Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nationalism, ethnic and national identities'
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Chi, Janine Kay Gwen. "Emergent identities and state-society interactions : transformations of national and ethnic identities in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore. /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8889.
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Ling, Hock Shen. "Negotiating Malaysian Chinese Ethnic and National Identity Across Borders." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1226957088.
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Bhambra, Manmit Kaur. "The social worlds and identities of young British Sikhs and Hindus in London." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:320867c1-95bf-4e1e-a6cd-15e456ff6347.
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This thesis is centred on exploring the identity options and orientations of young British Indians, from Sikh and Hindu backgrounds, who are British born and living in the London area. Recent socio-political debates have assumed a lack of Britishness amongst these young people, an assumption that is rooted in the belief that high bonding capital within ethnic minorities has led to a lack of bridging capital. This thesis argues that such statements are an essentialisation of the reality of these young people. In fact, their sources of belonging are far more complex, and far less threatening than we may be led to believe. Through the utilisation of eighty in-depth interviews, this thesis presents the intricate social worlds of these young people and the range of orientations (positive and negative) they feel towards component parts of their social worlds, as well as examining the strength and permeability of boundaries that demarcate these social worlds. The final substantive chapter deals with Britishness, and uncovers and presents the different perceptions and understandings that these young people have about British national identity and the ways in which it is accommodated (or not) alongside other important sources of belonging. It is found that a multi-dimensional approach to identity and belonging is best suited to understand the diverse and highly individualistic trajectories of these young people and that 'diverse-dual identities' are the most common pattern of belonging in this particular empirical case. This thesis make a significant contribution to the existing theoretical frameworks on identity and assimilation as well as the current socio-political debates on Britishness and the cultural integration of ethnic minorities in Britain, by presenting data on an under-researched group, British Indians, and highlighting the range of experiences within this group and the sources of this diversity.
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Licata, Laurent. "Identités représentées et représentations identitaires: effets des contextes comparatif et sociopolitique sur la signification psychologique des appartenances géopolitiques." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211740.
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Etude des relations entre représentations sociales et identités sociales dans le domaine des appartenances géopolitiques (régions, nations, Europe). L'introduction explore les liens conceptuels entre la théorie des Représentations Sociales (Moscovici, 1961) et les théories de l'Identité Sociale (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) et de l'Auto-catégorisation (Turner et al. 1987). Ces liens sont ensuite étudiés au travers de trois séries d'études empiriques. La première porte sur les effets du contexte de comparaison intergroupes sur les auto-stéréotypes des Belges francophones et néerlandophones. La seconde est consacrée à l'étude des relations entre identités nationale et européenne et les représentations sociales du processus d'intégration européenne. Enfin, la troisième étude empirique concerne les relations entre représentations sociales et processus identitaires en période de crise à travers une étude des explications profanes de l'affaire Dutroux (kidnapping et meurtre d'enfants)./Doctoral thesis on the relation between social representations and social identities in the framework of geopolitical memberships (regions, nations, Europe). The introduction explores the conceptual links between Social Representations Theory (Moscovici, 1961), and Social Identity (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) and Self-categorisation (Turner et al. 1987) theories. These links are then studied from different perspectives through three series of empirical studies. The first series addresses the effects of the context of inter-group comparison on self-stereotypes held by French-speaking and Dutch-speaking Belgians. The second is devoted to the study of the relations between national and European identities and social representations of the European integration process. Finally, a third empirical study examines the relations between social representations and identity processes in a period of crisis through a study of naïve explanations of the Dutroux affair (kidnapping and murder of children).Doctorat en sciences psychologiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Batterton, Jessica. "Contextual Identities: Ethnic, National, and Cosmopolitan Identities in International and American Student Roommates." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1428683632.
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Barker, David. "The transnational identities and ethnocultural capital of Zainichi residing in Vancouver, Canada /." Burnaby, BC : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/661.
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Bozeva-Abazi, Katrin. "The shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian national identities, 1800s-1900s." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=19473.
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The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions. The historical data examined demonstrate that before the establishment of their sovereign states ordinary Serbs and Bulgarians had only a vague idea, if any, of their national identity. The peasantry was accustomed to defining itself in terms of religion, locality and occupation, not in terms of nationality. Once the nation state was established peasants had to be indoctrinated in nationalism. The inculcation was executed through the schooling system, military conscription, the Christian Orthodox Church, and the press. It was through the channels of these state institutions that a national identity came into existence.
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Howard, Natalia V. "Kazakh and Russian identities in transition : the case of Kazakhstan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1907.
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This dissertation concerns the development and interaction of Kazakh and Russian identities in post-Soviet Kazakhstan. My research questions were: (1) what was the character of these identities in 2003/04 (the time of my research); (2) how have these identities interacted to form dominant and subordinate identities, and (3) how can the character of these identities and their interaction be explained? In order to research these questions I used a general questionnaire followed up by open ended interviews of a representative sample of Kazakhstani citizens. While my research findings show continued uncertainty and provisionality in both Kazakh and Russian identities, which confirms the broad trend of previous surveys, they also indicate signs of change in the emergence of more consolidated dominant and subordinate identities in the less Russianised areas like Chimkent and among the younger generation, while by contrast the older generations of Russians, particularly in the more Russianised areas, find it difficult to accept the delegitimation of their dominant status as reflected in the nationalizing policies pursued by the new state. In theoretical terms these findings confirm the importance of the study of ethnic stratification, which has not received sufficient attention in previous research in this area. In explaining these developments I found that the character of the transition and also of the ‘prior regime type’ in Kazakhstan has had a significant effect on ethnic relationships, but also that international factors, such as those presented in Brubaker’s triadic model, and internal factors, elaborated by Schermerhorn and Horowitz, were also important.
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Johnson, Nadia Indra. "Modernizing Nationalism: Masculinity and the Performance of Anglophone Caribbean Identities." Scholarly Repository, 2009. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/350.
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This study examines Anglophone Caribbean national identities to interrogate multiple and varied economies that manage citizens in the interest of economic and social production and/or the policing of national identities. It is particularly concerned with the gendered character of these economies. The formation and preservation of these national identities rely heavily on gender and sexual difference as Anglophone Caribbean national identities are inextricably linked to expressions of Afro-Caribbean masculinity. Thus I analyze novels and cultural representations of Afro-Caribbean masculinity in cricket, calypso and chutney-soca music in Trinidad's carnival. I also examine Afro-Caribbean religions, Revivalism and Rastafarianism, as well as Afro-Caribbean practices of masking. I examine these practices in order to interrogate the reproduction of colonial practices of marginalization and exclusion. These colonial practices, I argue, are inherent in the cultural politics that inform these cultural performances while denying modes of national belonging that refuse dictated performances of national identities. The literary and cultural performances in this project span three epochs in Caribbean history: post emancipation, independence, and post independence to assess the shifting cultural landscapes that shape postcolonial subjectivities. In Sylvia Wynter's The Hills of Hebron and Orlando Patterson's The Children of Sisyphus, I examine sexual economies in which power is negotiated and contested in a struggle to chart the gendered borders of citizenship and production. I then turn to Lakshmi Persaud's For the Love of My Name to analyze violence exacted against ethnically marked national collectives as an instrument of political and economic aggression that disproportionately affects women. My critique of Earl Lovelace's The Dragon Can't Dance and contemporary performances in calypso and chutney-soca carnival competitions, considers how operative traditions seek to govern post-independent cultural politics. By drawing parallels between the formation of Afro and Indo-Trinidadian nationalisms, I argue that these identity formations establish cultural difference while also dictating cultural performances to advance and police national identities. Lastly, I engage Lovelace's Salt, Garfield Ellis' Such as I Have and contemporary discourses concerning cricket performance, remuneration, and women's limited access to cricket. I argue that cricket becomes a cultural commodity in the perpetuation of a regional national identity that is dependent on gender constructs. Thus this study demonstrates how representations of culture can be mobilized to challenge ideologies and political practices of exclusion, marginalize women in the formation and performance of national identities and govern cultural politics.
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O'Kane, D. J. P. "Peasant nationalism in Embaderho : land and national identities in an Eritrean village." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421014.
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Molina, Ludwin Edgardo. "Interface of ethnic and national attachment perceptions of group discrimination as a moderator of subgroup asymmetry /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1495960141&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Yiangou, George S. "Forms of nationalism and national identity : a comparative study of civic and ethnic nationalism in Switzerland and Cyprus." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.620575.
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Murakami, Daisuke. "National imaginings, ethnic tourism and contested Tibetan identities in contemporary Lhasa, Tibet (PRC)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439748.
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Chu, Feng-yi. "Duelling identities : dimensions of dual identity in contemporary Taiwan." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e43f0293-9700-434d-b355-8c0ec10b2c5e.
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The core of the thesis is, taking Chinese and Taiwanese identities in the contemporary Taiwanese society as cases, to discover how people perceive, formulate, and interact with identities. The research implements the grounded theory and in-depth interview research method, conducting 108 interviews in different regions of Taiwan from 2010 to 2013. The main argument is that identity in and of itself is merely a generic label, which does not cause emotions or behaviours - people know they are ascribed to certain categories, but they lack of motivations to take actions for the categorical groups. Only those identities articulated with 'emotion- or value-oriented discourses' can gain the capacity of provoking people's feelings and mobilising people to act. My research identifies and gives explicit discussions on two types of emotion-oriented discourses - imagined nostalgia and ethical narrative (which is also a value-oriented discourse), and three kinds of value-oriented discourses. They are: (1) Ethical narrative sets moral values for its audience; (2) cultural hierarchy defines socio-cultural values in society; and (3) political ideology signifies core political values of its audience. By treating identity as emotion- or value- oriented discourse, the thesis challenges traditional stereotypes of Taiwanese and Chinese identities in the society - such as identifying as Taiwanese means desiring independence, or all waishengren group would claim Chinese identity - and offers adequate theories to explain why it is not the case. The thesis emphasises that there is no determinant identity in the society, and it is possible for people to have a certain degree of free will choosing to accept or to reject the operation of an identity. The thesis takes critical views on identity politics, deeming it as a risky, double-edged sword in the contemporary politics, which should be carefully examined and substituted with another ideology capable to achieve political emancipation.
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Erdem, Muhammed F. "The Role of Elites in the Formation of National Identities: The Case of Montenegro." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/7020.
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This study aims to answer two interlinked central questions with respect to Montenegrins’ divide over statehood and identity: Why and how Montenegrins, whom were once called ‘the purest and the best of Serbs’, sought to end their century-long common state experience with Serbia and instead establish their own nation-state in 2006, and what explains the rise of Montenegrin national identity and its transformation into nationalism? In attempting to answer these questions, it traces the historical development of Montenegrin national thought dating back to the early 20th century when Montenegro was annexed by the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Through the use and examination of opinion polls, newspaper articles, political and ethno-cultural state policies implemented by the ruling political elites, and their interviews, public speeches, and press conferences, this study also seeks to unveil how Montenegrin-ness evolved over time.
The central argument running through this thesis is that Montenegrin nationalism as a political phenomenon was precipitated through elite competition. In their competition over social, political, or economic resources, the Montenegrin elites, through the implementation of political and ethno-cultural state policies and the active use of media outlets, managed to turn certain facts and events into points of reference for the citizens of Montenegro in the way they identify themselves. Thus, those events have become the basis of people’s belonging to a certain community and helped demarcate that specific community (Montenegrins) from that of Serbs. Backed by the reconstructed meaning of Montenegrin-ness, this emerging Montenegrin national consciousness facilitated the breakup with Serbia and the declaration of independence on 21 May 2006.
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Rubio, Laura Gabriela. "Displacement, territoriality and exile : the construction of ethnic and national identities in Tibetan refugee communities." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.556650.
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Nigbur, Dennis. "In search of a psychological nationalism : affect, content and comparison in British and German national identities." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.406432.
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Iqbal, Sahira. "Cultural identities of people of "mixed" backgrounds : racial, ethnic and national meanings in negotiation." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98937.
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This qualitative study aims to describe and understand the cultural identities of people of "mixed" backgrounds whose mother comes from one racial, ethnic or national background and whose father comes from another background. In-depth, individual interviews were conducted with nine people of "mixed" backgrounds in order to understand the meanings that particular racial, ethnic or national labels have for them and how those meanings are constructed. My analysis is shaped by the works of Hall (1996, 2003), Taylor (1989, 1992) and Bourdieu (1986, 1990) among others. The participants claimed multiple labels in ambivalent ways. They spoke about what they know or do not know about the culture, connections to people and places, languages and customs, physical features and values. They take on various positionings depending on the discourses that are available and the meanings that they negotiate in their daily encounters. I conclude with the implications the findings may have for policymakers, identity politics and educators and with future research directions.
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Gabrielsson, Daniel. "Nationalism and Democracy : A quantitative study about the relationship between national identity and attitudes towards democracy." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-145311.
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This article sets out to examine how different levels and types of nationalism are correlated with attitudes towards democracy, a relationship that has not received much attention in previous research. I aim to investigate this relationship by examining how two forms of national identities (ethnic and civic) affect attitudes towards democracy in 30 European countries. Individual data comes from the European Social Survey (2008). The results indicate a significant and strong association between national identities and attitudes towards democracy. Individuals who articulate high levels of ethnic nationalism are less supportive of democracy than those who express high levels of civic nationalism. At country level, two variables are used: diversity and the extent to which democracy is established. Data that describes level of diversity comes from the Eurostat (2008) The index of democracy comes from Economist Intelligence Unit (2008). The structure of the dataset is hierarchical; therefore I have used multilevel models to avoid obtaining biased coefficients and standard errors. The study shows that higher levels of diversity and democracy, in general, amplify support for democracy, but, a high degree of diversity amplifies the negative relationship between ethnic nationalism and support of democracy and a high degree of democracy amplifies the positive relationship between ethnic nationalism and preferences for non-democratic rule.
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Fong, Yiu-chak. "Identity creation : the negotiation of local and national identities among students in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) /." View the Table of Contents & Abstract, 2007. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B3712092X.
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Manthei, Jennifer Judith 1963. "Art of becoming: Space, time, and place in Editora Globo Comics' representation of Brazilian national identities." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278437.
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This work investigates the ideological content of Brazilian comics created under the military dictatorship of 1964-1985. The comics promote a vision of national history and identity that corresponds to the military's focus on industrialization. Brazilian history is portrayed as a peaceful transition to a modern, urban nation of white, middle class, rigidly gendered nuclear families. Despite explicit messages of equality, social groups are implicitly subordinated in a hierarchy of social place according to region, race, ethnicity, class, and gender. Recognizing the processes through which the subordination of social groups is legitimated and protest suppressed is essential to combating inequality in contemporary Brazil.
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Lampert, Jo Ann. "The whole world shook: Shifts in ethnic, national and heroic identities in children's fiction about 9/11." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2007. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16550/1/Jo_Lambert_Thesis.pdf.
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Like many other cataclysmic events September 11, a day now popularly believed to have 'changed the world', has become a topic taken up by children's writers. This thesis, titled The Whole World Shook: Ethnic, National and Heroic Identities in Children's Fiction About 9/11, examines how cultural identities are constructed within fictional texts for young people written about the attacks on the Twin Towers. It identifies three significant identity categories encoded in 9/11 books for children: ethnic identities, national identities, and heroic identities. The thesis argues that the identities formed within the selected children's texts are in flux, privileging performances of identities that are contingent on post-9/11 politics.
This study is located within the field of children's literature criticism, which supports the understanding that children's books, like all texts, play a role in the production of identities. Children's literature is highly significant both in its pedagogical intent (to instruct and induct children into cultural practices and beliefs) and in its obscurity (in making the complex simple enough for children, and from sometimes intentionally shying away from difficult things). This literary criticism informed the study that the texts, if they were to be written at all, would be complex, varied and most likely as ambiguous and contradictory as the responses to the attacks on New York themselves.
The theoretical framework for this thesis draws on a range of critical theories including literary theory, cultural studies, studies of performativity and postmodernism. This critical framework informs the approach by providing ways for: (i) understanding how political and ideological work is performed in children's literature; (ii) interrogating the constructed nature of cultural identities; (iii) developing a nuanced methodology for carrying out a close textual analysis.
The textual analysis examines a representative sample of children's texts about 9/11, including picture books, young adult fiction, and a selection of DC Comics. Each chapter focuses on a different though related identity category. Chapter Four examines the performance of ethnic identities and race politics within a sample of picture books and young adult fiction; Chapter Five analyses the construction of collective, national identities in another set of texts; and Chapter Six does analytic work on a third set of texts, demonstrating the strategic performance of particular kinds of heroic identities. I argue that performances of cultural identities constructed in these texts draw on familiar versions of identities as well as contribute to new ones. These textual constructions can be seen as offering some certainties in increasingly uncertain times. The study finds, in its sample of books a co-mingling of xenophobia and tolerance; a binaried competition between good and evil and global harmony and national insularity; and a lauding of both the commonplace hero and the super-human. Being a recent corpus of texts about 9/11, these texts provide information on the kinds of 'selves' that appear to be privileged in the West since 2001.
The thesis concludes that the shifting identities evident in texts that are being produced for children about 9/11 offer implicit and explicit accounts of what constitute good citizenship, loyalty to nation and community, and desirable attributes in a Western post-9/11 context. This thesis makes an original contribution to the field of children's literature by providing a focussed and sustained analysis of how texts for children about 9/11 contribute to formations of identity in these complex times of cultural unease and global unrest.
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Lampert, Jo Ann. "The whole world shook: shifts in ethnic, national and heroic identities in children's fiction about 9/11." Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16550/.
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Like many other cataclysmic events September 11, a day now popularly believed to have 'changed the world', has become a topic taken up by children's writers. This thesis, titled The Whole World Shook: Ethnic, National and Heroic Identities in Children's Fiction About 9/11, examines how cultural identities are constructed within fictional texts for young people written about the attacks on the Twin Towers. It identifies three significant identity categories encoded in 9/11 books for children: ethnic identities, national identities, and heroic identities. The thesis argues that the identities formed within the selected children's texts are in flux, privileging performances of identities that are contingent on post-9/11 politics. This study is located within the field of children's literature criticism, which supports the understanding that children's books, like all texts, play a role in the production of identities. Children's literature is highly significant both in its pedagogical intent (to instruct and induct children into cultural practices and beliefs) and in its obscurity (in making the complex simple enough for children, and from sometimes intentionally shying away from difficult things). This literary criticism informed the study that the texts, if they were to be written at all, would be complex, varied and most likely as ambiguous and contradictory as the responses to the attacks on New York themselves. The theoretical framework for this thesis draws on a range of critical theories including literary theory, cultural studies, studies of performativity and postmodernism. This critical framework informs the approach by providing ways for: (i) understanding how political and ideological work is performed in children's literature; (ii) interrogating the constructed nature of cultural identities; (iii) developing a nuanced methodology for carrying out a close textual analysis. The textual analysis examines a representative sample of children's texts about 9/11, including picture books, young adult fiction, and a selection of DC Comics. Each chapter focuses on a different though related identity category. Chapter Four examines the performance of ethnic identities and race politics within a sample of picture books and young adult fiction; Chapter Five analyses the construction of collective, national identities in another set of texts; and Chapter Six does analytic work on a third set of texts, demonstrating the strategic performance of particular kinds of heroic identities. I argue that performances of cultural identities constructed in these texts draw on familiar versions of identities as well as contribute to new ones. These textual constructions can be seen as offering some certainties in increasingly uncertain times. The study finds, in its sample of books a co-mingling of xenophobia and tolerance; a binaried competition between good and evil and global harmony and national insularity; and a lauding of both the commonplace hero and the super-human. Being a recent corpus of texts about 9/11, these texts provide information on the kinds of 'selves' that appear to be privileged in the West since 2001. The thesis concludes that the shifting identities evident in texts that are being produced for children about 9/11 offer implicit and explicit accounts of what constitute good citizenship, loyalty to nation and community, and desirable attributes in a Western post-9/11 context. This thesis makes an original contribution to the field of children's literature by providing a focussed and sustained analysis of how texts for children about 9/11 contribute to formations of identity in these complex times of cultural unease and global unrest.
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Maksic, Adis. "Mobilizing for Ethnic Violence? Ethno-national Political Parties and the Dynamics of Ethno-politicization." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/71392.
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On July 12th, 1990 the Serb Democratic Party of Bosnia-Herzegovina (SDS BiH) held its founding assembly. Less than five months later, it participated in the November 1990 elections in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH), winning a decisive majority of the vote of ethnic Serbs. Yet, SDS BiH was not an ordinary political party. In the sixteen months that followed the elections, it initiated a series of activities that eroded the power of BiH institutions to which it had been elected. SDS BiH declared its own organs superior to those of BiH and established exclusive control in Serb-majority areas. In early 1992, it united these areas into a single Serb Republic, formed an exclusively Serb armed force, and set out to violently expand the territory that would be incorporated into the new statelet.
This study seeks to advance an understanding of the role of ethno-nationalist agents in the outbreak of violent conflicts fought in the name of ethnic nations by analyzing the activities of SDS BiH on the political homogenization of Serbs in the two years leading up to the 1992 onset of violence in BiH. It incorporates the tools of discourse analysis and the recent findings in the studies of human cognition, identifying the agency of SDS BiH in the power of the Party's discourse to produce affective sensibilities that served its nationalist agenda. It argues that this engineering of affect was crucial for constituting the dispersed individuals of Serb ethnic background as a palpable political group, and preparing them for armed mobilization.
The analysis also argues that ethno-nationalist agency can be properly understood only by considering the case-specific structural factors with which all agents interact. Toward this point, it draws contrast between the agency of SDS BiH and that of the National Movement in the Republic of Georgia, showing that ethnic structures hold a greater explanatory value in the Georgian case. Rather than departing from pre-given ethnic groups, both case studies suggest that conflict analyses should problematize the dynamic interaction between the dominant ethno-nationalist agents and ethnic structures, which produce ethnic groups, ethnic interests and sides to armed conflicts.Ph. D.
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Yesiltas, Ozum. "Rethinking the National Question: Anti-Statist Discourses within the Kurdish National Movement." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1325.
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Why and under what conditions have the Kurds become agents of change in the Middle East in terms of democratization? Why did the Kurds’ role as democratic agents become particularly visible in the 1990s? How does the Kurdish movement’s turn to democratic discourse affect the political systems of Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria? What are the implications of the Kurds’ adoption of “democratic discourse” for the transnational aspect of the Kurdish movement?
Since the early 1990s, Kurdish national movements in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria have undergone important political and ideological transformations. As a result of the Kurds’ growing role in shaping the debates on human rights and democratization in these four countries, the Kurdish national movement has acquired a dual character: an ethno-cultural struggle for the recognition of Kurdish identity, and a democratization movement that seeks to redefine the concepts of governance and citizenship in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. The process transformation has affected relations between the Kurdish movements and their respective central governments in significant ways.
On the basis of face-to-face interviews and archival research conducted in Turkey, Iraq and parts of Europe, the present work challenges the current narrative of Kurdish nationalism, which is predominantly drawn from a statist interpretation of Kurdish nationalist goals, and argues instead that the Kurdish question is no longer a problem of statelessness but a problem of democracy in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria.
The main contributions of this work are three fold. First, the research unfolds the reasons behind the growing emphasis of the Kurdish movement on the concepts of democracy, human rights, and political participation, which started in the early 1990s. Second, the findings challenge the existing scholarship that explains Kurdish nationalism as a problem of statelessness and shifts the focus to the transformative potentials of the Kurdish national movement in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria through a comparative lens. Third, this work explores the complex transnational coordination and negotiations between the Kurdish movements across borders and explains the regional repercussions of this process.
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Jaspal, Rusi. "The construction and management of national and ethnic identities among British South Asians : an identity process theory approach." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2011. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/9040ef6f-bf26-bdbd-d136-475a01758123/9/.
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Through the lens of identity process theory, the present thesis explores: (i) the qualitative nature of British national and ethnic attachments and their respective outcomes for identity processes among British South Asians (BSA); and (ii) the impact of media representations for identification and identity processes. In study I, 20 first generation South Asians (FGSA) were interviewed regarding identity, national and ethnic group memberships and inter-ethnic relations. The results revealed that (i) social representations of the ethnic 'homeland' could accentuate national attachment, but that both national and ethnic identities could have positive outcomes for identity processes in distinct social contexts; (ii) the phenomenological importance of 'special moments' and family identity can shape and accentuate national identification; (iii) ethnic and national identities are strategically 'managed' in order to achieve psychological coherence. In study II, 20 second generation South Asians (SGSA) were interviewed regarding similar issues. The results revealed that (i) SGSAs' awareness of the hardship faced by FGSA in the early stages of migration could induce disidentification with Britishness and accentuate identification with the ethnic group; (ii) the Press may be regarded as excluding BSA from Britishness; (iii) SGSA may manifest hybridised identities to enhance psychological coherence. In study III, a sample of 50 tabloid articles regarding BSA was analysed qualitatively. The results revealed that (i) BSA are constructed as 'deviating' from self-aspects of Britishness; (ii) BSA may be represented in terms of a hybridised threat to the ethno-national ingroup. Study IV investigated some of the findings of the previous studies quantitatively. The questionnaire was administered to 215 BSA. A series of statistical analyses confirmed (i) the impact of negative media representations of one's ethnic group for identity processes; (ii) the accentuation of ethnic identity and attenuation of British national identity as a result of exposure to negative media representations; (iii) a weaker national attachment among British Pakistanis than British Indians. It is argued that levels of British national and ethnic identities will likely fluctuate in accordance with social and temporal context and that BSA will make strategic use of both identities in order to optimise identity processes.
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Rizzo, Susanna Grazia. "From paradise lost to promised land Christianity and the rise of West Papuan nationalism /." Access electronically, 2004. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20050127.105650/index.html.
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Van, der Zwet Arno. "A comparison of civic and ethnic national identities in the Scottish National Party and Frisian National Party and their impact on attitudes towards European integration, immigration and multiculturalism." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2011. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=16765.
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The civic versus ethnocultural dichotomy, used to distinguish between different types of nations and national identities, is in this thesis tested on two autonomist parties: the Scottish National Party (SNP) and Friesian National Party (FNP). Both parties are members of the European Free Alliance, ‘an alliance of regionalist and civic, democratic nationalist parties in Europe’ (EFA website). Each party’s position on issues pertinent to the dichotomy – European integration, immigration and multiculturalism – is analysed in order to test the value of the civic-ethnocultural dichotomy. A mixed methods approach is adopted, including quantitative analysis of surveys of both parties’ memberships and semi-structured interviews with party elites as well as documentary analysis. The conclusion is that a civic-ethnocultural framework is useful for analysing such parties but that it is conceptually unhelpful if conceived as a dichotomy and has greater value if understood in a more nuanced way. Instead, the framework can be conceptualised as multiple non-competitive continua with different dimensions that are related and whose association with the issues of European integration, immigration and multiculturalism is similar in direction, but diverges in strength.
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ALVAREZ, LETICIA. ""Matter out of place" : Humanitarianism and the construction of national identities: the cases of Palestinian and Sahrawi refugees." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-447039.
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This thesis examines the tension between humanitarianism and nationalism byfocusing on the Sahrawi and Palestinian refugee cases. These cases represent a challengeto both nationalism, which presupposes national identity as being congruent with theestablished political borders and rooted within their limits, and the claim of neutrality, asnot favoring any side in an armed conflict or dispute and bearing no national allegiance.Firstly, Palestinians and Sahrawis, while claiming a nation without land, have created anational identity in up-rootedness, and express political fights that are nurtured by thevery humanitarianism. Secondly, the refugee camp, as a humanitarian product, has beenaccused of depoliticizing and reducing life to mere survival, and I will explore how it hasparadoxically become a hyper-politicized space providing the grounds for nationalidentities and national claims to develop. For Palestinians and Sahrawis, I will argue,humanitarian interventions are in fact the very reason for politicized identities to arise.
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Yilmaz, S. Harun. "Construction of national identities in Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Ukraine in Soviet historiography (1936-1953)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5694552d-67e7-4d03-8011-cb01b1c8caa8.
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This dissertation aims to explain how Soviet national historiographies were constructed in Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan, in 1936-1953 and what the political and ideological reasons were behind the way they were written. The dissertation aims to contribute to current scholarship on Soviet nationality policies; on Stalinist nation-building projects; and to the debate on whether the Soviet period was a project of developmentalist modernization or not. This dissertation aims to examine the process of national history writing in three republics from the local point of view, by using the local archival sources. For this research, archival materials that have been overlooked by scholars up to this point from the archives of the communist parties, academy of sciences, and central state archives in Kiev, Ukraine, Baku, Azerbaijan, and Almaty, Kazakhstan have been collected. The timeline starts with Zhdanov’s commission in 1936, which summoned historians and ideologues of the Communist Party in Moscow to write an all-Union history because a parallel campaign of writing national histories had been initialized by the local communist parties. The first two chapters cover the pre-war (1936-1941) period, when national histories were written after the demise of Pokrovskiian historiography. Although there was one ideology, there were different preferences in solving the problem of ethnogenesis, defining national heroes, and also different preferences among the sections of the past that national histories emphasized. The third chapter explains the construction of national histories during the war period (1941-1945). The chapter also presents how national histories were used for wartime propaganda. Finally, the last chapter is about the post-war discussions and the shift of emphasis from ‘national’ to ‘class’ that occurred in the non-Russian national narratives in the Zhdanovshchina period. While there was an ‘imperial design’ for the necessities of managing a multi-national state, the Soviet Union also appears as a modernization project for all three cases by constructing national narratives. Though non-Russian Soviet historiographies produced contradictory narratives in different decades, they also homogenized, codified and nationalized the narrative of the past. Regional, dynastic, religious, tribal figures and events incorporated into grandiose national narratives. Nations were primordialized and their national identities armed with spatial and temporal indigenousness within the borders of their national republics. Modern national identities of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Ukraine gained from this homogenization and codification by the Soviet regime. Although modernism is not only about construction of national narratives, the latter points out the developmental and modernizing character of the Soviet period.
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Fong, Yiu-chak, and 方耀澤. "Identity creation: the negotiation of local and national identities among students in the Hong Kong SpecialAdministrative Region (HKSAR)." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2007. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45015557.
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MacKenzie, Scott. "A screen of one's own : québéçois cinema, national identity, and the alternative public sphere." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35007.
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This dissertation explores the connections between image-making practices, discourses of nationalism, Quebecois cinema and the possibility of the cinema functioning as an alternative public sphere. The thesis draws upon sociological theories of nationalism, political theory, film theory, critical theory and cultural critique in order to reconsider the potential political power of the cinematic image. After surveying contrasting theories of nationalism, the thesis addresses itself to Jurgen Habermas' concept of the public sphere and the revisions of this concept undertaken by contemporary social and political theorists. The use-value of the concept of the public sphere in relation to film theory is then explored. Beginning with pioneering work of Leo-Ernest Ouimet in the silent era and continuing on through to the video activism of Societe nouvelle and the "post-referendum" cinema of Denys Arcand and Robert Lepage, this thesis traces recurring instances of the cinema functioning as a contestatory and alternative public sphere in Quebecois culture.
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Meintjes, Stephané Ruth. "Facilitating and renegotiating Afrikaans youth identities: Die Antwoord phenomenon." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015655.
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This thesis reports on a project which investigated how young native, Afrikaans-speaking Rhodes University students responded to the musical outfit Die Antwoord and to their music video “I Fink U Freeky”. The study attempted to establish how a selected group of Afrikaans-speaking students consisting of Whites, Coloureds and Blacks interpret the work of Die Antwoord as well as their own Afrikaans identity. The purpose of the study was to interrogate the relationship between artistic media, citizenship and belonging to a particular group. The thesis reports on the ways in which interviewees in the group discussions responded to notions of identity, whiteness, class, race, hybridity and creolization registered in the music video which was used to prompt the discussions. Finally the thesis reports on findings regarding the relationship between citizenship and the artistic media. The enormous change in the socio-political position of Afrikaans-speakers in the post -1994 dispensation provides the social context of the study. The project utilised qualitative research and a reception study of the music was undertaken by means of focus group discussions in order to arrive at thick descriptions in an attempt to understand the contextual behaviour of the participants. It was postulated that Die Antwoord provides a discursive site within which audiences could generate their own innovative meanings regarding being Afrikaans. While there was no clear indication that the identities of the participants was constructed by the media, the video prompted discussions regarding identity and provided evidence that media texts are capable of stimulating an interrogation of identities. It emerged that all participants, while abandoning some aspects of Afrikaans culture, strongly embraced and highly valued the language. Participants did not regard race as an important aspect of citizenship. Vociferous discussions regarding class demonstrated how media texts can influence citizenship. Discussions about hybridization and creolization demonstrated how the media can challenge received conceptions regarding citizenship. Responses provided evidence that the media could stimulate new forms of citizenship and contribute to the inclusion of previously excluded subjects. The research findings clearly demonstrate links between artistic media, citizenship and belonging to a group of Afrikaanses rather than Afrikaners. Post- 1994 young Afrikaans-speakers in this study provided clear evidence that they are exploring new and alternative ways of being Afrikaans.
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Bonet, Porqueras Eduard. "Measuring the content of national identities and political mobillization through identity saliency." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/283089.
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This thesis is a contribution to the empirical research on national identities, nationalism,
and political participation, from an individual level perspective of analysis and using
survey data. First, this thesis presents a conceptualization and a new measurement model
of the content of national identities that applies in seventeen European countries.
Secondly, it also shows a procedure to create survey items to improve the measurement
of the content of national identities in multinational states such as Spain. Thirdly, this
thesis makes a contribution to the analysis of protest participation by proposing and
testing a model that relates the saliency of national identities with political protest in
Catalonia.Aquesta tesi és una contribució a la recerca empírica sobre identitats nacionals, nacionalisme i participació política, adoptant una perspectiva d’anàlisi a nivell individual i utilitzant dades d’enquesta. Primerament, a la tesi es presenta una conceptualització i un nou model de mesura del contingut de les identitats nacionals, aplicable a disset països europeus. En segon lloc, la tesi també mostra un procediment per a crear ítems d’enquesta que permeten millorar la mesura del contingut de la identitat nacional en països plurinacionals com Espanya. Finalment, aquesta tesi fa una contribució a l’anàlisi de la protesta política com a forma de participació, proposant i contrastant empíricament en el cas de Catalunya un model que relaciona la saliency de les identitats nacionals i la protesta política.
Esta tesis es una contribución a la investigación empírica sobre identidades nacionales, nacionalismo y participación política, adoptando una perspectiva de análisis a nivel individual y utilizando datos de encuesta. Primero, la tesis presenta una conceptualización y un nuevo modelo de medida del contenido de las identidades nacionales, aplicable a diecisiete países europeos. Segundo, la tesis también muestra un procedimiento para crear ítems de encuesta que permiten mejorar la medición del contenido de la identidad nacional en países plurinacionales como España. Finalmente, esta tesis es una contribución al análisis de la protesta política como forma de participación, proponiendo y contrastando empíricamente en el caso de Cataluña un modelo de relación entre la saliency de las identidades nacionales y la protesta política.
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Gebel, Konstanze. "Language and ethnic national identity in Europe : the importance of Gaelic and Sorbian to the maintenance of associated cultures and ethno cultural identities." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2002. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6353/.
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As many other ethno-cultural identities in Europe, the collective selfperceptions of Scotland's Gaels and the Sorbs of Lusatia are undergoing considerable changes. Proceding from the post-structuralist premise that discourse plays a crucial part in the generation of knowledge, power and social behaviour (Foucault, Derrida, Lyotard), the study addresses the ways in which the Gaelic and Sorbian elites incorporate the language aspect into narratives on cultural continuity and considers the implications of accelerated language shift towards English/German and the survivalist promotion of the ancestral medium for the maintenance of group boundaries. Its primary empirical data corpus comprises more than 100 interviews and a questionnaire survey (n=201) conducted during the late 1990s in peripheral parts of the Ghidhealtachd and bilingual territories of Lusatia, publications by Gaelic and Sorbian organisations, and relevant items from the local and national media. A brief exploration of the ways in which the two communities came to think of themselves as distinct reveals that a substantial legacy of cultural nationalism and pan-Slavism allowed the Sorbian intelligentsia to sustain a strong sense of ethnic difference throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, whereas Scotland's Gaels have never overtly embraced this paradigm in political terms. Their elite was confronted with its premises during their reinvention as Scotland's Celts and combined linguistic patriotism with calls for socioeconomic improvements during the 1880s, but it has been rather reluctant to portray contemporary and future users of the ancestral language as a distinct nation or ethnic group. To the present day, Gaels are inclined to perceive themselves to be a key component, and arguably the kernel, of the Scottish nation. The most significant overlap between Gaelic- and Sorbian-related revival discourses has been the notion that a complete decline of the traditional medium would seal the fate of the associated culture, though the underlying rationales indicate a gradual shift from an essentialising agenda of preservation and exclusion to a more liberal and pluricentric approach. A desire to withstand the homogenising forces of capitalist globalisation fuels purist attitudes with regard to specific cultural forms, many of which are thought to depend on the traditional medium and put native speakers with heartland links into positions of authority. At the same time, the Gaelic and Sorbian heritage are treated as sources of alternative values and wisdom, in which context Gaelic/Sorbian language ability is primarily valued as an access tool. Tensions between essentialist and dynamic perspectives also occur over the development of the languages themselves. They are enhanced by the assumption that the 'survival' of Gaelic and Sorbian depends in part on individuals who acquire and transmit them outside the bilingual districts, where an ability in the minority medium is more likely to generate subcultural, regional and political identities than a radical ethno-cultural reorientation. According to this study's findings, the linguocentric agendas of many Gaelic and Sorbian organisations can neither be attributed to a naive belief in linguistic determinism nor be dismissed as an entirely symbolic ingredient for the restoration of justice and pride where historic circumstances inflicted marginalisation and oppression. They are based on a justified concern that the complete demise of a linguistic boundary would make it impossible to generate separate discursive spaces, to which Gaelic and Sorbian culture have in most locations become reduEce d and for which a separate literature and separate electronic media are indispensable.
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Lin, Cheng-Ying 1973. "Contrast between two Japanese images, two identities : comparison of Sayonara, Zai-jian and My Diary of Japanomania." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98552.
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This thesis illustrates a general sense of national identity within the Taiwanese people brought on by the Kuomintang (KMT) and existing throughout the KMT's reign over the island, and contrasts this with the new identity that came to exist in the post-KMT period. Comparisons are centered around two works of literature: Sayonara, Zaijian!, written in 1979 by Chunming Huang, and My Diary of Japanomania, written in 1999 by Hari Xingzi. Louis Althusser's view of history-based on structural materialism, complexity and overdetermination---will be employed to discuss and explain the contrast between Sayonara, Zaijian! and My Diary of Japanomania in order to discover how national subject is formed and how it interacts within ideology.
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Coymak, Ahmet. "Associations Of Religious Identification, Secular Identification, Perceived Discrimination, And Political Trust With Ethnic And Societal (national) Identification." Master's thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12610734/index.pdf.
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The current thesis extends research in the area of multiple social identities and identity conflict by focusing on both intergroup and intraindividual process underlying structures of identities, namely, religious, ethnic, and societal (national)
identifications. In addition, it examined the influence of political trust, and perceived discrimination the relationship between ethnic and societal identification for disadvantaged ethnic groups in Turkey. Two studies were conducted to evaluate the process of identity organization both inter group and in group. While, the first study addresses intergroup differentiations of these identities, second study focused on intraindividual process of these identities'structure. Supporting hypothesis stemming from Social Identity Theory and Optimal Distinctiveness Theory, political trust and perceived discrimination have roles of mediation in the relationship ethnic and societal identification, by contrast with secular and religious identities in the relationship. Results were discussed for their implications to politic context of the Turkey.
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Savaskan, Durak Nuran. "Non - Muslim Minorities And Turkish National Identity: A Research Through Armenian And Greek Literary Works." Phd thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12605349/index.pdf.
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The purpose of this study is to concentrate on the changing discourses in Turkish history and their constitutive themes in positioning the self–
image of the minorities, i.e., Armenians and Greeks, the Turks being other. The research is carried out on the basis of the literary works produced by the intellectuals / authors of these minorities. The historical context, which is taken as the reference point for these discourses, covers the period from the late Ottoman Period up to the early 1960s. Furthermore, the study explores how the ethnic minorities constructed their identities in the last century. This study also seeks to find out which discourses have been the leading ones through history and to determine the continuities and ruptures in the use of themes by these ethnic groups to construct their identities. In addition, policies and ideologies attributed to the state by the minorities are tackled with the literary works and main discursive elements used by minority groups to (de)construct Turkish national identity are explored.
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Unutulmaz, Kadir Onur. "Football and immigrant communities : transnational diaspora politics, identities, and integration in Turkish-speaking ethnic football in London." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:595c95fc-b99f-4dae-b238-f74776f3f6ba.
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This thesis is on the Turkish-speaking community, comprising Turkish-Cypriots, Turks from Turkey, and Kurds from Turkey, and ethnic community football in London, which has been conceptualised as a transnational social field. It is intended as a contribution in the debates on the growing importance of issues of diasporic communities, their identity politics, and cultural integration in a context of ‘super-diversity’. There are three major analytical themes. The first is transnational diaspora politics, which is redefined to comprise any relationship of power or interest by mobilising diasporic connections. I argue that the Turkish-speaking community uses ethnic football as a means for communal mobilisation around and representation of their ethnic identity in the public space of London, a city of unique political-economic and symbolic significance for the Cyprus Conflict which helped create the Turkish and Greek Cypriot football leagues in London. I show that the Turkish-speaking community has ever since used football to create and maintain a bridge between London and all the different locations of the community including Cyprus, Turkey, Germany, and beyond. The second major theme is collective identities and how they are (re)produced, represented, and manifested in the diaspora. I argue that the nature of the field of ethnic football as a familiar, open, and welcoming space conveniently positioned between the Turkish-speaking private sphere and the British/Londoner public space has been a major factor accounting for the effectiveness of various identity projects to be pursued within this field. Lastly, after presenting the historical link between modern competitive sports and masculinity, I claim that the one defining aspect of all the ethnic identities reproduced within the field is their masculine character. The last analytical theme is the cultural integration of immigrant communities. Without adopting a normative definition of cultural integration, I have considered the implications of involvement in ethnic community football in terms of belonging, social inclusion, marginalisation, and the psychological development and well-being of the individuals involved. The presented and analysed discussion rejects any automatic causal link between involvement in sports and integration or that involvement in mono-ethnic sporting organisations and segregation. Having reviewed a few exemplary organisations, which used football for integration purposes, and the nature of the ethnic community leagues, I have also argued in this thesis that the field of ethnic community football, again due to its specific nature, structure, and position between the private and public spaces, offers a great potential to be engaged by local and national governments in the service of integration policies.
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Marsh, Clayton E. "Germany and Russia: A Tale of Two Identities: The Development of National Consciousness in the Napoleonic Era." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors161762574001347.
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Drew, Liesl. "'I'm from Barcelona': Boundaries and Transformations Between Catalan and Spanish Identities." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för kulturantropologi och etnologi, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-325011.
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In the last decade or so, the multiple political factions in Catalonia have adopted pro-independence initiatives in their platforms following the 2008 financial crisis. Catalonia’s position as representing a minority culture in the face of the centralized administration of Madrid presents a contentious history of fighting for the right ‘to be’, culminating in what today is viewed by many as an identity crisis. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Barcelona, this thesis examines how informants construct and transform their socio-cultural identities in the framework of the independence movement in Catalonia. It places informants’ experiences in the theoretical realm of ethnic boundaries, analyzing central issues of Catalan language normalization vis à vis the historical imposition of Spanish as the national language. These themes are broadened in light of the recent upsurge of Catalan secession, and explores identity politics within the background of Spanish and Catalan nationalisms.En la última década, las múltiples facciones políticas de Cataluña han adoptado iniciativas de independencia en sus plataformas tras la crisis financiera de 2008. La posición de Cataluña como representante de una cultura minoritaria frente a la administración centralizada de Madrid presenta una historia contenciosa de lucha por el derecho 'a ser', culminando en lo que hoy muchos ven como una crisis de identidad. Basándose en el trabajo de campo llevado a cabo en Barcelona, esta tesis examina cómo los informantes construyen y transforman sus identidades socioculturales en el marco del movimiento de independencia en Cataluña. Coloca las experiencias de los informantes en el ámbito teórico de las fronteras étnicas, analizando cuestiones centrales de la normalización de la lengua catalana frente a la imposición histórica del español como lengua nacional. Estos temas se amplían a la luz del reciente recrudecimiento de la secesión catalana y exploran la política de identidad en el contexto de los nacionalismos españoles y catalanes.
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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "Ethnic conflict in Nigeria: a challenge to inclusive social and political development." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1006955.
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The question of ethnicity has been one of the most topical subjects of study by social scientists. The controversies around this phenomenon seem to have been heated up by the high visibility of mobilized and politicized ethnic groups in most multi-ethnic states. Therefore, the extent to which ethnic nationalities are able to effectively manage the interplay of ethnic differences determines to what extent a multi-ethnic nation develops without crisis. Historically Nigeria has come a long way from multi-ethnic entity with political differences and background to the amalgamation of 1914 till the present structure of thirty-six states. Ethnicity, no doubt has contributed immensely to ethnic conflicts in Nigeria because of long standing revulsion or resentments towards ethnic groups different from one’s own or fear of domination which can as well lead ethnic groups to resort to violence as a means to protect and preserve the existing ethnic groups. Significantly ethnicity in Nigeria, is a product inequality among the various ethnic groups orchestrated by a long period of colonialism; a period which witnessed the ascendancy of three major ethnic groups to the socio-political domination of other ethnic groups and a period when the three major ethnic groups were used as a pedestal for the distribution of socio-political goods, resulting in the inability of other ethnic groups to access these socio-political goods. This situation has continued to impact negatively on the forces of national integration and cohesion in ethnically divided Nigeria. Considering the relationship between ethnicity and development; socio-political exclusion is not only ethically dangerous to development but also economically unproductive. It deprives groups and individuals of the opportunity for the necessary development that can be beneficial to the society. Thus, it is important to develop an integrative socio-political frame-work that explicitly recognizes the participatory role of every ethnic group in governance. Hence, there is a need for the adoption of inclusive governance to manage ethnicity in Nigeria. Notwithstanding, ethnic conflict still persists and an attempt will be made in this study to identify the reasons. Central to socio-political sustainability in Nigeria is a system that should recognize that differences are important to development and encompass notions of equality. Such a system should acknowledge the socio-political and economic power of every ethnic group and promote a system devoid of ethnocentric and exclusionary socio-political and economic policies.
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Albu, Stefana Maria. "What is German? : migrating identities in Turkish-German literature : an analysis of cultural Influences on German national identity /." Norton, Mass. : Wheaton College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/15117.
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Silva, Grant Joseph 1982. "Thinking about Justice from “the Outside” of Nationality: Re-Thinking the Legal and National Dimensions of Citizenship." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12101.
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xi, 202 p.This dissertation examines the legal and national dimensions of citizenship, focusing on the nature of social justice, multiculturalism and state formation in light of an increasing "migrant" population in the United States. For many individuals, Hispanic people and undocumented immigrants are outside of stereotypic understandings of "American" and the legal structure of the United States. Seeking to question this belief and the subsequent political atmosphere it engenders, this work presents the challenges that Hispanic people and undocumented persons pose to the central tenants of liberal political theory and the politics of recognition. Liberal theories of justice that assume the nation-state as their starting point and ignore the international elements of 21st century societies need reconsideration. Although John Rawls's work remains central to this tradition, by constricting his theory of justice to a closed, self-sustaining polity that assumes all persons behind the veil of ignorance to be citizens, the trajectory of liberal political thought after his work evades the question of citizenship and the possibility of social justice for undocumented people. Although conversations about "multicultural citizenship" are abundant in North American political contexts, these discussions focus on the national representation of minority peoples and ignore the legal aspects of citizenship and the reality of undocumented immigration. Philosophers that do think about undocumented persons argue for international theories of justice, human rights or cosmopolitanism. These are positive steps in thinking about social justice for immigrants, but they only matter insofar as they do not impinge upon state sovereignty and render social justice for immigrants a secondary issue. While Latin American political thinkers such as Enrique Dussel ground the origins of political power in the citizenry of states, they nonetheless assume the category of "citizen" to be uncontested. Thus, even in settings where radical political change is underway, the basis of state membership remains to be defined and freed of racial (or even "post-racial") expectations. I undertake this project in terms of Estadounidense or "Unitedstatesian" citizenship, a concept that combats ethnocentric beliefs about the meaning of "American" while also informing of more open understandings of legal citizenship and porous conceptions of the state.
Committee in charge: Naomi Zack, Chairperson; Cheyney Ryan, Member; Scott Pratt, Member; Michael Hames-Garcia, Outside Member
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Jansson, Ida. "Åland och ramkonventionen om skydd för nationella minoriteter." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-254939.
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Åland har ett av världens mest omfattande nationalitetsskydd, men med snart hundra år på nacken är det inte alltid det går ihop med nyare konventioner om mänskliga rättigheter. Denna uppsats undersöker hur det åländska nationalitetsskyddet har kommenterats av Europarådets rådgivande kommitté i deras arbete med att övervaka implementeringen av ramkonventionen om skydd för nationella minoriteter. Dessa kommentarer och den åländska utvecklingen granskas i förhållande till Will Kymlickas teori om minoritetsnationalism, vilken framför att nationella minoriteter, liksom majoritetsbefolkningar, kan frångå en främlingsfientlig och exkluderande nationalism baserad på etnicitet och anta en inkluderande medborgerlig nationalism som är öppen och välkomnande gentemot invandring. För att detta ska ske menar Kymlicka att minoriteten behöver ett visst inflytande över immigrationsflöden och integrationsbestämmelser, där framför allt de senare utgör en viktig del av det åländska nationalitetsskyddet. Med hjälp av idéanalys har den åländska nationalismen analyserats, och resultaten visar att den har gått från att ha etniska inslag till att anta tydligt medborgerliga drag. Den åländska behörigheten gällande immigration och integration samt den rådgivande kommitténs övervakning har även kartlagts, vilket visar att kommittén hittills har kommit både med förslag som vid förverkligande skulle stärka det åländska nationalitetsskyddet och sådana som skulle försvaga det.The Åland Islands enjoy one of the world’s most extensive systems of cultural and linguistic safeguards. It was, however, created almost one hundred years ago, which often makes its compliance with more recent human rights treaties complicated. This thesis examines how the Advisory Committee of the European Council has commented on the cultural and linguistic safeguards of the Åland Islands in its monitoring work regarding the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities. These comments and the Ålandic developments are analysed in relation to Will Kymlicka’s theory on minority nationalism, which states that national minorities, like majority populations, can leave a xenophobic and exclusionary nationalism based on ethnicity and adapt an inclusive civic nationalism that is open and welcoming towards immigration. Kymlicka argues that this requires that the minority exercise some control over the volume of immigration and over the terms of integration, where particularly the latter form an integral part of Åland’s cultural and linguistic safeguards. Ålandic nationalism has been analysed using an analysis of ideas, and the results show that it has gone from having ethnic features to showing clear civic characteristics. The competences of the Åland Islands in the areas of immigration and integration and the monitoring of the Advisory Committee have also been examined, which shows that the Committee so far has brought forward proposals that would strengthen the Ålandic safeguards as well as proposals that would weaken them.
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Scott, Margaret. "Engendering loyalties: the construction of masculinities, feminities and national identities in South Australian secondary schools, 1880-1919 : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phs4281.pdf.
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Usta, Ali Deniz. "The Reconstruction Of The Past In The Process Of Nation Building In Kazakhstan." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608897/index.pdf.
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In this thesis, the purpose is to analyze the path that the nation building process in Kazakhstan has been following in the post-Soviet period through examining the various policies implemented and the official rhetoric and discourses stated by the Kazakh policymakers. The ethno-symbolist approach of Anthony D. Smith and the views of Walker Connor and Willfried Spohn on nationalism and national identity have been utilized in the analysis of the research. The Soviet Nationalities Policy is examined to be able to better understand the post-Soviet nation-building, because the policies implemented under this comprehensive project, which had been outlined by the Bolsheviks, had deep political, cultural, demographic and linguistic impacts on the process in Kazakhstan. The ethnic situation has also been laid down in order to highlight under which ethnic circumstances the nation building process has been taking place. After analyzing the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the post-Soviet policies about language, education, employment, culture and national symbols, the statements of the President Nursultan Nazarbayev and the move of capital, this study claims that post-Soviet nation building process and nationalism in Kazakhstan have both ethnic and civic components whereby the nation building process in Kazakhstan is a more ethnic process than it is civic.
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Barnard, Louis H. "The illustrated children's Bible as cultural text in the construction of Afrikaner national identity." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/965.
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Chi, Chia-Lin. "Lee Teng-Hui’s political cross-straits policy and mainland china’s reaction." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28534.
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By the end of the twentieth century, there were many secessionist groups, but, the move towards Taiwanese secessionism has arguably been the most significant of these. It triggered the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis, which resulted in a historical military confrontation between Mainland China and the US. As will be shown, from 1988 to 2000, Lee Teng-hui, as president of Taiwan, manipulated the political Cross-Straits relationship to promote what was ultimately a secessionist policy. This caused Mainland China to react strongly and triggered sharp tension between Taiwan and Mainland China. This thesis considers what motivated Lee Teng-hui to implement a secessionist Cross-Straits policy and why he supported unification while adopting a substantive secessionist policy. It looks at how he was able to instigate Taiwanese hostility towards Mainlanders, to transform the hostility into a sense of Taiwanese national identity and ultimately into Taiwanese secessionist ideology. A historical approach was used in exploring the origins of secessionism, and descriptive and analytical methods to review systematically and comprehensively political developments in the ROC and its civil war, and to study Lee Teng-hui’s life; the national identity of Taiwan and Mainland China; the implementation of Lee Teng-hui’s political Cross-Straits policy; and the reaction of Mainland China. The study showed that the main cause of Taiwanese secessionism was ethnic conflict between Taiwanese and Mainlanders. It originated from the 228 Incident of 1947, in which Mainlander-led troops slaughtered many Taiwanese. Soon after, the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan from Mainland China, and many Taiwanese (including Mainlanders) were killed during the State of Emergency in the 1950s and 1960s. Since the Mainlander-led government fled to Taiwan in its original central government form, the Mainlander élite occupied key positions in the government during the 1950s and 1960s. It resulted in unfair power-sharing for Taiwanese, and caused the Taiwanese élite to believe that they had to establish their own government (nation). Lee Teng-hui had participated in the CCP and had been under political surveillance by the Mainlander-led government for over twenty years. He weathered these political difficulties, but by reasonable inference, there was a close relationship between the political oppression by the Mainlander-led government and his secessionist political Cross-Straits policy. Because Taiwanese residents were indoctrinated by Chiang Ching-kuo and his father, Chiang Kai-shek’s administration for about 40 years, Chinese ideology was dominant and Lee Teng-hui initially paid lip-service to Cross-Strait unification whilst working towards secessionism as reflected in the Chingdao-Lake Incident (1994); the private dialogue between Lee Teng-hui and Shiba Ryotaro (1994); the address at Cornell University (1995); and his two-state theory (1999). However, due to strong pressure from Mainland China, he did not reach his secessionist goal during his presidential term (1988-2000). In conclusion, this thesis shows that Taiwan Island’s geopolitical importance is at the heart of the US’ support for Taiwan’s secession from the Mainland. Therefore, Lee’s secessionist Cross-Strait policy aside, US national interests lie in containing Mainland China and it has, therefore, always played an important role in the secessionist issue and always will. From the perspective of Mainland China, either in terms of nationalism or national security, Taiwan’s secession is a life-and-death issue. If Taiwanese authorities were to declare independence, the only option for Mainland China would be to launch a unification war. For the US, Taiwan is only a pawn that it uses to contain Mainland China. Therefore, in the Cross-Strait issue, the US has more options than Mainland China, namely, to use military intervention in the future to deter Chinese unification or to decide to share common peaceful international relations with Mainland China by accepting Cross-Strait unification.Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2004.
Political Sciences
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Habel, Chad Sean, and chad habel@gmail com. "Ancestral Narratives in History and Fiction: Transforming Identities." Flinders University. Humanities, 2006. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20071108.133216.
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This thesis is an exploration of ancestral narratives in the fiction of Thomas Keneally and Christopher Koch. Initially, ancestry in literature creates an historical relationship which articulates the link between the past and the present. In this sense ancestry functions as a type of cultural memory where various issues of inheritance can be negotiated. However, the real value of ancestral narratives lies in their power to aid in the construction of both personal and communal identities. They have the potential to transform these identities, to transgress natural boundaries and to reshape conventional identities in the light of historical experience.
For Keneally, ancestral narratives depict national forbears who narrate the nation into being. His earlier fictions present ancestors of the nation within a mythic and symbolic framework to outline Australian national identity. This identity is static, oppositional, and characterized by the delineation of boundaries which set nations apart from one another. However, Keneallys more recent work transforms this conventional construction of national identity. It depicts an Irish-Australian diasporic identity which is hyphenated and transgressive: it transcends the conventional notion of nations as separate entities pitted against one another. In this way Keneallys ancestral narratives enact the potential for transforming identity through ancestral narrative.
On the other hand, Kochs work is primarily concerned with the intergenerational trauma causes by losing or forgetting ones ancestral narrative. His novels are concerned with male gender identity and the fragmentation which characterizes a self-destructive idea of maleness. While Keneallys characters recover their lost ancestries in an effort to reshape their idea of what it is to be Australian, Kochs main protagonist lives in ignorance of his ancestors life. He is thus unable to take the opportunity to transform his masculinity due to the pervasive cultural amnesia surrounding his family history and its role in Tasmanias past.
While Keneally and Koch depict different outcomes in their fictional ancestral narratives they are both deeply concerned with the potential to transform national and gender identities through ancestry.