Academic literature on the topic 'Nationalism – Belarus – History'

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Journal articles on the topic "Nationalism – Belarus – History"

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Pershai, Alexander. "Localness and Mobility in Belarusian Nationalism: The Tactic of Tuteishaść*." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 1 (March 2008): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701848374.

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Every nation has its own ways of telling its national story. Such narratives attempt to incorporate and explain the terms of a nation's history, culture, language, territory, economic welfare, and its citizens' sense of belonging. Some national stories are more complicated than others and require specific terminology to describe their nation and its “other.” Belarus is one of these complicated cases. Belarusian national character is often defined by the concept of tuteishaść, or “localness,” by which the people of Belarus identify themselves in relation to other nations and countries.
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Rudling, Per Anders. "The Cult of Roman Shukhevych in Ukraine: Myth Making with Complications." Fascism 5, no. 1 (May 26, 2016): 26–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116257-00501003.

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Ukrainian president Viktor Iushchenko’s posthumous designation of Roman Shukhevych (1907–1950), the supreme commander of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (upa) as a Hero of Ukraine in 2007 triggered intense, and polarized debates in Ukraine and abroad, about Second World War-era Ukrainian nationalism and its place in history. Particularly sensitive are Roman Shukhevych’s whereabouts in 1940–1943, when he served in German uniform, as a Hauptmann, or captain, in the battalion Nachtigall in 1941 thereafter, in 1942–1943 in Schutzmannschaft battalion 201, taking part in ‘anti-partisan operations’ in occupied Belarus. This article analyzes the controversy regarding the memory of Roman Shukhevych.
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Gorny, A. S. "Ego-­documents as sources for the history of Belarusian national movement in interwar western Belarus." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of Belarus, Humanitarian Series 65, no. 3 (August 6, 2020): 286–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/2524-2369-2020-65-3-286-297.

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The main theoretical approaches that exist in domestic and foreign historiography on the problem of ego­docu­ ments are given in the introduction. Role of the Dutch historian Jacques Presser in creation of this term and its use in foreign historical science in the 1980–1990s is analyzed. The author of the article, taking into account European experience, is trying to give his own definition of the term “ego­documents”, adapted to Belarusian historiography. The author also notes the scientific feasibility of the active use of ego­documents when studying the history of the Belarusian national movement in the interwar Western Belarus.The main part of the article reveals the scientific value of ego­documents as sources for studying various topics related to the history of the Belarusian national movement in the interwar Western Belarus. As an example, the author took letters to the Vilnius Belarusian bookstore, and analyzed the scientific potential of business correspondence as part of epistolary sources. Five types of memoir literature, which help to expand knowledge about various figures of the Belarusian movement in the interwar Western Belarus, were formed. An analysis of university autobiography and curriculum vitae emphasizes the lack of knowledge of this type of ego­documents and its scientific value in the study of relations between Belarusian activists and the Polish state.In conclusion, conclusions are drawn about the insignificant use of ego­documents in the study of the history of Bela­ rusian nationalism in the interwar Western Belarus. The anthropological turn in historiography has determined the desire of modern historians to pay attention to the everyday problem of the Belarusian movement, its local features that determines the active use of ego­documents as sources.
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Baranova, Olga. "Nationalism, anti-Bolshevism or the will to survive? Collaboration in Belarus under the Nazi occupation of 1941–1944." European Review of History: Revue europeenne d'histoire 15, no. 2 (April 2008): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507480801931044.

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Pershai, Alexander. "Questioning the Hegemony of the Nation State in Belarus: Production of Intellectual Discourses as Production of Resources." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 5 (November 2006): 623–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600953036.

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Katherine Verdery writes that “[i]n the modern period, nation has become a potent symbol and basis of classification within an international system of nation states”; in turn, nationalism “is a political utilization of the symbol nation through discourse and political activity, as well as the sentiment that draws people into responding to this symbol's use.” However, the idea of “nation state” and its functioning can be seen as a part of the larger hegemonic constructions that operate on the level of “common” beliefs that legitimize existing social hierarchies and divisions of economic resources, and on the level of relationships between states and nations.
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Kamusella, Tomasz. "Germanization, Polonization, and Russification in the partitioned lands of Poland-Lithuania." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (September 2013): 815–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.767793.

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Two main myths constitute the founding basis of popular Polish ethnic nationalism: first, that Poland-Lithuania was an early Poland, and second, that the partitioning powers at all times unwaveringly pursued policies of Germanization and Russification. In the former case, the myth appropriates a common past today shared by Belarus, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine. In the latter case, Polonization is written out of the picture entirely, as also are variations and changes in the polices of Germanization and Russification. Taken together, the two myths to a large degree obscure (and even falsify) the past, making comprehension of it difficult, if not impossible. This article seeks to disentangle the knots of anachronisms that underlie the Polish national master narrative, in order to present a clearer picture of the interplay between the policies of Germanization, Polonization, and Russification as they unfolded in the lands of the partitioned Poland-Lithuania during the long nineteenth century.
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Rutland, Peter. "Thirty Years of Nation-Building in the Post-Soviet States." Nationalities Papers 51, no. 1 (January 2023): 14–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2021.94.

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AbstractThis introduction to the special issue looks back at 30 years of nation-building in the post-Soviet states. Initial hopes that national self-determination would reinforce democratization proved misplaced. While that synergy worked well in the Baltic states, elsewhere authoritarian leaders embraced nationalism, while democracies like Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine lost control of parts of their territory to secessionist movements backed by Russia. Each of the post-Soviet states promoted a national language (except for Belarus) and forged a new historical narrative for their “imagined community,” but in most cases they remained multi-ethnic and multi-lingual communities. In recognition of this persisting ethnic diversity, nation-building was accompanied by policies of ethnicity management. The international economic environment was rapidly changing due to globalization, posing new challenges for nation-builders. The gender dimension is important to the new national identities being forged in the post-Soviet space: the categories of race and class, less so. The article concludes with a review of the salient features of each of the newly-independent states.
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Lepak, KeithJohn. "Andrew Savchenko. Rationality, Nationalism and Post-Communist Market Transformations: A Comparative Analysis of Belarus, Poland and the Baltic States. Aldershot, UK and Brookfield, VT: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2000. vi, 160 pp. $64.95." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 36, no. 1-2 (2002): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023902x00766.

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Pantin, Vladimir I. "The Ideological Foundations of Eurasian Economic Integration." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 22, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2022-22-1-17-29.

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The article analyzes the significance of Eurasian ideology for modern economic integration, the reasons for its limited use in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), and the possibilities and prospects of adapting Eurasianism for the purposes of economic development and integration. Many international economic integration associations (e.g., the EU, USMCA, ASEAN) have a common or similar ideological and value-based foundation, which ensures stronger integration. The EAEU was initially established without a common, integrating ideological basis, although the first president of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev, suggested using Eurasianism as the ideology of integration. Sergey Glazyev also wrote about the importance of integrative ideology for the development of the EAEU. However, these attempts to introduce Eurasian ideology for a stronger integration were not supported by the rest of the EAEU countries. This was largely because most EAEU members, including Russia, were driven by short-term economic interests, forgetting about more important long-term, strategic goals. Moreover, there are important ideological divisions in society and in the political elites of Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Kyrgyzstan - primarily the division between adherents of the ideology and practices of Western liberalism, oriented toward EU integration, and supporters of an ideology close to Eurasianism and defense of traditional values, oriented toward the development of integration in the Eurasian space. The reproduction of such divisions in the EAEU countries, as well as the absence or weak development of an integrative ideology, largely determines the inconsistent and not always effective integration in the EAEU. Eurasianism can become an integrative ideology, which, if developed and adapted to modern realities, can ensure a stronger economic integration. This requires overcoming illusions about the possibility of integration of Russia and other post-Soviet countries into the EU, pursuing an active information policy in the Eurasian countries, showing the commonality of geopolitical and economic interests of EAEU countries and the opposition of these interests to those of the USA. Eurasianism can effectively counter the threat of ethnic nationalism in the EAEU countries by emphasizing Eurasian integration as a necessary condition for preserving the sovereignty of Eurasian countries, their traditional values, and the combination of tradition and innovation.
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Aldasheva, Nazira, Vyacheslav Kipen, Zhaynagul Isakova, Sergey Melnov, Raisa Smolyakova, Elnura Talaybekova, Kyyal Makieva, and A. Aldashev. "СONTRIBUTION OF POLYMORPHIC VARIATION OF ТP53 AND XRCC1 GENES TO THE SUSCEPTIBILITY TO BREAST CANCER FOR WOMEN OF KYRGYZ AND BELARUSIAN NATIONALITY - A COMPARATIVE STUDY ON MULTIFACTOR DIMENSIONALITY REDUCTION METHODS." Problems in oncology 64, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.37469/0507-3758-2018-64-1-95-101.

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Basing on Multifactor Dimensionality Reduction method we showed that polymorphic variants p.Q399R (rs25487, XRCC1) and p.P72R (rs1042522, TP53) correlated with increased risk of breast cancer for women from the Kyrgyz Republic and the Republic of Belarus. Cohort for investigation included patients with clinically verified breast cancer: 117 women from the Kyrgyz Republic (nationality - Kyrgyz) and 169 - of the Republic of Belarus (nationality - Belarusians). Group for comparison included (healthy patients without history of cancer pathology at the time of blood sampling) 102 patients from the Kyrgyz Republic, 185 - from the Republic of Belarus. Respectively genotyping of polymorphic variants p.Q399R (rs25487, XRCC1) and p.P72R (rs1042522, TP53) was done by PCR-RFLP. Analysis of the intergenic interactions conducted with MDR 3.0.2 software. Both ethnic groups showed an increase of breast cancer risk in the presence of alleles for SNPs Gln p.Q399R (XRCC1) in the heterozygous state: for the group “Kyrgyz” - OR=2,78 (95% CI=[1,60-4,82]), p=0,001; for the group “Belarusians” - OR=1,85 (95% СІ=[1Д1-2,82], p=0,004. Carriers with combination of alleles Gln (p.Q399R, XRCC1) and Pro (p.P72R, TP53) showed statistically significance increases of breast cancer risk as for patients from the Kyrgyz Republic (OR=2,89, 95% CI=[1,33-6,31]), so as for patients from the Republic of Belarus (OR=3,01, 95% CI=[0,79-11,56]).
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nationalism – Belarus – History"

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Soulier, Pauline. "L'instrumentalisation du nationalisme à l'ère post-communiste : Serbie et Biélorussie." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019BORD0101.

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Au début des années 1990, la Serbie et la Biélorussie n’empruntent pas la voie démocratique. Après une timide amorce de cette transition, les prises de pouvoir par S. Milošević et A. Loukachenka suspendent, pour un temps plus ou moins long, la démocratisation. Outre l’originalité des régimes qu’ils instaurent, ce sont leurs techniques d’accès au pouvoir qui interpellent. Ils ne commettent pas un putsch, mais détournent le processus de démocratisation de la région. Alors que les Etats voisins s’appuient sur le nationalisme et cherchent les originesde la nation pour bâtir des régimes inspirés de l’Occident et débarrassés du communisme, S. Milošević et A. Loukachenka récupèrent cette logique de redéfinition identitaire pour s’opposer à la démocratie avec, au début,le consentement du peuple.Cette recherche vise à comprendre comment ces deux leaders politiques travestissent les idéologies démocratiques et nationalistes, pour mettre en place des régimes anachroniques. Pour cela, nous étudierons d’abord leur définition de la nation et nous chercherons à comprendre, à la lumière de travaux spécialisés, comment est réécrit le roman national (M. Ferro, P. Nora, P. Ricoeur, A.-D. Smith et G.-L. Mosse), et comment sont repensés les fondements protonationaux de la nation (E. Hobsbawm). Nous analyserons ensuite, à l’aide de certains auteurs, la mise en œuvre du mouvement nationaliste (M. Hroch) et la façon dont les deux leaders séduisent le peuple par un discours populiste plus efficace que ceux de leurs concurrents démocrates (P.-A.Taguieff), pour mettre en place, en définitive, les premières démocraties illibérales d’Europe (I. Wallerstein et C. Schmitt)
In the early nineties, Serbia and Belarus do not take the democratic path. After hesitant beginnings in this transition, S. Milošević and A. Loukachenka suspend the process of democratisation for a certain length of time. Besides the originality of the regimes they instaured, their methods of taking power raise questions. They do not carry out a putsch but redirect the democratisation process of the region. While the neighbouring statesn lean on nationalism and look for the origins of the nation to build regimes inspired by the West and free from communism, S. Milošević and A. Loukachenka seize upon this reasoning of redefining identity to oppose democracy with the initial consent of the people.This research aims to understand how these two political leaders twist the democratic and nationalist ideologies to establish anachronistic regimes. To this end, we will first study their definition of the nation and we willattempt to understand, in the light of specialised litterature, how the national narrative is rewritten (M. Ferro, P. Nora, P. Ricoeur, A.-D. Smith and G.-L. Mosse), and how the nation’s protonational foundations are redesigned (E. Hobsbawm). Using certain authors, we will then analyse, the implementation of the nationalist movement(M. Hroch) and the way the two leaders attract people with a populist discourse more effective than those of their democrat competitors (P.-A. Taguieff) to ultimately implement the first illiberal democracies in Europe (I. Wallerstein and C. Schmitt)
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BARANOVA, Olga. "Nationalism, Anti-Bolshevism or the will to survive : forms of Belarusian interaction with the German occupation authorities, 1941-1944." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10433.

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Defence date: 4 September 2008
Examining Board: Prof. Edward arfon Rees (EUI)-supervisor ; Prof. Heinz-Gerhard Haupt (EUI) ; Prof. Hans Christian Gerlach (University of Bern) ; Prof. Geoffrey Swain (University of Glasgow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
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Books on the topic "Nationalism – Belarus – History"

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Historiker und Herrschaft: Nationsbildung und Geschichtspolitik in Weissrussland im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. München: R. Oldenbourg, 1999.

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Maćków, Jerzy. Am Rande Europas?: Nation, Zivilgesellschaft und aussenpolitische Integration in Belarus, Litauen, Polen, Russland und der Ukraine. Freiburg im Breisgau: Herder, 2004.

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Bubenshchykov, Vasylʹ. Hreko-katolyt͡s︡ʹka t͡s︡erkva v etnichnomu rozvytku ukraïnsʹkoho ta bilorusʹkoho narodiv. Lʹviv: Vyd-vo "Spolom", 2004.

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Vatslaŭ Ivanoŭski i adradz︠h︡ėnne Belarusi. Minsk: Medisont, 2006.

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Natsyi︠a︡nalʹnyi︠a︡ supolʹnastsi Belarusi ŭ peryi︠a︡d hermanskaĭ akupatsyi (chėrvenʹ 1941--lipenʹ 1944 h.). Minsk: Belaruskai︠a︡ navuka, 2009.

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Nat︠s︡ionalʹnyĭ vopros i neonarodnicheskie partii: Nachalo XX v.-konet︠s︡ 20-kh gg. : na materialakh Rossii, Belarusi, Ukrainy. Minsk: Belorusskiĭ gos. tekhnologicheskiĭ universitet, 2001.

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Smolʹski, Rychard Bali︠a︡slavavich. Na skryzhavanni: Teatr u prat︠s︡esakh stanaulenni︠a︡ i razvit︠s︡t︠s︡i︠a︡ gistarychnaĭ i nat︠s︡yi︠a︡nalʹnaĭ svi︠a︡domast︠s︡i belarusau. Minsk: Belaruskai︠a︡ navuka, 1999.

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Tsʹvikevich, Ali͡aksandr. Zapadno-russizm: Narysy z historyi hramadzkaĭ mysʹli na Belarusi ŭ XIX i pachatku XX v. 2nd ed. Mensk: "Navuka i tėkhnika", 1993.

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I, Adamushko V., and Belaruski navukova-dasledchy instytut dakumentaznaŭstva i arkhiŭnaĭ spravy., eds. Pasli︠a︡ krutoha pavarotu: Idėolaha-palitychnai︠a︡ baratsʹba ŭ Belarusi, 1932-1936 hh. : dakumenty, matėryi︠a︡ly, analiz. Minsk: BelNDIDAS, 2008.

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Radzik, Ryszard. Vytoki suchasnaĭ belaruskastsi: Belarusy na fone natsyi︠a︡tvorchykh pratsėcaŭ u TSėntralʹna-Uskhodni︠a︡ĭ Eŭrope XIX st. : peraklad z polʹskaĭ. Minsk: "Medysont", 2012.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nationalism – Belarus – History"

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Zadora, Anna. "10 Teaching History in Belarus: Between Globalization and Authoritarian Confinement, Between Europe and Russia." In Nationalism in a Transnational Age, 195–222. De Gruyter, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110729290-010.

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Ayriyan, Radmila, and Alexander Egorov. "The Polish Problem in the Soviet-American Relations (1944-1945)." In Memory, Identity, and Nationalism in European Regions, 141–57. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-8392-9.ch007.

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The chapter is an attempt to analyze the Polish problem and its influence on the development of Soviet-American and Russian-Ukrainian relations. The Polish problem consists of two parts: firstly, the question of territorial claims of the Soviet power concerning Western Ukraine and Western Belarus (the territory of Poland till 1939); secondly, the return of the Polish government-in-exile to Warsaw and its recognition as the only legitimate government. The chapter examines the evolution of the US position, which was caused by the logic of development, and not by the change of the state leader, as it is commonly believed. The presence of the Soviet army on the territory of Poland has created objective difficulties in the return of the Polish territories and the comeback of the Polish government from emigration. Despite pressure from the multi-million Polish diaspora, American presidents could not resist the will of the Soviet Union and were forced to abandon further disputes. The history that became a reality in 2014 in Ukraine led to an unprecedented war of memories.
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Polonsky, Antony. "Conclusion." In Jews in Poland and Russia: A Short History, 463–65. Liverpool University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764395.003.0013.

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This concluding chapter describes the history of the Jews since the beginning of the diaspora as that of a succession of autonomous centres. The centre that developed in Poland–Lithuania from the middle of the thirteenth century was one of the most remarkable and creative. However, the history of the Jews of this area in the short twentieth century, between the outbreak of the First World War and the collapse of communism in Europe, has been tragic. The decline of Jewish communities was the result of local integral nationalism, the devastating impact of the genocidal policies of Nazi Germany, and the longer-term destructive effects of communist rule, particularly in its Stalinist incarnation. Ultimately, the complex story of the Jews of Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia, and of their contribution to Jewish life and to the culture of the larger world around them, needs to be better known and better understood in the diaspora, in Israel, and in the countries of eastern Europe. The Nazi attempt to annihilate the Jews and Stalin's efforts to eradicate their culture ultimately failed. There are still Jews in eastern Europe, and the rich culture the Jews created there remains a source of admiration and inspiration to both Jews and non-Jews.
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