Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism – Belarus – History'
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1
Pershai, Alexander. "Localness and Mobility in Belarusian Nationalism: The Tactic of Tuteishaść*." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 1 (March 2008): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701848374.
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Every nation has its own ways of telling its national story. Such narratives attempt to incorporate and explain the terms of a nation's history, culture, language, territory, economic welfare, and its citizens' sense of belonging. Some national stories are more complicated than others and require specific terminology to describe their nation and its “other.” Belarus is one of these complicated cases. Belarusian national character is often defined by the concept of tuteishaść, or “localness,” by which the people of Belarus identify themselves in relation to other nations and countries.
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Rudling, Per Anders. "The Cult of Roman Shukhevych in Ukraine: Myth Making with Complications." Fascism 5, no. 1 (May 26, 2016): 26–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00501003.
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Ukrainian president Viktor Iushchenko’s posthumous designation of Roman Shukhevych (1907–1950), the supreme commander of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (upa) as a Hero of Ukraine in 2007 triggered intense, and polarized debates in Ukraine and abroad, about Second World War-era Ukrainian nationalism and its place in history. Particularly sensitive are Roman Shukhevych’s whereabouts in 1940–1943, when he served in German uniform, as a Hauptmann, or captain, in the battalion Nachtigall in 1941 thereafter, in 1942–1943 in Schutzmannschaft battalion 201, taking part in ‘anti-partisan operations’ in occupied Belarus. This article analyzes the controversy regarding the memory of Roman Shukhevych.
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Gorny, A. S. "Ego-documents as sources for the history of Belarusian national movement in interwar western Belarus." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 65, no. 3 (August 6, 2020): 286–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2020-65-3-286-297.
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The main theoretical approaches that exist in domestic and foreign historiography on the problem of egodocu ments are given in the introduction. Role of the Dutch historian Jacques Presser in creation of this term and its use in foreign historical science in the 1980–1990s is analyzed. The author of the article, taking into account European experience, is trying to give his own definition of the term “egodocuments”, adapted to Belarusian historiography. The author also notes the scientific feasibility of the active use of egodocuments when studying the history of the Belarusian national movement in the interwar Western Belarus.The main part of the article reveals the scientific value of egodocuments as sources for studying various topics related to the history of the Belarusian national movement in the interwar Western Belarus. As an example, the author took letters to the Vilnius Belarusian bookstore, and analyzed the scientific potential of business correspondence as part of epistolary sources. Five types of memoir literature, which help to expand knowledge about various figures of the Belarusian movement in the interwar Western Belarus, were formed. An analysis of university autobiography and curriculum vitae emphasizes the lack of knowledge of this type of egodocuments and its scientific value in the study of relations between Belarusian activists and the Polish state.In conclusion, conclusions are drawn about the insignificant use of egodocuments in the study of the history of Bela rusian nationalism in the interwar Western Belarus. The anthropological turn in historiography has determined the desire of modern historians to pay attention to the everyday problem of the Belarusian movement, its local features that determines the active use of egodocuments as sources.
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Baranova, Olga. "Nationalism, anti-Bolshevism or the will to survive? Collaboration in Belarus under the Nazi occupation of 1941–1944." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 15, no. 2 (April 2008): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507480801931044.
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Pershai, Alexander. "Questioning the Hegemony of the Nation State in Belarus: Production of Intellectual Discourses as Production of Resources." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 5 (November 2006): 623–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600953036.
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Katherine Verdery writes that “[i]n the modern period, nation has become a potent symbol and basis of classification within an international system of nation states”; in turn, nationalism “is a political utilization of the symbol nation through discourse and political activity, as well as the sentiment that draws people into responding to this symbol's use.” However, the idea of “nation state” and its functioning can be seen as a part of the larger hegemonic constructions that operate on the level of “common” beliefs that legitimize existing social hierarchies and divisions of economic resources, and on the level of relationships between states and nations.
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Kamusella, Tomasz. "Germanization, Polonization, and Russification in the partitioned lands of Poland-Lithuania." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (September 2013): 815–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.767793.
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Two main myths constitute the founding basis of popular Polish ethnic nationalism: first, that Poland-Lithuania was an early Poland, and second, that the partitioning powers at all times unwaveringly pursued policies of Germanization and Russification. In the former case, the myth appropriates a common past today shared by Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine. In the latter case, Polonization is written out of the picture entirely, as also are variations and changes in the polices of Germanization and Russification. Taken together, the two myths to a large degree obscure (and even falsify) the past, making comprehension of it difficult, if not impossible. This article seeks to disentangle the knots of anachronisms that underlie the Polish national master narrative, in order to present a clearer picture of the interplay between the policies of Germanization, Polonization, and Russification as they unfolded in the lands of the partitioned Poland-Lithuania during the long nineteenth century.
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Rutland, Peter. "Thirty Years of Nation-Building in the Post-Soviet States." Nationalities Papers 51, no. 1 (January 2023): 14–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2021.94.
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AbstractThis introduction to the special issue looks back at 30 years of nation-building in the post-Soviet states. Initial hopes that national self-determination would reinforce democratization proved misplaced. While that synergy worked well in the Baltic states, elsewhere authoritarian leaders embraced nationalism, while democracies like Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine lost control of parts of their territory to secessionist movements backed by Russia. Each of the post-Soviet states promoted a national language (except for Belarus) and forged a new historical narrative for their “imagined community,” but in most cases they remained multi-ethnic and multi-lingual communities. In recognition of this persisting ethnic diversity, nation-building was accompanied by policies of ethnicity management. The international economic environment was rapidly changing due to globalization, posing new challenges for nation-builders. The gender dimension is important to the new national identities being forged in the post-Soviet space: the categories of race and class, less so. The article concludes with a review of the salient features of each of the newly-independent states.
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Lepak, KeithJohn. "Andrew Savchenko. Rationality, Nationalism and Post-Communist Market Transformations: A Comparative Analysis of Belarus, Poland and the Baltic States. Aldershot, UK and Brookfield, VT: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2000. vi, 160 pp. $64.95." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 36, no. 1-2 (2002): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023902x00766.
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Pantin, Vladimir I. "The Ideological Foundations of Eurasian Economic Integration." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-17-29.
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The article analyzes the significance of Eurasian ideology for modern economic integration, the reasons for its limited use in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), and the possibilities and prospects of adapting Eurasianism for the purposes of economic development and integration. Many international economic integration associations (e.g., the EU, USMCA, ASEAN) have a common or similar ideological and value-based foundation, which ensures stronger integration. The EAEU was initially established without a common, integrating ideological basis, although the first president of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev, suggested using Eurasianism as the ideology of integration. Sergey Glazyev also wrote about the importance of integrative ideology for the development of the EAEU. However, these attempts to introduce Eurasian ideology for a stronger integration were not supported by the rest of the EAEU countries. This was largely because most EAEU members, including Russia, were driven by short-term economic interests, forgetting about more important long-term, strategic goals. Moreover, there are important ideological divisions in society and in the political elites of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan - primarily the division between adherents of the ideology and practices of Western liberalism, oriented toward EU integration, and supporters of an ideology close to Eurasianism and defense of traditional values, oriented toward the development of integration in the Eurasian space. The reproduction of such divisions in the EAEU countries, as well as the absence or weak development of an integrative ideology, largely determines the inconsistent and not always effective integration in the EAEU. Eurasianism can become an integrative ideology, which, if developed and adapted to modern realities, can ensure a stronger economic integration. This requires overcoming illusions about the possibility of integration of Russia and other post-Soviet countries into the EU, pursuing an active information policy in the Eurasian countries, showing the commonality of geopolitical and economic interests of EAEU countries and the opposition of these interests to those of the USA. Eurasianism can effectively counter the threat of ethnic nationalism in the EAEU countries by emphasizing Eurasian integration as a necessary condition for preserving the sovereignty of Eurasian countries, their traditional values, and the combination of tradition and innovation.
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Aldasheva, Nazira, Vyacheslav Kipen, Zhaynagul Isakova, Sergey Melnov, Raisa Smolyakova, Elnura Talaybekova, Kyyal Makieva, and A. Aldashev. "СONTRIBUTION OF POLYMORPHIC VARIATION OF ТP53 AND XRCC1 GENES TO THE SUSCEPTIBILITY TO BREAST CANCER FOR WOMEN OF KYRGYZ AND BELARUSIAN NATIONALITY - A COMPARATIVE STUDY ON MULTIFACTOR DIMENSIONALITY REDUCTION METHODS." Problems in oncology 64, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.37469/0507-3758-2018-64-1-95-101.
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Basing on Multifactor Dimensionality Reduction method we showed that polymorphic variants p.Q399R (rs25487, XRCC1) and p.P72R (rs1042522, TP53) correlated with increased risk of breast cancer for women from the Kyrgyz Republic and the Republic of Belarus. Cohort for investigation included patients with clinically verified breast cancer: 117 women from the Kyrgyz Republic (nationality - Kyrgyz) and 169 - of the Republic of Belarus (nationality - Belarusians). Group for comparison included (healthy patients without history of cancer pathology at the time of blood sampling) 102 patients from the Kyrgyz Republic, 185 - from the Republic of Belarus. Respectively genotyping of polymorphic variants p.Q399R (rs25487, XRCC1) and p.P72R (rs1042522, TP53) was done by PCR-RFLP. Analysis of the intergenic interactions conducted with MDR 3.0.2 software. Both ethnic groups showed an increase of breast cancer risk in the presence of alleles for SNPs Gln p.Q399R (XRCC1) in the heterozygous state: for the group “Kyrgyz” - OR=2,78 (95% CI=[1,60-4,82]), p=0,001; for the group “Belarusians” - OR=1,85 (95% СІ=[1Д1-2,82], p=0,004. Carriers with combination of alleles Gln (p.Q399R, XRCC1) and Pro (p.P72R, TP53) showed statistically significance increases of breast cancer risk as for patients from the Kyrgyz Republic (OR=2,89, 95% CI=[1,33-6,31]), so as for patients from the Republic of Belarus (OR=3,01, 95% CI=[0,79-11,56]).
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KRUTIKOV, Anton. "Concepts of Belarusian History. II. "Russian World", "Litvinism", "Belarusian Civilization"." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 4-2020/1-2021 (2021): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2021-1-66-79.
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At the turn of the 1990s, Belarus received a unique chance to revive Western-Russianism as a new national idea based on the centuries-old cultural affinity of the three fraternal Slavic peoples. However, rapid changes in the historical policy of the Belarusian leadership resulted in the diffusion of nationalist concepts of the past into historical science and official rhetoric. President Lukashenko's theses about the "Belarusian civilization" were quickly reflected in “official” Belarusian historiography. The symbols of the modern Belarusian protest movement - T. Kostiushko and K. Kalinowsky were introduced into the public consciousness not by external forces, but by Belarusian textbooks.
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Marková, Alena. "Institutional Historical Memory and History in Post-Soviet Belarus." Journal of Belarusian Studies 9, no. 1 (February 17, 2020): 51–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/20526512-12340004.
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Abstract Belarusian institutional historical memory (as defined by Richard Ned Lebow) and the interpretation of Belarusian national history have experienced radical shifts in the past several decades. The first shift (1990–1994) was characterized by radical rejection of the interpretational and methodological patterns of the Soviet period, resulting in the creation of a new concept of Belarusian national history and historical narrative. The second shift in the existing historical narrative and institutional memory followed rapidly. It came with the transformation from a parliamentary republic into a parliamentary-presidential (1994) and then presidential republic (1996). The second wave demonstrated a clear shift towards a methodological, theoretical approach and terminological framework typical of the historiography of the Soviet period. These changes were in response to the growing demands for ideological control of institutionalized historical research supported by the government in the same decade. One of the characteristic features of recent Belarusian state-sponsored historiography (Lyč, Chigrinov, Marcuĺ, Novik and others) is the linking of post-Soviet national initiatives to Nazi occupation and collaboration in World War II. Another typical feature is simplifying historical explanations and often using undisguised pejorative terminology. The last shift in institutional historical memory also resulted in further re-interpretations of many symbolic centres and milestones of Belarusian history (for example, the period of the first years of post-Soviet independence, the introduction of new national symbols (Pahonia coat of arms and white-red-white flag) and the interwar nationality policy of Belarusization of the 1920s.)
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Pomiecko, Aleksandra. "Slutsk in 1920: Entangled Fighters, Locals, and Conflicts." Slavic Review 80, no. 4 (2021): 749–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2022.3.
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This article examines the armed fighting that took place in Slutsk, in present-day Belarus, in November and December of 1920, primarily between local forces and the Red Army. In contrast to existing understandings of the insurrection, this article situates the incident within more recent scholarship dedicated to better understanding the post-WWI period, the collapse of the Russian Empire, and experiences at the local level. In doing so, the goals are two-fold: to detangle the story of Slutsk from existing nationalist interpretations and to examine Slutsk as a site witnessing a series of clashes between centers of power and periphery, among different ethno-national groups, soldiers, and ideas. Ultimately, those participating in the Slutsk insurrection sought to resist any outside dominance and control. Though on the surface the insurrection in Slutsk has been interpreted as rather marginal in the longer history of Belarus and the region, the events that occurred manifested as a clash of some of the most critical processes underway in the early to mid-twentieth century. Through Slutsk, this article seeks to better understand the experience of the “periphery” during this time.
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Gordon, Ellen J. "The Revival of Polish National Consciousness: A Comparative Study of Lithuania, Belarus, and Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 24, no. 2 (June 1996): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999608408439.
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While it is true that many nations and nationalities have come to be identified with a particular language group, linguistic homogeneity is by no means a sufficient or necessary marker of a nation or nationality. And yet, language is often used as a marker, not only to define a people or a nation, but, perhaps more importantly, is used by a people to set themselves apart from others. “Groups tend to define themselves not by reference to their own characteristics but by exclusion, that is, by comparison to ‘strangers’.” The use of language allows for a clear-cut division between “natives” and “aliens.”
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Blavascunas, Eunice. "When foresters reterritorialize the periphery: post-socialist forest politics in Białowieża, Poland." Journal of Political Ecology 21, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 475. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v21i1.21147.
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State Forestry is regarded by political ecologists as a coercive tool deployed by state authorities to nationalize, control and order the forest as a resource within the territory of a nation. The consequence of this is civilizing local people and subjecting them to the grip of the state. Much of this literature comes from the global South. However, in the iconic Białowieża Forest in eastern Poland, touted as Europe's last primeval forest for its old oaks and woodland bison, state foresters altered the prominence of their nationalistic and nationalizing history in three surprising ways: 1) they downplayed their historical role in nationalizing the periphery in the 1920s when the area was split between a national park and a forest belonging to the newly formed Polish state (the Second Polish Republic); 2) they created new allegiances with the Belarusian-identified local population, and 3) they referenced neighbouring Belarus' preferential management of forests within the adjacent Belovezshkaya National Park. This article weaves together insights from political ecology, post-socialist studies and environmental history in an ethnographic account of Polish state foresters in interaction with biologists, conservationists and "local" people in the fight to expand the Polish Białowieża National Park from 1990-2013. Foresters downplayed the forest's significance for the nation, at least rhetorically, because conservationists viewed and promoted the forest as having national, European and global heritage. Yet the globalized cosmopolitics of conservationists enabled, or perhaps even forced, foresters to frame their concerns in a language of local and ethnic minority rights and community participation. The transcendence of ethnic and cultural differences by foresters over nearly ninety years of existence marks an important and novel component of the post-socialist period.Keywords: Post-socialist, political ecology, forests, environmental history, Poland, Belarus, foresters, ethnography, periphery
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Astrouskaya, Tatsiana. "In Schoolbooks and on Telegram." Journal of Applied History 4, no. 1-2 (December 12, 2022): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895893-bja10033.
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Abstract Since 1991 memory politics in Belarus has undergone several shifts, conditioned by the alteration in international and inner policies and the whims of political elites. During the last two years, the civil protest movement and recently, the Russian war in Ukraine afresh prompted the re-interpreting of the past. In this revised interpretation, the already central place of WWII has become even more pronounced. The history of this war has been turned into a weapon by which Belarusian pro-governmental historians and propagandists attempt to combat the “collective West,” the NATO, the Ukrainian and Belarusian nationalists, and the émigré diaspora alike. This paper aims to outline the portrayal of Ukraine and Ukrainians in Belarusian memory politics (in school textbooks and, since 2020, on Telegram). It asks about the place Belarusian southern neighbour and, until recently, the “brotherly people” occupied in the official Belarusian historical narrative, shaped by the mythologisation of WWII.
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Czykwin, Elżbieta. "Esej napisany z inspiracji książką Niny Witoszek Korzenie antyautorytaryzmu." Przegląd Humanistyczny, no. 65/2 (September 17, 2021): 56–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2657-599x.ph.2021-2.4.
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A remarkable book by Nina Witoszek, an outstanding compatriot of ours, originally published in the USA, where it has aroused well-deserved interest among both professional and avid readers, forms the background for this essay. Populist nationalist tendencies growing within existing, but also well-established democracies, having authoritarian thinking at their core, constitute a threat not only to individual freedom but also to the effective functioning of societies. The strengthening of democracies, i.e. systems that are fundamentally democratic but significantly imbued with authoritarian elements, is a serious challenge for contemporary states (Hungary, Belarus, Poland, the USA under Donald Trump, Taiwan, Turkey, Liberia, Hong Kong and others). Overcoming these authoritarian tendencies is seen in Witoszek’s book as an initiative taken by small social groups releasing social energy to build grassroots democracy known from history as constructive and effective initiatives, e.g. KOR and later “Solidarity” in Poland. The book is an apotheosis of the friendship of groups of so-called ‘humanist renegades’ who evoke the impulse of change and their energy and way of thinking are instilled in the broad masses of society thus delivering the anti-authoritarian message of sustainable modernity.
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Bezugolny, Alexey. "The Manning of Polish Troops in the USSR and the First Polish Army: Problems of Ethnicity and Nationality, 1943–1945." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2022): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640021034-5.
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The author analyses the intricate process of recruitment of privates and non-commissioned (sub-officer) personnel for the Polish troops, transformed into the First Polish Army in July 1944, in the USSR in May 1943. The re-establishment of the Polish Army in the Soviet Union was linked not only to the tasks of expanding the anti-Hitler front, but also to a broader strategy of restructuring the Polish statehood on the principles of mutually beneficial military-political cooperation with the Soviet Union. The new Polish army was being built under constantly changing military-strategic and international political circumstances, which had a direct impact on its personnel composition and manning conditions. Mobilisations for the Polish army went through three very different stages, from conscription among the Polish population repressed in the pre-war period, to mobilisations in the liberated territories of western Belarus and Ukraine, and finally to mobilisations in the liberated territories of Poland itself. As it evolved, organisationally and numerically, the Polish Army's personnel became progressively more multi-ethnic and of less defined civilian status. The resolution of these problems required joint solutions with the newly emerging left-wing political forces and the Polish military command. The article draws on published sources and materials from Russian archives, primarily the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation, which have not previously been used in the study of Soviet-Polish military cooperation during the Second World War.
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Latysh, Yurii V. "Ukrainian Historography of Perestroika." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 3 (2020): 975–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.317.
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The article deals with the main trends and debatable issues in the Ukrainian historiography of Perestroika. The author establishes a connection between the prevailing ideas about the place of Soviet statehood in the history of Ukraine and the role of Perestroika in it. The totalitarian paradigm dominant in Ukrainian historiography is analyzed, according to which: 1) the reforms were unable to correct the Soviet communism whose collapse was imminent; 2) as a result of the collapse of the Soviet empire the peoples were given the opportunity to create national states and return to the “road of civilization” — to a market economy based on private property. The concepts of the system crisis of the Soviet model of socialism and the transformation of perestroika as a “revolution from above” into the national revolution during the Ukrainian national revival are considered. The article pays a particular attention to the coverage of the role of Ukraine in the disintegration of the USSR in the historiography since the position of the situational union of sovereign communists and nationalists at the time of the conclusion of the Belovezhsky agreements rested on the will of the people — the AllUkrainian referendum. Russia and Belarus did not conduct referendums on independence. It has been established that Ukrainian historians have concentrated on studying certain aspects of Perestroika, mainly related to Ukraine. They concern the Ukrainian national, linguistic, cultural and ecclesiastical revival, the activities of the national-democratic opposition. Many aspects of Perestroika (economic reforms, foreign policy, social history, the history of everyday life) in Ukraine are almost not researched at all.
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Coffé, Hilde. "(Small) Enterpreneurs first!" Journal of Language and Politics 7, no. 1 (May 26, 2008): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.7.1.02cof.
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A large body of research on political parties is devoted to the family of extreme right parties. Yet, systematic analyses of extreme right parties discourse remain scarce. The present study addresses this gap in the literature by providing a discourse analysis of the Vlaams Belang, one of the most successful extreme right-wing parties in Europe. Moreover, by focusing on this partys economic discourse, the study also sheds new light on the ongoing debate about the economic viewpoints of the new extreme right parties. We conclude that the Vlaams Belangs economic rhetoric is in line with its ethno-linguistic, nationalist standpoints and pleas for a Flemish economic policy. The partys economic programme is built on liberal points of view and seems particularly aimed at attracting (dissatisfied) liberal voters. Importantly, as economic issues remain subordinated to the partys ideological core, it appears that the Vlaams Belang has largely instrumentalised its programme to expand its electorate.
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Kienast, Julia. "“Crisis Rhetoric” and Derogations from the AFSJ: Is EU Asylum Policy Discriminatory or does its Implementation Reflect the Rule of Law?" Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto, no. 06 (December 13, 2022): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/ced.2586.
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This paper analyses the language of EU leaders and its influence on the implementation of EU asylum law by triggering derogations, exceptions and amendments. It compares this process with regards to the 2015 refugee crisis, the Belarus border crisis and the current Ukrainian crisis to portray how the reaction to similar facts differs and, hence, to show how EU asylum policy suffers from a lack of rule of law. As the crisis in Ukraine unfolds, one can observe how strongly the narrative of EU leaders differs regarding these refugees compared to those from, e.g., Syria and Afghanistan in previous years. It shows a “U-turn” of the EU’s agenda since 2015. Hence, it has become clear that the problem lies less in sufficient contingencies for a sudden influx, but rather a feeling – or lack – of solidarity. From a legal perspective, there is no distinction between the responsibility for asylum applicants based on their nationality. To the contrary, refugee protection builds on the prohibition of discrimination. This has potentially negative implications for the rule of law in the EU. Hence, this paper investigates how EU leaders “talk” their way into applying or not applying EU law and even create EU law at their will simply by describing the arrivals as a security threat, a “hybrid attack” or instead as neighbors in need, as “family”.
Received: 31 July 2022 Accepted: 13 October 2022
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Verbovyi, Olexii. "BELARUSIAN FACTOR IN THE ACTIVITIES OF THE PARTIZAN ASSOCIATION OF SUMY (1941‑1944)." Journal of Ukrainian History, no. 40 (2019): 121–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-4611.2019.40.15.
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The purpose of the article is to study the Belarusian factor in the activity of one of the largest in the number and the most diverse in national composition partisan formation of the period of the Second World War ‑ the Sumy partisan union (the 1st Ukrainian Partisan Division named after the Hero of the Soviet Union, S. A. Kovpak). First of all, the relevance of the problem is determined, the state of study of the history of the Soviet partisan resistance movement during the Second World War in general and its certain aspects in particular. It is emphasized on the multinational personnel as a characteristic feature of the Soviet partisan formations of Ukraine. During the study of the problem, the basic source was a complex of documents from the fund of the 1st Ukrainian Partisan Division named after twice Hero of the Soviet Union S. A. Kovpak (Sumy Partisan Union), which is kept in the Central State Archives of Public Associations of Ukraine. Using the historical method, the general scientific methods of comparison, analysis, synthesis, on the basis of archival sources, memoirs and scientific works, shows the participation of citizens of Belarusian nationality in the personnel of the compound (divisions), traces the dynamics of the number of Belarusians, determines their place and correlation with other nationalities. It is proved that from the first days of the creation of this unit as a partisan detachment in September 1941 and till disbandment as a guerrilla division in November 1944, the fighters of Belarusian nationality ranked third place in its staff. The path of passing and location of the connection (division) on the territory of Byelorussia is traced. It was determined that its combat, sabotage and intelligence activities were in the Gomel, Pinsk and Polissya regions. It was associated mostly with raids on the territory of the Right Bank and Western Ukraine. The chronological boundaries of the activity of the Sumy partisan compound (the 1st Ukrainian Partisan Division named after the Hero of the Soviet Union S. A. Kovpak) on the territory of Belarus cover the period from November 1942 till July 1944, with interruptions. Combat operations of the union (division) on the territory of Belarus are revealed, in particular, the defeat of hostile garrisons and the capture of settlements. Sabotage activity on main railways and on highways was investigated. The presence of the union (division) on the territory of Byelorussia during the period of preparation for the exit to the Carpathian raid in June 1943 and after the returning from the Lviv-Warsaw raid in April 1944 are highlighted. Examples of the attitude of the local population towards the partisans of the Sumy Union, facts of looting of individual fighters and so on. The main aspects of the relationship between Ukrainian partisans and local partisan groups are also described. The issue of establishing a connection between the Sumy partisan union and local Belarusian partisan detachments and brigades is solved. The example of obtaining the experience of combat, sabotage and reconnaissance activities of the Yale Partisan Detachment during the stay of the Sumy Partisan Connection at the end of 1942 – early 1943 is given. The conduction of joint military operations and the exchange of intelligence data gained by the Ukrainian and Belarusian partisans is shown. According to archival documents, local guerrilla formations of Belarus were identified, with which connection (division) communications were established, joint hostilities and sabotage on hostile communications were conducted, intelligence was exchanged, sending of wounded guerrillas to the Soviet rear was ensured, etc. The problems connected with the replenishment of the personnel of the union (division) at the expense of the local population, as well as the transition of the fighters of the Belarusian units were highlighted. Some contradictions were mentioned which arose between the Ukrainian and Belarusian partisans, the dissatisfaction of the Sumy guerrilla unit command with the uneven material supply of Ukrainian and Belarusian partisans from the Soviet rear, the combat and sabotage activity of the Belarusian formations, etc. According to the results of the study of the problem, a considerable place of the Belarusian factor in the activities of the Sumy partisan compound during the entire period of its existence from September 1941 to November 1944 has been proven.
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Eberhardt, Piotr. "Przemiany narodowościowe w Łatgalii." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 40 (February 15, 2022): 63–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.005.
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Population Changes in LatgaleLatgale is one of the four provinces of Latvian State. It is located in the east part of Latvia that borders with Belarus and Russia. The first part of this article presents Latgale’s history since the 13th century. Latgale was part of Poland (Polish Inflants, 1561–1772), and later of Russian Empire (1772–1916). The Russian census of 1897 shows that it was inhabited by various nations: Latvians, Russians, Jews, Poles and Belarusians.The next part of the article deals with the demographic situation in the interwar period, when Latgale was an integral part of the sovereign Latvian state. Later, together with whole Latvia, it was incorporated into the Soviet Union in 1940; next it was occupied by Nazi Germany, and again incorporated to the Stalin’s Soviet Union. As it became part of Latvian Soviet Republic, it was subjected to planned Russification and Sovietization policies to eliminate its national and confessional diversity. There was then a mass influx of the Russian people, while the local Latvian population was marginalized. These changes are presented in the text on the basis of the Soviet censuses of 1959 and 1989. The author also discusses relations between Russian and Latvian populations, as well as the number and distribution of the population of Polish origin, who traditionally concentrated in Daugavpils and its vicinity.The last part of the article deals with the period after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the regaining of independence by Latvia. The nationality evolution is presented on the basis of statistical data from 2000 and 2009. The present Latvian authorities aim at strengthening the national character of the state and limiting the significance of its numerous Russian minority. The information on the current condition of the local Polish population closes the text.
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Grachev, Bogdan. "Philosophical-political comprehension of Eurasia in the context of the Russian project of civilizational development." Философская мысль, no. 11 (November 2021): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8728.2021.11.36833.
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This article attempts to “objectify” and conceptualize the concept of “Eurasia”, determine its ontological characteristics as the sociopolitical space of development of the Russian civilizational project, as well as delineates the contours of this space within the framework of a project-constructive methodological orientation. The author refers to the history of formation of holistic representations on Eurasia within the scientific thought, giving special attention to the contribution of geopoliticians, and emphasizing the implementation of theoretical provisions in real politics. The empirical basis relies on the two megaprojects that are implemented in practice: the Silk Road Economic Belt initiated by China and the Eurasian Economic Union (which includes Armenia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Russia), as well as the “Greater Eurasia” as a potential way of their interlink and development of the space for cross-civilizational dialogue on the continent. The main conclusions are as follows: 1) Eurasia is determined both as the goal of the Russian project of civilizational development and as the space it can be realized within. At the same time, the space for the development of Russia-Eurasia is described as the natural environment of the Russian civilizational project, the space of the “primary circle”. Special role is played by the creation and development of the Eurasian Economic Union, which unites the countries that have faced the escalation of nationalist sentiment after the dissolution of the Soviet Union; 2) The “Greater Eurasia” is designated as the “secondary circle” of the Russian civilizational project, a space for continental cooperation, determines by new political reality. 3) Certain zones of civilizational confrontation and contradictions on the continent have been identified. The author believes that the need for conceptualization of the concept at hand lies in the significant sociopolitical formative potential.
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Marples, David R. "Belarus: At a Crossroads in History. By Jan Zaprudnik. Boulder: Westview Press, 1993. Published in cooperation with the Nationality and Siberian Studies Program of The Harriman Institute, Columbia University, xxi, 278 pp. $54.95, hard bound." Slavic Review 54, no. 3 (1995): 799–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501810.
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Myzelev, Alla. "Craftivism Between Nationalism and Activism in Ukraine and Belarus." Frontiers in Sociology 6 (March 2, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fsoc.2021.659103.
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This article outlines the history and significance of Craftivism in Eastern Europe. Using two case studies of artists it investigates the use of the craft language in Eastern Europe and its usability for activism. Do-It-Yourself culture, of which Craftivism is part, rejects the commercialism, gender norms and the conventional lifestyle in the Global North. Use of crafts as a language of political and social struggle allows to convey the message in a less confrontational but nevertheless very pertinent way. The craftivism is a successful language for the feminist political struggle in the Eastern Europe.
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Bekus, Nelly. "Reassembling Society in a Nation-State: History, Language, and Identity Discourses of Belarus." Nationalities Papers, July 1, 2022, 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2022.60.
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Abstract The article examines the political and cultural processes of nation-building over thirty years of independence in Belarus. It argues that in becoming a nation-state Belarus has faced challenges similar to the other post-Soviet nations but has proved an exception in the choice of strategies it used to address them. The paper examines how, on the eve of independence, the nationalist elites devised policies aimed at consolidating statehood around the national revival in opposition to the Soviet past. It explores the role played by linguistic policy and historical memory as the two main arenas for implementing their visions of Belarusian identity. The paper then maps a shift in this trajectory from Lukashenka’s rise to power to a national project based on reappropriation of Soviet legacy. Up until 2020, the state effectively navigated a geopolitical environment and adjusted its sociocultural parameters to preempt the society’s shifting expectations. Finally, the paper reflects on how protests in 2020 demonstrated both the lack of support for Lukashenka and his reliance on the violent repression and external support for remaining in power. The war in Ukraine revealed limits of Belarus’s sovereignty, while the society’s ability to consolidate for its defense has been seriously undermined by the repression.
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Kohler, Gun-Britt, and Pavel Navumenka. "Literaturgeschichte, Feldformation und transnationale Möglichkeitsraüme: Literatur im Raum Belarus in den 1920er Jahren." Slovo How to think of literary... (February 25, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.46298/slovo.2020.6143.
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International audience Als eine Literatur, die sich im historisch multiethnischen und multikonfessionellen Übergangsraum zwischen der lateinischen und der orthodoxen Slavia entwickelt, stellt die Literatur Weißrusslands die Gültigkeit des ‚großen Narrativs‘ in besonderer Weise zur Diskussion. Gleichzeitig scheint sich gerade an dieser Literatur als einer „kleinen“, deren Entwicklung sich über Jahrhunderte hinweg und bis in die jüngere Zeit in den Dominanzsphären benachbarter „größerer“ Literaturen (der russischen und der polnischen) vollzieht, die Problematik eines transnationalen Ansatzes zu erweisen, der Exklusions‑ und Absorptionsmechanismen fortschreibt. Ausgehend von diesen Überlegungen skizziert der Artikel zunächst einen alternativen Ansatz für ein „großes Narrativ“, dessen Basis die Parameter kultureller Raum, offene Chronologie und institutionelle Entwicklung bilden. Im Rahmen dieses Modells wird anschließend am Beispiel der literarischen Entwicklung der 1920er Jahre das transnationale Potential der Literatur Weißrusslands aus institutioneller Perspektive systematisch untersucht. Hier zeigt sich, dass das insbesondere aus der Mehrsprachigkeit sich ergebende transnationale Potential vom Konzept der „Multi‑nationalität“ der proletarischen Literatur institutionell und ideologisch überlagert wird, wobei unterschiedliche Sprachen unterschiedliche Möglichkeitsräume vorstrukturieren. Die Reali‑sierung transnationaler Möglichkeitsräume scheint vor allem jüdischen Autoren offen‑zustehen, wie das Fallbeispiel Samuil Plaŭniks (Zmitrok Bjaduljas) zeigt. As a literature that develops in the historically multi-ethnic and multi-confessional transitional space between Slavia latina and Slavia orthodoxa, the literature of Belarus challenges the validity of the “grand narrative” in a special way. At the same time, as a “small” literature, the development of which has taken place over the centuries and until recent times in the spheres of dominance of neighboring “bigger” literatures (Russian and Polish), Belarusian literature seems to reveal some problems of a transnational approach, which perpetuates mechanisms of exclusion and absorption. Based on these considerations, the article first outlines an alternative approach for a “grand narrative” based on the parameters of cultural space, open chronology, and institutional development. Within the framework of this model is then systematically examined the transnational potential of Belarusian literature from an institutional perspective, using literary development in the 1920s as an example. This shows that the transnational potential resulting especially from multilingualism is superimposed institutionally and ideologically by the concept of the “multi-nationality” of proletarian literature, with different languages pre-structuring different “Spaces of possibles.” The realization of transnational spaces of possibles seems to be open above all to Jewish authors, as the case study on Samuil Plaŭnik (Zmitrok Bjadulja) shows. La littérature de la Biélorussie qui s’est développée dans l’espace de transition historiquement multiethnique et multiconfessionnel entre Slavia latina et Slavia orthodoxa, remet en question d’une manière particulière la validité du « grand récit ». En même temps, il semble que ce soit justement l’exemple de cette littérature « mineure », dont le développement s’est déroulé pendant des siècles et jusqu’à récemment dans les sphères de domination des littératures voisines « majeures » (russe et polonaise), qui rende manifeste les problèmes posés par une approche transnationale, notamment la perpétuation de mécanismes d’exclusion et d’absorption. Prenant ces considérations comme point de départ, cet article esquisse d’abord une approche alternative d’un « grand récit » fondée sur les paramètres d’espace culturel, de chronologie ouverte et de développement institutionnel. Dans le cadre de ce modèle sera examiné ensuite systématiquement, d’un point de vue institutionnel et prenant l’exemple des années 1920, le « potentiel transnational » de la littérature biélorusse. Il s’avère que le potentiel transnational résultant notamment du multilinguisme se superpose institutionnellement et idéologiquement au concept de « multinational » de la littérature prolétarienne : les différentes langues pré‑structurent différents « espaces des possibles ». La réalisation d’espaces transnationaux des possibles semble ouverte avant tout aux auteurs juifs, comme le montre l’étude de cas de Samuil Plaŭnik (Zmitrok Bjadulja).
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"Jan Zaprudnik. Belarus: At a Crossroads in History. (Westview Series on the Post-Soviet Republics.) Boulder, Colo.: Westview, in association with the Nationality and Siberian Studies Program of the Harriman Institute, Columbia University, New York. 1993. Pp. xxi, 278. Cloth $54.95, paper $18.95." American Historical Review, December 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/100.5.1632.
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