argues that Situ’s national identity was hollowed out by the Chinese Communist Party while his ethnic identity remained unchanged from his youth. Finally, Situ’s success in promoting pressure-group movements in Hong Kong led him to believe in democracy. His belief in democracy resulted in the convergence of his ethnic and national identities. He still wanted to build a strong Chinese state, but believed that this state should be democratic. It was his democratic Chinese nationalism that propelled him to embark on such a political pursuit.
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Babo, Alfred. "THE CRISIS OF PUBLIC POLICIES IN CÔTE D'IVOIRE: LAND LAW AND THE NATIONALITY TRAP IN TABOU'S RURAL COMMUNITIES." Africa 83, no. 1 (January 22, 2013): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972012000733.
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ABSTRACTThis article explores the ways in which the Ivoirian Land Code of 1998 has played into political debates around national citizenship that have divided Ivoirian society since the 1990s. The attempts to reinterpret public policies on land and immigration have played a crucial role in exacerbating the political crisis of nationalism. When land was linked to nationality and indigeneity, the land question became significant in determining the boundaries of nationality, since to gain security in property rights Ivoirian nationality had to be proved. The article traces how land policy has been transformed from an inclusive framework that encouraged the rapid expansion of the cocoa and coffee frontiers in the 1970s to an exclusionary policy rooted in concepts of nationalism and autochthony, as land became increasingly scarce in the south-west. The Land Code of 1998 endorsed this nationalism, preventing foreigners and their descendants from owning land. Through an example of a conflict in Tabou in which Burkinabé migrants were ejected from the land, the article shows how customary land values have been recreated to take on nationalistic, xenophobic values, according to which ethnic identities become conflated with distinctions between ‘indigenous’ and ‘foreign’, and land relations are defined as between ethnic groups rather than being contractual relations between individuals belonging to different groups: thus social identities become more exclusive.
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Núñez, Xosé-Manoel. "Nations and Territorial Identities in Europe: Transnational Reflections." European History Quarterly 40, no. 4 (September 9, 2010): 669–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691410375163.
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This essay aims to explore the question of the difference between ‘Eastern’ and ‘Western’ European nationalism in historical terms, and to inquire whether it makes sense to refer to a dichotomy between ethnic and civic nationalism intrinsically related to that divide, ascribing them to certain areas of Europe according to historians’ own ‘mental maps’. Taking into account the existing links between nationalism, national history and the emergence of history as an academic discipline, an exploration of the ‘territorial entanglements’ still evident in a large part of the scholarly literature will attempt to highlight the key issue as to whether it is possible to identify a ‘European way’ of studying nationalism and territorial identities, or whether it is more convenient to proceed to a ‘reprovincialization’ of European nationalism(s).
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Brighouse, Harry. "Against Nationalism." Canadian Journal of Philosophy Supplementary Volume 22 (1996): 365–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1997.10716822.
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A recent resurgence of interest within analytical political philosophy in the status of ethnic and national minorities coincides with the re-emergence of national identity as a primary organizing principle of political conflict, and with an increasing attentiveness to identity and recognition as organizing principles of political struggle. The recent theoretical literature within political philosophy has focused very much on recognizing the importance of national identity, and allowing attention to national sentiment to inform the design of social institutions.In this paper I shall state the case for a version of the position which Will Kymlicka has dubbed ‘benign neglect’ toward cultural identities. Benign neglect is the position that the state should, as far as possible, be neutral among the cultural (and hence national) sentiments of its citizens. The position is, I think, implicit in the theoretical work of many contemporary liberals, and also in much socialist theory and some socialist practice. But it is rarely defended explicitly. Liberal theory is generally developed on the unrealistic assumptions that the society to be regulated is closed and coincides with the membership of a single nation.
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Green, Elliott. "Ethnicity, National Identity and the State: Evidence from Sub-Saharan Africa." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 2 (September 25, 2018): 757–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000783.
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The process by which people transfer their allegiance from ethnic to national identities is highly topical yet somewhat opaque. This article argues that one of the key determinants of national identification is membership in a ‘core’ ethnic group, or Staatsvolk, and whether or not that group is in power. It uses the example of Uganda as well as Afrobarometer data to show that, when the core ethnic group is in power (as measured by the ethnic identity of the president), members of this group identify more with the nation, but when this group is out of power members identify more with their ethnic group. This finding has important implications for the study of nationalism, ethnicity and African politics.
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Cash, Jennifer R. "Origins, Memory, and Identity: “Villages” and the Politics of Nationalism in the Republic of Moldova." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 4 (November 2007): 588–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325407307351.
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This article reconsiders the manifestation of nationalism in the Republic of Moldova during the late Soviet period and early 1990s. Whereas dominant approaches have focused on the ethnic dimensions of the national movement, I argue that rural-urban identities also played a significant role in shaping political events and outcomes of the recent past by drawing on ethnographic research among participants in the “folkloric movement” within the arts and performance world. This movement coincided with the broader national movement of the 1980s and demonstrates the centrality of “villages” in the construction of an anti-Soviet “national” identity among ethnic Moldovans. In conclusion, the politics of nationalism must be understood in a wider framework that also accounts for the importance of non-ethnic forms of collective identity, such as villages, and that investigates how individual origins and social memory shape civic and political participation.
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Lee, Raymond L. M. "The Transformation of Race Relations in Malaysia: From Ethnic Discourse to National Imagery, 1993-2003." African and Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (2004): 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209041641804.
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Abstract Malaysians are under no illusion that they have shed their racial identities to embrace a single national identity. Yet the multiculturalism practiced in contemporary Malaysia seems to be compatible with a patriotic nationalism espoused by the government. This compatibility has the appearance of multiculturalism surviving the ordeal of postcolonial racial politics. The turbulence of racial politics seems to have been surpassed by a revitalized nationalism that does not blatantly erase racial heritage. The question of race relations in Malaysia is therefore a question of how multiculturalism and nationalism are successfully presented as icons of integration, overshadowing the more gritty issues of racial politics. These issues are not denied, but have become less transparent as national identity is developed in an arena of new images.
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Froehlich, Laura, Sarah E. Martiny, and Kay Deaux. "A Longitudinal Investigation of the Ethnic and National Identities of Children With Migration Background in Germany." Social Psychology 51, no. 2 (March 2020): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000403.
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Abstract. How immigrants define their ethnicity and nationality is relevant for integration: They can identify with their ethnic group, the receiving society, and a combination of both. A longitudinal study with elementary-school children with migration background ( N = 200; age 9–10) in Germany investigated the predictors and stability of ethnic and national identities. Ethnic identity was more highly endorsed than national identity. National and dual identities were compatible (i.e., positively related), whereas ethnic identity was compartmentalized (i.e., unrelated to national and dual identities). Contact with Germans predicted national identity over time, but not vice versa. Thus, the study contributes to a better understanding of multiple social identities of young ethnic minority children in light of social psychological theories of social identity development.
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Shanin, Teodor. "Ethnicity in the Soviet Union: Analytical Perceptions and Political Strategies." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 3 (July 1989): 409–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015978.
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Social facts and policies can be understood only in light of our own perceptions. This holds true with a vengeance where ethnicity, nationhood, or nationalism are concerned. All through the twentieth century this syndromecum-terminological chain has played an extensive, puzzling and usually unpredicted part in structuring social life and political action. New ethnic identities (for example, Tanzania'ism or Indonesian'ism) with their related designations and loyalties have cometo the fore with a speed that reveals the transitional and relational nature of ethnic phenomena. The same holds true for the ups and downs of acute nationalism. On the other hand, many throughout the world would agree with the great Catalonian historian, Pierre Vilar, whose internationalist values are not in doubt, that “in the relationship between my own life and history, nationals problems seem to overwhelm all others.” However one may conceptualize ethnicity and nationalism, their political impact has provided a major and continuous dimension of social action.
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Remmel, Atko, and Tõnno Jonuks. "From Nature Romanticism to Eco-Nationalism: The Development of the Concept of Estonians as a Forest Nation." Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore 81 (April 2021): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/fejf2021.81.remmel_jonuks.
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Forest plays an important role in many North European national identities. The Estonian example is one of the extreme cases as Estonians consider themselves a forest nation, the claim being backed up with references to both history and contemporary data. The article explores diachronically the formation of this motif in the Estonian national narrative and studies the nuances of intellectual and social history that have shaped the development of the concept from ethnic nature to eco-nationalism.
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ASSEFA, ANDEBET HAILU, and BELAYNEH TAYE GEDIFEW. "SYMBOLIC VALUES AND IMPLICATIONS OF THE GRAND ETHIOPIAN RENAISSANCE DAM PROJECT IN ETHIOPIAN IDENTITY POLITICS." Skhid, no. 1(2) (July 1, 2021): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21847/1728-9343.2021.1(2).229192.
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This paper attempts to show how the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) ’s economic and political gains could help develop a shared outlook to regulate Ethiopia’s opposing political trajectories, i.e., the ethnocentric and pan-Ethiopian nationalist camps. Presently, different ethnic-based “in-group and out-group” contrasting political discourses have dominated Ethiopian polity. The paper reviews and exposes relevant philosophical concepts, including “mirror identity,” primordial and instrumental conception of ethnicity. Notably, following Anderson’s (2006) line of thought, nationalism as a “cultural artefact” and expression of an “imagined community,” the paper argues that GERD could serve as a shared symbolic and developmental language to reshape Ethiopian national consciousness and imagination by improving the political and economic domains of the country. Accordingly, the GERD covertly or overtly helps reform the polity’s self-recognition mechanisms and circuitously re-approaches outstanding political differences by inspiring trust-based relations among major political actors. Ethnocentric motivations raise political questions such as secession, the right to linguistic and cultural recognition, economic equality, and political security and representation by using their respective ethnic lines as means of political mobilization. In current Ethiopia, political identities have been practically blended with ethnic identity. In this sense, as diverse ethnic groups exist, political borders sustain among the multiple ethnic-based nationalists and between pan-Ethiopian and ethnocentric actors. Thus, a comprehensive dialogue and constructive political cross-fertilization are required between various political actors, horizontally and vertically, among ethnocentric nationalists and the pan-Ethiopian advocates. In Ethiopia, the realization of internal political consensus requires an instantaneous remedial mechanism. Accordingly, the politically drawn antithetical ethnic demarcations and occasionally fabricated historical narratives have undeniably pushed politics into unfavourable conditions. That is why, as the paper maintains that developmental projects such as the GERD would have pertinent economic and political mechanisms to developing a national sentiment, which in turn symbolically facilitate national consensus among the major political actors. Hence, borrowing Fukuyama’s (2018) notion of “creedal national identity”, one could resonate that developmental projects can help realize symbolic worth by constructively enabling citizens to recognize their countries’ foundational ideals and elevating common factors. The present paper does not examine the GERD project’s external geopolitical and legal concerns concerning scope, although these topics are worth examining for further investigations.
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BONNER, DONNA M. "Garifuna children's language shame: Ethnic stereotypes, national affiliation, and transnational immigration as factors in language choice in southern Belize." Language in Society 30, no. 1 (January 2001): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004740450100104x.
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This article explores the effects of ethnic stereotypes, demographic shifts, and nationalism on language choice in the town of Dangriga, Belize. Dangriga was founded during the nineteenth century by members of an ethnic minority of West African and Native American heritage, known as the Garinagu or Garifuna. Today, it is a multilingual and multiethnic town populated primarily by Garinagu, Belizean Creoles, and both native-born and foreign-born Spanish speakers. In this context, language choice is in part a question of affiliation with a variety of ethnic and national identities. This article examines the manner in which ethnic and national stereotypes and images, as well as current demographic shifts in the Belizean population, affect language choice in multilingual contexts. Particular attention is paid to the position of young Garinagu vis-à-vis the Garifuna language and Belizean English Creole.
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Mohammad, Abdulkader Saleh. "The Resurgence of Religious and Ethnic Identities among Eritrean Refugees: A Response to the Government’s Nationalist Ideology." Africa Spectrum 56, no. 1 (April 2021): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039720963287.
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This article explores processes of identity formation in Eritrean diaspora communities that have reverted to subnational patterns of identification grounded in the historical-political crises of their homeland. Refugees from Eritrea’s open-ended national service have ambivalent feelings towards their national identity: on the surface, they stress the cohesiveness of the Eritrean people, but in their daily lives they embrace ethnic or religious communities. I elaborate the dilemmas of identity formation in the transnational space between religious and ethnic affiliations and Eritrean nationalism. I analyse the expansion of ethnolinguistic and regional associations among diaspora communities and discuss their impact on identity formation. I link cleavages along ethnic and religious lines to collective memories and the government’s attempts to eradicate subnational identities. The study is based on long-term participant observation and semi-structured interviews with Eritreans in exile, and engages with relevant bodies of literature discussing identity formation in African and diaspora contexts.
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Stevens, Peter A. J., Panayiota Charalambous, Athina Tempriou, Evgenia Mesaritou, and Spyros Spyrou. "Testing the Relationship between Nationalism and Racism: Greek-Cypriot Students' National/Ethnic Identities and Attitudes to Ethnic Out-groups." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 40, no. 11 (January 6, 2014): 1736–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2013.872985.
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Semenenko, I. "Nations, Nationalism, National Identity: New Dimensions in Academic Discourse." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-91-102.
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Analyzing discourses on interethnic relations can contribute to a clearer understanding of the focal points of tensions in contemporary political communities sharing a common territory and common political institutions. These discourses represent the complex of problems related to nation-building and are generated both in the public sphere and in academic discussion. As such, they often develop separately one from the other. Assessing the current academic discourse on nations and nationalism, on nation-building and the nation-state, on citizenship, cultural diversity and interethnic conflict can contribute to the formation of the agenda of a politics of identity aimed at building a civic nation. Memory politics deserve special attention in this context, as the interpretation of historic memory has today become a powerful instrument that political elites can use to consolidate the nation and, in different contexts, to politicize ethnicity and deepen cleavages in existing nation-states. The affirmation of a positive civic (national) identity is a reference framework for modern democratic societies, and it is in meeting the challenges of politicizing ethnicity that political priorities and academic interests meet. However, the current domination of politics over academia in this conflict prone sphere contributes to its radicalization and to the formation of negative and exclusive identities that can be manipulated to pursue elitist group interests. Evaluating models of political organization alternative to the ones known today (such as “the nation-state”) does not aspire to “write off” the nation, but this can help to come up with visions and ideas politics can take up to overcome the conflict potential that contemporary societies generate over ethnic issues. Acknowledgements. This article was prepared with financial support provided by the Russian Science Foundation [research grant № 15-18-00021, “Regulating interethnic relations and managing ethnic and social conflicts in the contemporary world: the resource potential of civic identity (a comparative political analysis)”]. The research was conducted at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations (IMEMO), RAS.
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Dayioglu, Attila Gokhun. "Disputes Between the National States and Ethnic Identities with the Basque Example." Polish Political Science Review 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 68–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0014.
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AbstractEthnicity in the historical process has been the main subject of political, economic, military and geographical change. Ethnicity, which was identical to the identity of tribes and clans before empires formed the basis of different phenomena in multi-ethnic national states. In this context, terms such as nation, race, ethnic minority, national minority etc. are used synonymously. The international structure formed aft er the collapse of the bipolar system. Concepts such as ethnic, ethnic group, minority, national minority, ethnic minority, nation, nation-state, ethnic-state, ethnic problems, ethnic discrimination have been brought to the agenda again and these concepts’ qualities and meanings have started to be reconsidered by scholars.Ethnic issues not only affect internal politics but also external and international politics for countries which have ethnic groups in their society. Therefore, these effects are causing the questioning of the system of national-states which underlies the international system.The Basque problem is characterised by the nationalist movements of the Basque society which is struggling for independence in Spain from the past to the present (the Basque society has been struggling for independence in Spain since 17th century) or who are working hard to achieve their special status. From the demands for privileges of the Basque separatist movement in Spain, the Basque problem is of great importance for the current Spanish political system.In order to solve the problem, it is necessary to examine the mutual demands and solutions of Spain and the Basque Country. From this point of view, the Spanish Administration should be directed towards moderate policies and take into account the conditions of the region. The constitution must also guarantee individual and cultural rights. This study aims to observe the problems between the Basques and Spain historically and to understand the Basque ethnic phenomenon better.
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Sambaraju, Rahul. "“You are Irish—and as Irish as Me!”: Antiracism and National Identities in Ireland." Journal of Language and Social Psychology 41, no. 1 (November 3, 2021): 76–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261927x211048215.
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What is the role of national identities in doing antiracism? In social psychology, much research on racism has examined processes and practices of exclusion. Scant research however has examined practices of inclusion. In this paper, I examine practices of national majority group members doing antiracism in response to complaints by ethnic minority members about facing racism on Twitter about their national belonging. I examine these instances and responses to these in the Irish context, as in Ireland, being “Irish” can mean both ethnic and national identity. Findings show that respondents’ national identification was central to practices of inclusion, such as that of affirming the Irishness of those facing exclusion. For respondents’ national belonging was oriented to as significant for those complaining about inclusion, for themselves, and for those who were engaging in racist exclusion of ethnic minority members. Together the findings show that while national identities allow for antiracism, these problematically suppress the relevance of race in favor of nations and nationalisms.
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Korostelina, Karina. "War of textbooks: History education in Russia and Ukraine." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 2 (May 7, 2010): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.03.004.
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Many scholars stress that teaching about the shared past plays a major role in the formation of national, ethnic, religious, and regional identities, in addition to influencing intergroup perceptions and relations. Through the analysis of historic narratives in history textbooks this paper shows how the governments of the Russian Federation and Ukraine uses state controlled history education to define their national identity and to present themselves in relations to each other. For example, history education in Ukraine portrays Russia as oppressive and aggressive enemy and emphasizes the idea of own victimhood as a core of national identity. History education in the Russian Federation condemns Ukrainian nationalism and proclaims commonality and unity of history and culture with Russian dominance over “younger brother, Ukraine”. An exploration of the mechanisms that state-controlled history education employs to define social identities in secondary school textbooks can provide an early warning of potential problems being created between the two states.
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AI LIN, CHUA. "Nation, Race, and Language: Discussing transnational identities in colonial Singapore, circa 1930." Modern Asian Studies 46, no. 2 (February 13, 2012): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x11000801.
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AbstractAround 1930, at a time of rising nationalisms in China and India, English-educated Chinese and Indians in the British colony of Singapore debated with great intensity the issue of national identity. They sought to clarify their own position as members of ethnic communities of immigrant origin, while remaining individuals who identified the territory of British Malaya as their home. Readers' letters published in the Malaya Tribune, an English-medium newspaper founded to serve the interests of Anglophone Asians, questioned prevailing assumptions of how to define a nation from the perspectives of territory, political loyalty, race, and language. Lived circumstances in Malaya proved that being Chinese or Indian could encompass a range of political, cultural, and linguistic characteristics, rather than a homogenous identity as promoted by nationalist movements of the time. Through these debates, Chinese and Indians in Malaya found ways to simultaneously reaffirm their ethnic pride as well as their sense of being ‘Malayan’.
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Rindzevičiute, Egle. "Soviet Lithuanians, Amber and the "New Balts": Historical Narratives of National and Regional Identities in Lithuanian Museums, 1940–2009." Culture Unbound 2, no. 5 (December 17, 2010): 665–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.10237665.
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In the twentieth century Lithuania emerged from the crumbling Russian Empire as a post-colonial nationalising state. Its short-lived independence (1918–1940) featured attempts to assemble the material foundations for an imagined community of Lithuanians, however in 1940 this nationalist project was disrupted by Soviet occupation. However, this article argues that regardless of the measures taken against political nationalism by the Soviets, the material work of assembling the Lithuanians as a historical and ethnic nation was not abandoned. The study analyses the ways in which Northern and Baltic categories were used to regionally situate the ethnic identification of the Lithuanian population in Soviet and post-Soviet Lithuanian museums. The cases of the Historical-Ethnographic Museum and the Museum of Amber reveal that Northern and Baltic dimensions had to be reconciled with the Soviet version of the Lithuanian past. The resulting assemblage of Lithuania as a synchronic and diachronic community of inhabitants who defined themselves through shared Baltic ancestors and centuries-old uses of amber was transmitted to the post-Soviet museums. The most salient post-Soviet changes were, first, the rewriting of the relations between Lithuanians and the Nordic countries in positive terms and in this way reversing the Soviet narrative of Lithuania as a victim of aggression from the North. Second, the Soviet construction of amber as a material mediator which enabled Lithuanians to connect with each other as a synchronic and diachronic imagined community was somewhat pushed aside in favour of the understanding of amber as a medium of social and cultural distinction for the ancient Balts and contemporary Lithuanian elites.
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Sanaullah, Fakhr ul Munir, and Hina Malik. "Ethno-Nationality and Violence in Sindh: A Case Study of MQM." Global Regional Review IV, no. III (September 30, 2019): 501–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2019(iv-iii).54.
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Regionalism has oftenly expressed itself in terms which are opposed to national unity and integrity and challenged the legitimacy of the state while the rulers see it as a threat to development, progress and unity that is the why a regional issue of socio-political representation of Muhajirs has been projected in this paper. As in other states of South Asian region, factors of language and geography contributed a lot in ethnic identification in Pakistan as well which gave birth to various conflicts among different identities in different times and making the process of national integration vulnerable. Two Nation Theory and became successful in the existence of Pakistan but usually culture and language do not support only the development of a single ethno-nationalism aspirations in new republics. Clifford Gertz calls it as �old societies and new states�. One of endeavors by an ethnic federation is the re-orientation of ethnic based collective action into non-violent politics. Unity among all peoples, linguistic or racial groups must be obtained and can be found within diverse ethno-cultural environment of Pakistan. Sindh has had long history of ethnic struggle.
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Zaitseva, Zinaida. "The Habsburg Empire at the Liberalization Stage: The Progress of Civil Society." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 222–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.222-228.
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In the article the author determines the formation of a functional correlation between the institutions of civil society and ethnic nationalism in Austria-Hungary. It is established that civil society in the Austro-Hungarian Empire began to form clearly after the democratic reforms of the sixties of the XIX century. It is proved that civil society has undergone stratification in various national and linguistic spaces in the form of educational, scientific, economic, and creative organizations. Civil society on the periphery of the empire has acquired a stable ethno-cultural character.The findings indicate that the acute crisis of identity in Austro-Hungary developed on the basis of two actively functioning sources: the old conflict environment of local historical and state identities and new formations that arose as a result of the cultural and political expansion of ethnic groups belonging to nations that were treated as young and stateless. The problems of economic, social, mental autonomy and cultural coexistence could not receive an authentic representation only in terms of administrative and political decentralization or integration, since in each national-ethnic event they had a spiritual and cultural content and socio-humanitarian content. In the early twentieth century. in Austria-Hungary there was a situation of unstable equilibrium of the composite society, which was characterized by the asynchrony of historical development.The ethnic factor played a dissonant role in the social life of Austria-Hungary. Most ethno-national groups were in different segments of the formation of political nations, in different socio-cultural contexts, which led to difficulties in the formation of classical institutions of civil societies and its formation as homogeneous. The period of modernization of the Austrian empire proved that liberalism and nationalism are historically linked precisely with the principle of people's sovereignty.
Keywords: Austro-Hungarian Empire, multiethnicity, liberalization, civil society, national movements
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MacKenzie, John M. "Empire and National Identities: The Case of Scotland." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 8 (December 1998): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679295.
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The modern historiography of the origins of British national identities seems riven with contradictions and paradoxes. First there is a major chronological problem. Is the forging of Britishness to be located in the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth or nineteenth centuries? Second, there is a difficulty in the compilation of such identities. Are they to be found in negative reactions to the perceived contemporary identities of others or in positive, if mythic, readings of ethnic history? Third, can there be a British identity at all when the cultural identities of what may be called the sub-nationalisms or sub-ethnicities of the United Kingdom seem to be forged at exactly the same time? And fourth, did the formation of the British Empire and the vast expansion of British imperialism in the nineteenth century tend towards the confirmation of the identity of Greater Britain or of the Welsh, Irish, English and Scottish elements that made it up?
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Rutland, Peter. "Thirty Years of Nation-Building in the Post-Soviet States." Nationalities Papers 51, no. 1 (January 2023): 14–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2021.94.
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AbstractThis introduction to the special issue looks back at 30 years of nation-building in the post-Soviet states. Initial hopes that national self-determination would reinforce democratization proved misplaced. While that synergy worked well in the Baltic states, elsewhere authoritarian leaders embraced nationalism, while democracies like Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine lost control of parts of their territory to secessionist movements backed by Russia. Each of the post-Soviet states promoted a national language (except for Belarus) and forged a new historical narrative for their “imagined community,” but in most cases they remained multi-ethnic and multi-lingual communities. In recognition of this persisting ethnic diversity, nation-building was accompanied by policies of ethnicity management. The international economic environment was rapidly changing due to globalization, posing new challenges for nation-builders. The gender dimension is important to the new national identities being forged in the post-Soviet space: the categories of race and class, less so. The article concludes with a review of the salient features of each of the newly-independent states.
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Bieber, Florian. "Muslim Identity in the Balkans before the Establishment of Nation States." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990050002434.
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In analyzing national and ethnic identities in the Balkans, one notices a “delay” in the development of the Muslim national identity. The Bosniaks and Albanians, for example, developed a national consciousness in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. In contrast to the Southeastern European Christians, the Muslim inhabitants followed the official religion of the dominant political class of the Ottoman Empire—Islam—a faith that (theoretically, at least) privileged religious belief over ethnicity or nationalism. These two concepts, alien to Ottoman intellectual tradition, became fully understood by the Ottoman elite only in the early twentieth century. Although the Muslims under Ottoman rule often perceived themselves as different from their co-religionist rulers in Istanbul, as shall be demonstrated in this paper, they nevertheless shared the religion of the rulers of the Empire and practised a religion that suppressed the development of national identity far more explicitly than did Christianity. Thus, it was the decline of the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century, and the consequent recognition that this state was ceasing to protect the interests and identity of the Muslim population in Southeastern Europe, which led to the development of ethnic and national identity among the Muslims.
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Petrovic, Jelena. "Conditional support for territorial migrations in Serbian national discourse." Journal of Language Aggression and Conflict 5, no. 2 (November 23, 2017): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlac.5.2.03pet.
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Abstract After more than a decade of Serbia’s investment in the EU integration, its citizens are still imagining their national identities from the externally assigned position of ‘flawed’ Europeans. To respond to this subject position in the context of ongoing migration trends in Europe, these individuals engage in identity politics that both celebrate elements of otherness, and also locate them in the country’s own internal and Eastern Others. This study uses critical discourse analysis to examine the ideological effects of these negotiations in response to the 2010/2011 asylum-seeking crisis, when a number of Serbian citizens applied for asylum in several EU countries, which defined this as an abuse of Schengen system. The analysis of more than 1,000 online comments shows that newsreaders offer conditional support for asylum seekers to (re)inscribe preferred social hierarchies. Represented simultaneously as suffering citizens and immoral internal other, asylum seekers serve as the strategic means by which ethnic discrimination becomes an invisible element of everyday nationalism.
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Chudziak, Mateusz. "Czerkieski ruch narodowy: emigracja – diaspora – transnacjonalizm." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 46 (December 4, 2015): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2015.038.
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Circassian National Movement: Emigration, Diaspora, TransnationalismThe main purpose of this article is to give an account of historical development of Circassian nationalism. Author proposes a modernist and ethno-symbilist perspective in researching national idea of Caucasian ethnic group devided in stalinist USSR as a result of national engeenering, as well as by nineteenth century conquest of Northern Caucasus. The category of 'trans-nationalism' is based on Arjun Appadurai's understending of development of various social and cultural identities in globalising world. The case of Circassians living in North Caucasus and diaspora is viewed in this perspective. Thus, article is a historical and anthropological scope of Circassian nationalism in past two centuries. Czerkieski ruch narodowy: emigracja – diaspora – transnacjonalizmGłównym celem artykułu jest przybliżenie historycznego rozwoju nacjonalizmu czerkieskiego. W badaniach nad tożsamością pochodzącej z Kaukazu Północnego grupy etnicznej autor proponuje perspektywę modernistyczną i etnosymboliczną. Czerkiesi zostali podzieleni na odrębne grupy w wyniku stalinowskiej inżynierii narodowej. Wcześniej znaczna ich grupa została wygnana z Kaukazu podczas rosyjskiego podboju regionu. Potomkowie wygnańców tworzą dziś diasporę, której poświęcono najwęcej miejsca. Współczesna tożsamość Czerkiesów żyjących w diasporze i na Kaukazie została ujęta w ramy zjawiska zwanego w tekście “transnacjonalizmem”. Kategoria ta oparta jest na rozumieniu nowoczesnych tożsamości społecznych proponowanemu przez Arjuna Appadurai'a. W takiej perspektywie omawiana jest historia czerkieskiego nacjonalizmu w ciągu ostatnich dwóch stuleci.
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Nikoui, Sh, G. Abdikerova, and T. Tauekelova. "PROBLEMS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN AFGHANISTAN." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 76, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-4.1728-8940.10.
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From a sociological point of view, national identity is defined as a kind of feeling and emotional belonging to a society that causes national unity and cohesion and has different material, cultural and psychological dimensions that cause societies to differ from each other. The phenomenon of Ethnicization and the formation of sub-national identities and subcultures have become doubly important in the contemporary period because factors such as territorial divisions based on national government, inequality, deprivation, ideology, and colonialism play an important role in ethnic nationalization in societies. The ethnicization of identity can be called a process in which the link between national values is weakened and the possibility of maintaining the convergence of a nation is endangered. What is true of national identity in Afghanistan is that no deep link has yet been established between nationalities and ethnicities with national territory, values, and culture. The identity crisis in Afghanistan has been more focused on the social segregation of groups and has not yet reached the stage of disintegration. Lack of national identity has left negative consequences in the development of concepts such as national unity, national participation, and social justice and has prevented the formation of civic nationalism.
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Lamoureaux, Siri. "Ethnic nationalism and gendered morality in the semiotic construction of the Moro language of Sudan." Faits de Langues 51, no. 1 (November 25, 2020): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19589514-05101012.
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Abstract This paper brings together discussions on language and nationalism, with gender and nationalism. Drawing from ‘language ideology’ and ‘indexical gender’ from a linguistic anthropological approach, it traces the emergence of the “Moro language”, in the context of a Moro ethnic national movement, originating in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan, and how it became indexically linked with masculine authority. Moro identify as Nuba and Christian, as opposed to Arab and Muslim, the dominant identities. Christian literacy, spearheaded by patriarchal leadership became the frame through which Moro organized ethnic identity and unity. The constructed language, as the object of metapragmatic evaluation, is also tightly woven into norms of morality and gender within the community. Two registers are identified: textuality is normatively masculine and orality is normatively feminine. The Moro community draws on gendered ideologies to produce a new writing and speaking style, the “Moro Bible Language” (MBL). MBL results from the interweaving of the two registers in language standardization practices. Negotiating the ideologies that bring MBL to life occurs in metalinguistic discourse, teaching, learning and speaking styles. Since the politics of standardization are foregrounded, even seeming apolitical projects are laden with moral worth in the turbulent context of rapid cultural change.
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Bayer, Gerd. "Negotiating Ethnic Difference in Restoration Travel Fiction." Arcadia 47, no. 1 (July 2012): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arcadia-2012-0005.
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AbstractFollowing the skeptical attitude towards foreign nations and cultures during the Renaissance, travel fictions during the English Restoration took a more liberal approach to ethnic difference. The anonymous novel Peppa (1689) artfully presents Western stereotypes about ethnic others as being based on false assumptions and outright lies. A crucial scene in this cross-national love plot is based on ethnic fakery, thereby presenting to its readers the constructedness of national and cultural identities. A second text example discusses John Dunton’s A Voyage round the World (1691), arguing that through its unusual form and the resulting openness it reveals the relativity of all cultural norms and national stereotypes. By presenting domestic scenes through the prism of colonialist derision, Dunton turns the tables on English nationalist discourse. Both texts thus invite their readers to confront national, ethnic, and cultural difference more open-mindedly and be aware of the power of language and discourse to influence public opinion.
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Johnston, Richard, Keith Banting, Will Kymlicka, and Stuart Soroka. "National Identity and Support for the Welfare State." Canadian Journal of Political Science 43, no. 2 (May 28, 2010): 349–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423910000089.
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Abstract.This paper examines the role of national identity in sustaining public support for the welfare state. Liberal nationalist theorists argue that social justice will always be easier to achieve in states with strong national identities, which, they contend, can both mitigate opposition to redistribution among high-income earners and reduce any corroding effects of ethnic diversity resulting from immigration. We test these propositions with Canadian data from the Equality, Security and Community survey. We conclude that national identity does increase support for the welfare state among the affluent majority of Canadians and that it helps to protect the welfare state from toxic effects of cultural suspicion. However, we also find that identity plays a narrower role than existing theories of liberal nationalism suggest and that the mechanisms through which it works are different. This leads us to suggest an alternative theory of the relationship between national identity and the welfare state, one that suggests that the relationship is highly contingent, reflecting distinctive features of the history and national narratives of each country. National identity may not have any general tendency to strengthen support for redistribution, but it may do so for those aspects of the welfare state seen as having played a particularly important role in building the nation or in enabling it to overcome particular challenges or crises.Résumé.Cet article examine le rôle de l'identité nationale en matière d'appui populaire à l'État-providence. Les théoriciens du nationalisme libéral soutiennent que la justice sociale sera toujours plus facile à réaliser dans les États ayant une forte identité nationale, laquelle, selon eux, peut à la fois atténuer l'opposition à la redistribution chez les personnes à revenu élevé et réduire les effets corrosifs de la diversité ethnique engendrée par l'immigration. Nous évaluons ces propositions à la lumière des données canadiennes de l'Étude sur l'égalité, la sécurité et la communauté. Nous concluons que l'identité nationale augmente effectivement l'appui envers l'État-providence parmi les Canadiens fortunés de la majorité, et qu'elle aide à protéger l'État-providence contre les effets toxiques de la suspicion culturelle. Cependant, nous constatons également que l'identité joue un rôle plus restreint que ne le suggèrent les théories existantes du nationalisme libéral et que ses mécanismes de fonctionnement sont différents. Cela nous amène à proposer une autre théorie de la relation entre l'identité nationale et l'État-providence, une théorie selon laquelle cette relation est fortement contingente et reflète les caractéristiques propres de l'histoire et de la tradition nationale de chaque pays. L'identité nationale n'a peut-être, en soi, aucune tendance générale à renforcer l'appui à la redistribution, mais elle peut le faire pour les aspects de l'État-providence considérés comme ayant joué un rôle particulièrement important dans l'édification de la nation, ou lui ayant permis de surmonter des crises ou des défis particuliers.
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ROCCHI, T. "REVOLUTION FROM THE RIGHT: THE RUSSIAN BLACK HUNDREDS MOVEMENT AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN FAR RIGHT PARTIES AND MOVEMENTS Part II-I: the Black Hundred understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism and the consolidation of nations: origins and development of varieties of nationalism in the Russian Empire and Europe." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 3/2 (August 4, 2018): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/2-54-71.
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This series of articles investigates the Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness in the general European context of the history of nationalism. In brief, Russianness is the totality of nationally specific characteristics that define Russians as Russians and that distinguish Russians from other peoples. Through Russianness, according to the Black Hundreds, Russians should form a cohesive, selfidentifying community united in loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundred understanding of Russianness strongly differed from the definition of Russianness by other Russian nationalists of the period. Several historians have noted that the Black Hundreds’ definition of a “true Russian” indicated not an ethnic but rather a political affiliation - loyalty to the triple formula “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality”. The Black Hundreds’ understanding of Russianness had contradictory applications. The Black Hundreds emphasized the allembracing nature of the Russian people and considered many members of the non-Russian peoples as members of the Russian nation. However, they also excluded entire categories of Russians from the ranks of the Russian people and divided the non-Russian peoples of the Empire into the categories of “friendly to Russia” and “hostile to Russia”. The Black Hundreds also often used eschatological themes of demonization of external and especially internal enemies of Russia and the Russian people. Note that the Black Hundreds followed general European trends in political eschatology. It is important to note that the debates about Russianness were an integral part of the general European process of the consolidation of both ethnic and political nations against the background of competing understandings of identity of individuals, groups, and societies. The articles will give a comparative analysis of the Black Hundreds’ concept of Russianness with the concepts of Frenchness in the French Revolution and Germanness in Nazi Germany. The articles’ theme has a huge contemporary relevance in light of debates about national identities and values in the Russian Federation and many European countries.
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Baranov, Nikolai. "IS RUSSIA AN EMPIRE OR A NATION-STATE? Book Review: Achkasov V. A. Russian Dilemma: Empire or Nation State: Monograph. Moscow, Yurayt Publishing House, 2019, 373 p." Political Expertise: POLITEX 16, no. 3 (2020): 414–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2020.307.
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In the review of the book by Valery Achkasov, devoted to the study of ethno-political processes in Russia from the moment of its transformation into an empire to the present day, an attempt is made to comprehend the views of both the author and other scholars on significant ethno-political problems in regard to the correlation of an empire and a nation state, the formation of the Russian nation and Russian imperial nationalism, the influence of the Russian revolution on national politics, as well as on the Soviet experience of nation building. According to the reviewer, the author convincingly revealed the causes of the crisis of national identity in modern Russia and the peculiarities of regional identities, due to the characteristics of the status of the region as an integral part of the nation state. The author’s position, which casts doubt on the orientation of the Russian post-communist state towards the production of democratic and civic identities is of scientific interest as well as arguing for the promotion and actualization of identities, both ethnic and those oriented on the principle of loyalty to the state. Valery Achkasov’s conclusions are significant concerning the need to replace the model of interethnic interaction with the civil-political model of national integration and that Russia is in the process of forming a nation-state, which acts as the final result of the development of social integration.
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Heydemans, Nency Aprilia, and Fienny Maria Langi. "KONTRIBUSI MR. ALEXANDER ANDRIES MARAMIS BAGI NEGARA KESATUAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA." Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Suara Khatulistiwa 5, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33701/jipsk.v5i1.984.
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Abstract The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) has distinctive cross-ethnic, religious and cultural characteristics that govern sovereignty of people's lives. The founders of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia represented the whole of the Indonesian people governing common life based on Pancasila as the philosophical and ideological basis of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia. Indonesia is a large country that has a history and historical figures. One historical figure is Mr. Alexander Andries Maramis (Mr. A. A. Maramis) who contributed to the independence of Indonesia and helped to form the basis of the State. The purpose of this study is (1) to know the life history and contribution of Mr. A. A. Maramis for the Republic of Indonesia. (2) Changes that occur after the contribution of Mr. A. A. Maramis for the Republic of Indonesia. This research uses the historical method with a descriptive approach through data analysis techniques, interviews, documentation and literature study. This paper is about to reveal that Mr. A. A. Maramis has an identity as a native of Minahasa (North Sulawesi) fighting for the independence of the Indonesian Nation both nationally and internationally. This is seen in nationalist identities and attitudes as markers of his struggle and for later generations. This article concludes that the next generation needs to build a collective memory of Mr. A. A. Maramis as a national hero who contributes to the value of humanity and nationalism.
Keywords : A. A. Maramis, contribution, NKRI, nationalism, identity.
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Unowsky, Daniel. "Comments: Contesting And Constructing National Identity in Central Europe." Nationalities Papers 29, no. 3 (September 2001): 493–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120073726.
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With his contingent of geographers, historians, and other academic “experts” collectively known as The Inquiry in tow, Woodrow Wilson arrived in Paris in January 1919 to redraw the map of Europe. Wilson wanted to fulfill his Fourteen Points and guarantee national self-determination to the peoples of Europe. A peaceful community of ethnically homogeneous nation-states was to replace the great multinational empires (defined by central European nationalists as prisons of the peoples) that had previously dominated central and eastern Europe. During the inter-war period, the governing elites of central Europe, their new “nation-states” legitimated by the post-war settlement, created new national holidays, national anthems, and nationalist school text books lauding the history and achievements of the state-bearing nation. These simple and seemingly coherent national narratives elided the messy, confusing, and jumbled past of multiple identities, mingled ethnic groups, and alienated social orders, and legitimized political, economic, and territorial claims made in the name of the “national community” lending its name to the new state.
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Võsu, Ester, and Alo Joosepson. "Staging national identities in contemporary Estonian theatre and film." Sign Systems Studies 33, no. 2 (December 31, 2005): 425–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2005.33.2.09.
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This paper focuses on the ways in which national identities are staged in recent film and theatre productions in Estonia. We want to complement the prevalent approaches to nationality (Anderson 1983; Gellner 1983; Bhabha 1990), where the role of theatre and film as modellers of national identity are undervalued. National identity is a complex term that presupposes some clarification, which we gave by describing its dynamics today; its relation to ethnic identity, a thread between the lived and declared national identities, and the relevance of culture-based national identity. Herein we consider the concept of staging to have two implications: (1) as an aesthetic term it incorporates an artistic process, comprising several devices and levels; (2) as a concept in cultural theory it describes cultural processes in which something is set on stage for public reflection. Accordingly, in our analysis we considered national identities in theatre and film stagings in both senses. The results of our analyses demonstrated that our hypothesis about emerging new national identities in Estonia was valid, though deconstructed and hybrid national identities are not exactly and absolutely new types of identities but rather strategies of creating space for new identities to develop. A deconstructed national identity refers to the state of high self-reflexivity in which the existing elements of national identity are re-examined, recontextualised and re-evaluated. Further, a hybrid national identity demonstrates the diversity and coexistence of the components of national identity. Both strategies of staging are characteristic of the transformation of national identities, confirming that a single homogenous staging of national identity seems to be replaced by bringing multiple new self-models on stage.
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Yayoh, Wilson. "Colonial boundaries and the challenges of transition to multi party democracy in sub-Saharan Africa." Abibisem: Journal of African Culture and Civilization 6 (December 1, 2013): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.47963/ajacc.v6i.865.
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At independence, African countries south of the Sahara were confronted with the problem of national integration. This problem was borne out of the partition of the continent in a manner that brought different ethnic groups together to form artificially created states. This paper argues that the difficulties most African countries faced during the wholesale transition to multi-party rule in the 1990s were traceable to the ethnic diversities of the states. A sense of shared nationality, a pre-requisite for national integration and unity, was weak or was yet to be forged in most countries. This weakness had negative implications for multi-party democracy in Africa, for political pluralism stirred up ethnic conflicts/upheavals which tore countries apart. Pro-democracy movements during the transitional period emboldened the zeal of component ethnic groups to assert their identities on the political scene.
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Kurs, Ott. "The Vepsians: An Administratively Divided Nationality." Nationalities Papers 29, no. 1 (March 2001): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120036385.
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The administrative division of late imperial Russia made few concessions to minority populations, who often found themselves divided among several provinces. The Bolshevik ascendancy to power changed the situation; Vladimir Lenin's “federal compromise” marked a breakthrough from the tsarist unitary practice to a system of governance which, at least on paper, made allowance for the ethnocultural diversity of the population. The chief designers of the Bolshevik nationality policy believed that a federal arrangement would offer a framework for controlling undesirable national sentiments during the transitional stage when class identities would gradually replace ethnic attachments. However, it turned out that for non-Russian groups the national-territorial autonomous units were not simply empty containers, free of cultural and emotional meaning, in which their political socialization would occur. These units became an integral part of their national identity; ethnicity obtained “legal” territorial roots and the various territorial units began to function as vessels of ethnic consciousness.
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Kudaibergenova, Diana T. "“Imagining community” in Soviet Kazakhstan. An historical analysis of narrative on nationalism in Kazakh-Soviet literature." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (September 2013): 839–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.775115.
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Although much attention has been paid to national construction in Soviet and post-Soviet Central Asia, the field of literary and cultural analysis of the origins of current national symbols and texts in this region is yet not fully acknowledged and discovered. This article tries to shed light onto the literary construction of an ethnic identity and its historical background in Soviet Kazakhstan and its influence on the post-Soviet ideology in this multicultural country. In doing so it investigates the ways and the time when most of the important historical epics were “re-written,” brought back by the Kazakh writers and intellectuals in the mid-twentieth century. The importance of investigating this period and this phenomenon is twofold. First, it provides further contribution to the Soviet creation of binary approaches to the formation of ethnic identities and the continuous attack on local nationalisms. Following the arguments of some scholars in the field (e.g. [Adams, Laura. 1999. “Invention, Institutionalization and Renewal in Uzbekistan's National Culture.” European Journal of Cultural Studies 2; Dave, Bhavna. 2007. Kazakhstan: Ethnicity and Power. London: Routledge]) this asserts that the local cultural elites found ways of bargaining and re-structuring such identity contributing to its “localization” through the usage of pre-Soviet and pre-Russian historical symbols. In a way, they were able to construct their own “imagined community” and resistance to the past and existing (according to them) colonialism within the given framework of Kazakh-Soviet literature. Secondly, the historicity that became a leitmotif of most important literary works and later on a main focus of national ideology in post-Soviet Kazakhstan must be viewed not just as an instrument of legitimation in this post-colonial state but also as a strong continuity of cultural and ethnic identity lines. The very fact that a detailed and continued genealogy of Kazakh medieval tribes and rulers was the main focus of major works by such famous Kazakh writers as Mukhtar Auezov or Ilyas Yessenberlin demonstrates the importance of the “continuity” and kinship and family lines for Kazakhs. The paper raises the questions of how national and elitist these movements were before the independence and how the further post-independent projects of using and re-establishing these links and continuity formed more questions than answers for the nation-builders in independent Kazakhstan.
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Merli, Claudia, and Trudi Buck. "Forensic identification and identity politics in 2004 post-tsunami Thailand: Negotiating dissolving boundaries." Human Remains and Violence: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, no. 1 (2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/hrv.1.1.2.
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This article considers the contexts and processes of forensic identification in 2004 post-tsunami Thailand as examples of identity politics. The presence of international forensic teams as carriers of diverse technical expertise overlapped with bureaucratic procedures put in place by the Thai government. The negotiation of unified forensic protocols and the production of estimates of identified nationals straddle biopolitics and thanatocracy. The immense identification task testified on the one hand to an effort to bring individual bodies back to mourning families and national soils, and on the other hand to determining collective ethnic and national bodies, making sense out of an inexorable and disordered dissolution of corporeal as well as political boundaries. Individual and national identities were the subject of competing efforts to bring order to,the chaos, reaffirming the cogency of the body politic by mapping national boundaries abroad. The overwhelming forensic effort required by the exceptional circumstances also brought forward the socio-economic and ethnic disparities of the victims, whose post-mortem treatment and identification traced an indelible divide between us and them.
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Ali, Majid Hassan. "Aspirations for Ethnonationalist Identities among Religious Minorities in Iraq: The Case of Yazidi Identity in the Period of Kurdish and Arab Nationalism, 1963–2003." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (July 1, 2019): 953–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.20.
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AbstractThe aspirations of religious minorities in Iraq for becoming recognized ethnonationalist entities have rarely been investigated from a historical perspective, particularly in the case of the Yazidis. This article addresses changing attitudes about the Yazidi religious minority identity across different historical periods. Yazidi identity is examined as an ancillary undercurrent to the ethnonationalist identity conflict between the central government of Iraq and the Kurdish movement. This contrasts with identity as a religious minority in prior eras, when religious minorities preserved their distinct core identities based on their own social and religious customs and idiosyncrasies, making them self-defining communities bound together by coherent religious identities. In the case of the Yazidi minority, despite the multiplicity of theories and hypotheses about the origins of the Yazidi people and their national and ethnic affiliations and increasing rumors about Yazidis related to their existence as a potential sub-ethnicity or ethno-religion, the important truth is that Yazidis consider themselves religiously, culturally, and historically distinct from other ethnonationalist groups and communities in Iraq.
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May, Anthony. "An ‘Anti-Sectarian’ Act? Examining the Importance of National Identity to the ‘Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications (Scotland) Act’." Sociological Research Online 20, no. 2 (May 2015): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.3649.
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The 2010-11 football season in Scotland was affected by many incidents of violence and threatening behaviour. Fans of the two Glasgow clubs, Celtic and Rangers, were involved in the majority of these incidents. Players and officials of Celtic were targeted by Loyalist terrorists and sent bullets through the post. The Scottish government felt that many of the incidents were motivated by religious, ethnic, and national hatred, and introduced an Act of Parliament in order to tackle the problems that had arisen. The ‘Offensive Behaviour at Football and Threatening Communications (Scotland) Act’ came into law on 1 March 2012, representing a governmental judgement that Scottish football is negatively affected by inter-communal tension. The Act criminalises violent incidents and threatening behaviour related to the expression of religious hatred towards football fans, players, and officials. It also explicitly targets expressions of hatred on ethnic and national grounds. This is significant because in the contemporary era, much of what is termed ‘sectarianism’ in Scotland is directly related to national identity, particularly British and Irish identities. The modern iconography of Celtic and Rangers has comparatively little to do with religion, and relates to differing visions of Scotland, the United Kingdom, and the island of Ireland. Incidents that are termed ‘sectarian’ are often best examined through the prism of nationalism, for in contemporary Scotland it is national identity that is most significant to those who perpetrate the actions that the Act seeks to tackle.
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Szmyt, Zbigniew. "Tantryczne ciało rosyjskiego prezydenta – oświecony umysł czyngisydów. Polityka i nacjonalizm w buddyzmie buriat/mongolskim." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 43 (April 16, 2015): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2013.020.
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The tantric body of the Russian president – chingisids’ enlightened mind. Politics and nationalism in Buryat / Mongolian BuddhismThis paper is devoted to the role of Buddhism in the construction of ethnonational identity in Buryatia and Mongolia. On the case of the phenomenon of deification of Russian presidents by Buryat lamas I have analyzed: historically conditioned compounds of Buddhism and politics of the Mongolian groups, the role of Buddhism in ethnic mobilization in Buryatia and Mongolia after the fall of Communism and features of ethnonational model of Buddhism in two neighboring regions. In post-socialist period Buddhism was involved in ethnonational political projects. As a result, an attempt was taken to restore the monastic model of Buddhism, which had functioned in the pre-revolutionary period. Local peculiarities of Mongolian Buddhism were reinforced in order to produce the difference between the (national) Mongolian/Buryat and tibetan Buddhism. In Buryatia, Buddhism became a distinctive element used for ethnic differentiation of Buryats – in opposition to the Orthodox Russians. In Mongolia, traditionalist position of Buddhism was opposed in some way to Christianity, the various factions of which are distributed together with “agendas of modernity” from Western countries. In tantric union with the president Buryat lamas produce harmony between two national identities: Russian – civic and Buryat – ethnonational. Deification of the state power and giving it the attributes of loving femininity is a practice obliging the authority to generosity, which is attributed to the White tara. It is a strategy of the weak, who agree to a game of domination, but they try to define its rules themselves. Looking more broadly it can be said that the Buryats as a national community appeared just as a result of this fusion with the Russian power. Because of this they were separated from the pre-national family of Mongolian peoples. Mongols, for similar purposes use Chingis khan identified with the Buddhist form of Vajrapani. As a result, nationalist narrative is set to famous past, but uses the ‘eternal’ values, achieves harmony of all its elements.
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Duba, Gulay Umaner, and Nur Köprülü. "Rethinking National Identities in Divided Societies of Post-Ottoman Lands: Lessons from Lebanon and Cyprus." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (January 21, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v4i2.p113-127.
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The communal identities rooted in the millet system are still salient in post-Ottoman lands. Cyprus and Lebanon offer two cases where ethnic and sectarian identities are more prominent than national identities. In this respect both countries represent highly divided societies in post-Ottoman territories. This article discusses the failure of power-sharing systems in Cyprus and Lebanon, arguing that the lack of cultivation of a common national identity at the founding of these republics remains even today a central obstacle to implementing stable multinational/sectarian democratic systems. As a part of Greater Syria, today’s Lebanon is a homeland to many ethnic and sectarian communities. Lebanese politics historically has been governed by a system of consociationalism, which prevents any one group from dominating the political system. This system of power sharing dates back to the 1943 National Pact, and as a result of the sectarian nature of this arrangement, religious communal identities have a stronger pull than a Lebanese national identity. These communal identities crystallized over the course of a 14-year civil war, and were exacerbated by the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafiq al-Hariri in 2005. In the case of Cyprus, the possibility of cultivating a shared national identity between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots has historically been suppressed by kin-state relations and colonial policies which have, in turn, resulted in inter-communal conflict. An understanding of this conflict and the nature of the nationalisms of each community helps explain how the 1960 Constitution of a bi-communal and consociational Republic of Cyprus hindered inter-communal relations – a precondition for the cultivation of a common national identity – and ultimately failed. From enosis to taksimto the April 2004 referendum on the UN’sAnnan Plan, the contentious interaction between external constraints and collective self-identification processes subsequently reinforced ethno-religious identifications. Through an examination of such processes, this article aims to identify and illuminate the shifting forces that shape deeply divided societies in general, and that have shaped Cyprus and Lebanon in particular. Understanding such forces may help break down barriers to the development of common national narratives.
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Winland, Daphne N. "“We Are Now an Actual Nation”: The Impact of National Independence on the Croatian Diaspora in Canada." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.3.
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The political scientist Walker Connor identifies two factors that help him distinguish between “immigrant communities” and “diasporas”: 1) the degree of loyalty felt toward the adopted host nation as opposed to the ancestral homeland and 2) the extent of assimilation (“Ethnonationalism” 80). The comparative framework Connor developed to clarify the terminological confusion resulting from scholarly attempts to theorize the relationship between ethnicity, nation, and state has had only limited success, because the assumptions that inform his definitions of immigrant communities and diasporas reproduce a functionalist teleology of “movement from one form of integrity to another” (Rouse 10), mediated by notions of adaptation and accommodation. Although his seminal earlier work challenged the “tendency to equate nationalism with a feeling of loyalty to the state rather than with loyalty to the nation” (“A Nation” 378) and drew our attention to the centrality of (ethnic) self consciousness in nationalism, Connor has not fully investigated the important question of how self-consciousness is obtained and transformed and how it manifests itself in situations of change. The integral relationship between self-consciousness and loyalty necessitates an investigation of those societal contexts and processes that influence group loyalties. These considerations are particularly significant for the analysis of diasporan identities for which issues of self-representation, the practices and processes associated with transnationalism, and, in the case of Croatians in Canada presented here, the impact of national independence on identity claims, are central. Rather than instilling a sense of unity, Croatian independence has either created or reinforced the contestations over notions of Croatian peoplehood.
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Rerup, Lorenz. "Grundtvigs indflydelse på den tidlige danske nationalisme." Grundtvig-Studier 43, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v43i1.16073.
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Grundtvig’s Position in Early Danish NationalismBy Lorenz RerupThe article deals with Grundtvig’s important position in Early Danish nationalism, i.e., in the decades from about 1800 to 1830. The background is the Danish Monarchy from the prosperous years at the turn of the century to the disastrous war 1807-1814, the loss of Norway in 1814, and the following needy postwar time. After 1814 the Danish Monarchy consisted of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, the North-Atlantic Islands (the Faeroes and Greenland) and some minor colonies. The ideology which integrated the higher ranks of these heterogeneous ethnic groups of the Monarchy into one society was a patriotism underlining peace and order in the realm, the importance of just government and - before 1807 - the protection provided by the Danish navy.The patriotism of the Monarchy was compatible with various feelings of identity which bred in different parts of it from about 1750. The Danes, living in an old kingdom, equipped with a written language, with a complete educational system, and with a history of their own, of course, had a feeling of a Danish identiy, as the German speaking population of the Duchies had a corresponding feeling of an identity of their own. Clashes of these different identities might happen but were not connected with political ideas. The state was run by the king, not by the people, and a public opinion about politics was not allowed - and was almost non-existent - before the announcement of the Advisory Estates Assemblies in 1831. Now nationalism spread and soon undermined the supranational Monarchy, which finally disintegrated in 1864.However, in the first decades of the 18th century and influenced by the ideas of Romanticism a few poets, first of all Grundtvig, developed a literary national movement without political aims. In the writings of these poets the Danes - the whole people - have a real chance to make history if they abandon their superficial life and revive the virtues and piety of the great periods in Danish history. Like political nationalists these poets propagate this kind of revival. Their attempt failed. People were still divided into a ’high’ and a ’broad’ culture and some decades had to pass until the latter one felt the need of an ideology in order to be integrated into society. Nevertheless, Grundtvig seems to be a kind of link between the patriotic ideology of the 18th and the political nationalism of the 19th century.
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Leidig, Eviane Cheng. "Immigrant, Nationalist and Proud: A Twitter Analysis of Indian Diaspora Supporters for Brexit and Trump." Media and Communication 7, no. 1 (February 5, 2019): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v7i1.1629.
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The Brexit referendum to leave the EU and Trump’s success in the US general election in 2016 sparked new waves of discussion on nativism, nationalism, and the far right. Within these analyses, however, very little attention has been devoted towards exploring the transnational ideological circulation of Islamophobia and anti-establishment sentiment, especially amongst diaspora and migrant networks. This article thus explores the role of the Indian diaspora as mediators in populist radical right discourse in the West. During the Brexit referendum and Trump’s election and presidency, a number of Indian diaspora voices took to Twitter to express pro-Brexit and pro-Trump views. This article presents a year-long qualitative study of these users. It highlights how these diasporic Indians interact and engage on Twitter in order to signal belonging on multiple levels: as individuals, as an imaginary collective non-Muslim diaspora, and as members of (populist radical right) Twitter society. By analysing these users’ social media performativity, we obtain insight into how social media spaces may help construct ethnic and (trans)national identities according to boundaries of inclusion/exclusion. This article demonstrates how some Indian diaspora individuals are embedded into exclusivist national political agendas of the populist radical right in Western societies.