Journal articles on the topic 'Nationalism and collective memory – Hungary'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Nationalism and collective memory – Hungary.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Nationalism and collective memory – Hungary.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Feischmidt, Margit. "Memory-Politics and Neonationalism: Trianon as Mythomoteur." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 1 (January 2020): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.72.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAnalyzing the newly emerged Trianon cult, this article argues that the current wave of memory politics became the engine of new forms of nationalism in Hungary constituted by extremist and moderate right-wing civic and political actors. Following social anthropologists Gingrich and Banks, the term neonationalism will be applied and linked with the concept “mythomoteur” of John Armstrong and Anthony D. Smith, emphasizing the role of preexisting ethno-symbolic resources or mythomoteurs in the resurgence of nationalism. Special attention will be given to elites who play a major role in constructing new discourses of the nation and seek to control collective memories, taking their diverse intentions, agendas, and strategies specifically into consideration. This “view from above” will be complemented with a “view from below” by investigating the meanings that audiences give to and the uses they make of these memories. Thus, the analysis has three dimensions: it starts with the analysis of symbols, topics, and arguments applied by public Trianon discourses; it continues with the analysis of everyday perceptions, memory, and identity concerns; and finally ends with an anthropological interpretation of memory politics regarding a new form of nationalism arising in the context of propelling and mainstreaming populist right-wing politics. The main argument of this article is that although the Hungarian Trianon cult, identified as national mythomoteur, invokes a historical trauma, it rather speaks to current feelings of loss and disenfranchisement, offering symbolic compensation through the transference of historical glory, pride, and self-esteem within a mythological framework. This article is part of a larger effort to understand the cultural logic and social support of new forms of nationalism in Hungary propelled by the populist far right.
2
Liu, James H., and Sammyh S. Khan. "Implications of a Psychological Approach to Collective Remembering: Social Representations as Cultural Ground for Interpreting Survey and Experimental Results." Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology 15 (January 2021): 183449092110079. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/18344909211007938.
Full textAbstract:
Psychology has become connected to the “memory boom” in research, that highlights the concept of social representations, defined as a shared system of knowledge and belief that facilitates communication about social objects where culture is conceptualized as a meta-system of social representations mediated by language, symbols, and their institutional carriers. Six articles on collective remembering, including survey results, text analysis, and experiments, are summarized in this introduction. All rely on content-rich meanings, embedded in sociocultural contexts that influence the results of the surveys and experiments. In the cases of Germany and China, the “historical charter” of the states in the late 19th century was ruptured, resulting in substantially different expressions of nationalism and national identity (in Germany) and filial piety and nationalism (in China) today. Surveys on the organization of living historical memory in Hungary and Finland found that the European Union formed an enduring social context for the formation of memory groups regarding recent history. Finally, in experiments, historical reminders are likely to be anchored in existing networks of meaning, and prime people about what they already believe, rather than exert independent causal effects. This anchoring of historical memory in communicating societies explains why the experimental results in this area are so inconsistent.
3
Maitz, Péter. "Linguistic nationalism in nineteenth-century Hungary." Journal of Historical Pragmatics 9, no. 1 (January 15, 2008): 20–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhp.9.1.03mai.
Full textAbstract:
Linguistic nationalism was a decisive linguistic ideology all through the nineteenth century. Consequently, by its very nature, it determined thinking about language throughout the entire period, and thus, linguistic behavior, as well. Based on metalinguistic data, this paper attempts to reconstruct the form of existence of this linguistic ideology in Hungary in the period of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy (1867–1918). The author’s aim is not to explore and contrast the various prominent and less prominent individual views of the period but rather to reconstruct and explain the general, collective system of ideas and values that underlies their apparent multiplicity and which is more or less constant throughout the period at hand. The paper hence wishes to contribute to a significant and neglected domain of historical sociolinguistics, the recognition of the history of linguistic awareness.
4
Ray, Larry. "Memory, Trauma and Genocidal Nationalism." Sociological Research Online 4, no. 2 (July 1999): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.257.
Full textAbstract:
Nationalism poses several analytical problems for sociology, since it stands at the intersection of familiar binary conceptual contrasts. It further has the capacity to appear alternatively democratic and violent. This paper examines the conditions for violent nationalism, with particular reference to the Kosovo conflict. It argues that the conditions for potentially genocidal nationalism lie in the apparently routine rituals through which ‘nations’ are remembered and constructed. Violent nationalism may appear where the transmission of collective identities is infused with mourning and traumatic memory. However, the presence of such forms of memory is not sufficient in themselves to provoke violent nationalism. These are unleashed in the context of state crisis where former loyalties are replaced with highly affective commitment to rectification of imagined historical wrongs.
5
Jaskulowski, Krzysztof, and Piotr Majewski. "Politics of memory in Upper Silesian schools: Between Polish homogeneous nationalism and its Silesian discontents." Memory Studies 13, no. 1 (November 23, 2017): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017741933.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the connections between nationalism and history teaching in the context of dominant structures of collective memory in Poland. Drawing on qualitative research in Upper Silesian schools, the article analyses in detail how the state-sponsored history is enacted and resisted by the teachers in school practice. The article also demonstrates the advantages of processual conceptualisation of collective memory. It provides further theoretical insight by bringing together three strands of literature: memory studies, nationalism studies and critical media analysis.
6
Mihálik, Jaroslav. "The Rise of Anti-Roma Positions in Slovakia and Hungary: a New Social and Political Dimension of Nationalism." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2014): 179–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2015-0007.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT This article discusses the continuous substitution of traditional mutual conflicts and historical grievances between Slovakia and Hungary that has created fertile ground for nationalists on both sides. Currently, we witness the rise of anti-Roma positions and negativism oriented toward this particular group of the population in Slovakia and Hungary. For this reason, we track the sources of new nationalism associated with the hatred of the Roma population. This can be demonstrated by a variety of political incentives and measuring extremism as a tool of acquiring and maintaining political power. The aim of the article is to investigate the extent and reasons of the new social and political dimensions of Slovak and Hungarian nationalism. We assume that the traditional form of bilateral nationalism based on historical, political and social tensions between Slovakia and Hungary is being transformed by the ethnic nationalism against the Roma minority in Central Europe. To support our argumentation, we use the qualitative data from in-depth interviews with young respondents from two contrasting research field sites in Slovakia from EC research project MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement).
7
Okawara, Kentaro. "A Critical and Theoretical Re-imagining of ‘Victimhood Nationalism’: The Case of National Victimhood of the Baltic Region." Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 206–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0043.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract There are many arguments to support the idea that the Baltic nations (and other “victimized” areas) adhere to ‘victimhood nationalism’, a form of nationalism that explains the region’s recognition of its history and the related problems. Since the start of the 21st century, memory and area studies experts have used the concept of ‘victimhood nationalism’. However, the framework of victimhood nationalism is critically flawed. Its original conceptual architecture is weak and its effectiveness as an explanatory variable requires critical examination. This paper presents a theoretical examination of victimhood nationalism from the perspective of political and social historiology. Further, the paper criticizes the concept from the perspective of the empirical area studies of the Baltic region. First, it argues that the killing or damaging of one community by another does not automatically transform into a nationalism of victimhood. Unless it has been established that one community was the ‘victim’ and the other the perpetrator of the crime, these events will not be remembered as the basis of victimhood nationalism. Second, the effectiveness of this concept is criticized from two perspectives: “tangle” as an explanatory variable and its doctrinal history. It is tautological to claim that victimhood nationalism explains political issues, as was already being implied in the early twentieth-century collective memory studies. In conclusion, the assumption of victimhood is a preliminary necessity to a community claiming victimhood nationalism. Victimhood nationalism is not an explanatory, but an explained, variable. Therefore, the concept should be renamed otherwise. The alternative framework of collective memory studies framework of “victimhood” is needed. This research argues that Baltic area studies, particularly regarding history recognition, should be phenomenologically reconsidered to reimagine the framework of “victimhood”.
8
McDonnell, Erin Metz, and Gary Alan Fine. "Pride and Shame in Ghana: Collective Memory and Nationalism among Elite Students." African Studies Review 54, no. 3 (December 2011): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0043.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:Based on an original dataset of university students, this article investigates Ghanaian collective memories of past events that are sources of national pride or shame. On average, young elite Ghanaians express more pride than shame in their national history, and they report shame mostly over actions that caused some physical, material, or symbolic harm. Such actions include not only historic events and the actions of national leaders, but also mundane social practices of average Ghanaians. Respondents also report more “active” than "receptive" shame; that is, they are more ashamed of events or practices that caused harm to others and less ashamed about events in which they were the “victims.” We advance the idea of a standard of “reasonableness” that Ghanaians apply in their evaluation of events, behaviors, or circumstances: they apply contemporary standards of morality to past events, but they temper their judgment based on considerations of whether past actions were “reasonable” given the power and material imbalances at that time. Ghanaian students identify strongly with both national and pan-African identities, and they frequently evoke their international image to judge a national event as either honorable or shameful. Ethnicity can be one factor in an individual's judgment of precolonial events, whereas political party affiliation is the stronger predictor of attitudes toward postindependence events.
9
Staffell, Simon. "The Mappe and the Bible: Nation, Empire and the Collective Memory of Jonah." Biblical Interpretation 16, no. 5 (2008): 476–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851508x341238.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article uses the work of the English cartographer John Speed as a way to explore the role of the collective memory of Jonah in social and political discourses during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The paper engages with debates concerning nationalism during the early modern period. Collective memory theory is also used to consider how Jonah became a reified site of memory. By placing Speed's writing alongside the works of his forebears and examining the function of the Jonah text within three sermons, the evolving collective memory of the biblical text, and its imagined attachment to national identity, is traced. It is suggested that Speed's cartographic selectivity in depicting biblical narratives can be seen in relation to the nascent nationalist and imperialist worldviews and ideologies of sixteenth and seventeenth century England.
10
Qian, Fengqi, and Guo-Qiang Liu. "Remembrance of the Nanjing Massacre in the Globalised Era: The Memory of Victimisation, Emotions and the Rise of China." China Report 55, no. 2 (May 2019): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519834365.
Full textAbstract:
Victimisation is a pivotal theme in China’s new remembering of its War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression. While much of the world is talking about the rise of China, why are the Chinese still looking back to the nation’s sufferings in the past? This article investigates the development and dissemination of China’s collective memory of wartime victimisation, through a case study of the Nanjing Massacre Memorial. The article examines the ‘presentist’ use of the collective memory of victimisation in China’s era of opening up. It argues that the collective memory of victimisation is an emotional memory, evoked by new nationalism thinking, and is therefore a contextual dimension of China’s self-presentation today. The development as well as the dissemination of this memory parallels the path of China’s rise to become a world power. The Nanjing Massacre Memorial showcases the way in which the collective memory of victimisation is shaped and disseminated under the Communist Party to promote China’s national aspirations and legitimise China’s claims in the contemporary world.
11
Sitter, Nick. "Defending the State: Nationalism, Geopolitics and Differentiated Integration in Visegrád Four Security Policy." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Special Issue (August 1, 2021): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021030.
Full textAbstract:
During the second half of the 2010s the governments of Poland and Hungary took a sharp turn away from liberal democracy and the rule of law. As they slipped down the international democracy rankings, the European Union initiated its procedures under Article 7 to investigate possible breaches of its fundamental laws and values. However, the two governments sought to distinguish between their conflict with the European Commission over the rule of law on one hand and their commitment to collective security on the other. The central question in this article is whether they managed to do this, and to what extent democratic backsliding poses security challenges for the EU by weakening its actorness in the field of security, defence and foreign policy. A comparative assessment of Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic suggests that democratic backsliding does indeed have security implications for the EU, but that this is only one of several factors driving differentiated integration in the Visegrád Four in this field. Developments in the region are part of a wider EU trend of re-nationalization of security policy. Indeed, in the security field, vertical differentiated integration (in the sense of different mixes of supranational and intergovernmental regimes) is a key factor in mitigating the consequences of horizontal differentiation (different Member State policies).(This article is an output of the EUFLEX project, which has been funded by the Research Council of Norway (project number 287131)). EU defence policy, Visegrad 4, differentiated integration, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic, democratic backsliding, geopolitics
12
Linchenko, A. A. "Migration and migratory communities in the focus of memory studies." Tempus et Memoria 2, no. 2 (2021): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/tetm.2021.2.009.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the analysis of the specificity and transformation of the research field of the collective memory of migratory communities. It was shown that the era of multiculturalism, which contributed not only to an increase in the number of studies, but also to the expansion of the very aspects of the study of the topic, played a key role in the study of the memory of migratory communities. Three main areas of research were identified and analyzed: a) personal and group memories of migration, as well as the specificity of the collective memory of various migration groups; b) the study of collective perceptions of the past of migrants in the context of the politics of incorporation and the politics of memory of host societies; c) study of the representation of the historical experience of migrations and migratory communities in museum practice. The idea was substantiated that the theoretical and practical potential of addressing the memory of migratory communities contributed not only to the transformation of the research optics of memory studies, but also showed the inevitability of significant changes in the understanding of ontology of collective memory. This found expression in the actualization of the transcultural turn, focused on overcoming methodological nationalism and considering collective memory not only within the framework of certain cultures or communities, but also it’s dynamic beyond cultural and social boundaries. The article analyzes the significance of the transcultural turn for research into the collective memory of migrants.
13
DERES, KORNÉLIA. "Archival Practices of Suspicion: Remains in Secret Reports, Self-Documentation and Oral Histories." Theatre Research International 45, no. 3 (October 2020): 308–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883320000309.
Full textAbstract:
The paper focuses on the methodological challenges of handling the material remains of banned theatre practices in Cold War Hungary. Focusing on the case of the collective Apartment Theatre (1972–6), it examines the relation of material remains, originally created by or for the socialist authorities in order to prove the danger caused by the collective, and the materials which were created by the group members as a countermovement to preserve their own memories and narratives. Consequently, archival practices of care as well as archival practices of suspicion together contribute to situating the collective in Hungarian and European cultural memory and theatre history.
14
Menkouski, Viachaslau I., Michal Šmigel’, and Lizaveta Dubinka-Hushcha. "The hunger games: famine 1932–1933 in the historical policy of Ukraine and Russia." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (November 2, 2021): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2021-4-7-20.
Full textAbstract:
The modern historical policy of Ukraine and the Russia is analysed. The study uses the methodology of historical memory studies, specifically, research of historical consciousness, collective and historical memory. The methodology is based on the analysis of a situation when ideas about the past as national history depend on the mentality and goal setting of a particular social, national or other group. The object of the study is the modern socio-political situation in Ukraine and Russia associated with the understanding and assessment of the famine of 1932–1933 both in the Soviet Union as a whole, and in Ukraine in particular. The authors consider the modern memorial culture of the two nations, highlight issues of regional and national identity and the formation of myths of national memory as central issues in the paper. The transformation of memorial practices and the legal framework of the Russia and Ukraine after the collapse of the Soviet Union is considered. The authors arrive at the conclusion that the discussion between the Russian and Ukrainian sides to this day has turned into constructing a scheme of the «reverse history» based on the projection of the present state of affairs into the past. It is not possible to find any fundamentally new evidence as long as the Russian archives remained classified, and the parties increasingly resort to a nationalist type of argumentation. Punning on the name of the famous Hollywood blockbuster, we can say that the «hunger games» have become a reality in the modern politics of memory of post-Soviet states.
15
Yeh, Hsin-Yi. "Telling a shared past, present, and future to invent nationality: The commemorative narrative of Chinese-ness from 1949 through 1987 in Taiwan." Memory Studies 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 172–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698016679219.
Full textAbstract:
Consistent with memory studies’ emphasis on the tight relationship between memory and identity, this article regards nation-building as an ongoing social process of nation-remembering. Taking the official Chinese nationalism in Taiwan from 1949 through 1987 as the case, this study aims to demonstrate the significant role that commemorative narratives play in nation-remembering. Facing extraordinary difficulties, the master commemorative narrative of official Chinese nationalism led its intended national members to remember their Chinese-hood (thereby maintaining its legitimacy) by telling a shared past, present, and future. That is, collective memory facilitates the imagination of people’s commonalities in a community. Moreover, the abstractness of commemorative narratives allows room for employing mnemonic techniques to narrate a preferred shared past, present, and thus future for people to memorize their national identification. In addition to detailing the employed mnemonic techniques observed in the official Chinese nationalism, how the narrated shared past, present, and future are introduced as a package in the commemorative narrative to construct an organic whole and how the commemorative narrative undergoes ongoing modifications are discussed as well.
16
Porogi, Dorka. "Timár József és az ügynök azonosítása: emlékezet- és játékértelmezés." Theatron 14, no. 3 (2020): 2–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.55502/the.2020.3.2.
Full textAbstract:
The name of József Timár is closely tied in social and theatrical memory to the last role he performed: Arthur’s Miller’s suicidal salesman. This 1959 performance was the first one to be recorded and broadcast on TV in Hungary, and the memory of Timár’s acting is preserved in Éva Keleti’s iconic photograph: it shows the actor bent double, carrying two enormous suitcases. After analysing the aforementioned details, my paper will examine the actor’s performance. I seek an explanation for the complete identification of Timár with this singular role in our collective memory.
17
Száraz, Orsolya. "The Bastion of Christendom." Philobiblon. Transylvanian Journal of Multidisciplinary Research in the Humanities 25, no. 2 (2020): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.26424/philobib.2020.25.2.06.
Full textAbstract:
The Institute of Hungarian Literary and Cultural Studies at the University of Debrecen formed a research group in 2010 in order to launch the research of Hungarian realms of memory. This paper was written within the frameworks of the research group. Its basic hypothesis is that the identification of Hungary as the Bastion of Christendom is an established part of Hungarian collective memory. This paper attempts to demonstrate the changes of this realm of memory, regarding its meaning and function, from its formation up to the present day.
18
Mohr, Rachel, and Kate Pride Brown. "Generational and Geographic Effects on Collective Memory of the USSR." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 156–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.1-2.156.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines memory of the Soviet Union and political opinions in modern Russia through qualitative, semi-structured interviews across generations in two Russian cities. The study aims to explore the differences in memory and meaning of the Soviet Union across generation and geography, and to connect those differences to political dispositions in modern Russia. Respondents were asked about their impressions of the Soviet Union and modern-day Russia, and responses were coded for emergent themes and trends. The research finds that youth bifurcate along geographic lines; respondents in St. Petersburg were more likely to reject Soviet ideals than their counterparts in Yoshkar-Ola. The former also tended to prefer liberalism and globalization, while the latter expressed greater nationalism. Older respondents showed no distinct geographic trend, but gave more nuanced assessments of the Soviet Union due to the power of personal memory over cultural reconstruction. In younger respondents, these findings indicate that living in a cosmopolitan metropolis may condition interpretations of the Soviet past and influence contemporary political identity toward globalization. Youths living in smaller cities have less interaction with other global cities and therefore may have more conservative perceptions of the Soviet Union and Russia.
19
Alba, Ken. "Technostalgia, Nationalism, and the Extended Mind in Krapp's Last Tape." Journal of Beckett Studies 30, no. 1 (April 2021): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jobs.2021.0329.
Full textAbstract:
This article considers how Krapp's relationships with the various cognitive apparatuses he surrounds himself with prefigures what subjectivity looks like in the information age. The subjectivity that arises out of the complex interactions between the listener and their prosthetic memory can be characterised as what Olga Beloborodova has called ‘postcognitivist’. Considering Krapp's relationship with his tapes from this postcognitivist perspective suggests how the construction of an abiding subject in the information age simultaneously depends upon and is imperilled by the particular technologies that project the voice into the dark. With that in mind, this article also explores how some users on the contemporary counterparts to Krapp's tapes – online platforms like YouTube, Reddit, and 4chan – weaponise the mediated nostalgia that infects Krapp's relationship with his own past to construct a nationalist political identity built on the manufacture of collective counterfactual memory.
20
Gugushvili, Alexi, Peter Kabachnik, and Ana Kirvalidze. "Collective memory and reputational politics of national heroes and villains." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 3 (May 2017): 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1261821.
Full textAbstract:
The politics of memory plays an important role in the ways certain figures are evaluated and remembered, as they can be rehabilitated or vilified, or both, as these processes are contested. We explore these issues using a transition society, Georgia, as a case study. Who are the heroes and villains in Georgian collective memory? What factors influence who is seen as a hero or a villain and why? How do these selections correlate with Georgian national identity? We attempt to answer these research questions using a newly generated data set of contemporary Georgian perspectives on recent history. Our survey results show that according to a representative sample of the Georgian population, the main heroes from the beginning of the twentieth century include Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Ilia Chavchavadze, and Patriarch Ilia II. Eduard Shevardnadze, Sergo Ordzhonikidze, and Vladimir Putin represent the main villains, and those that appear on both lists are Mikheil Saakashvili and Joseph Stalin. We highlight two clusters of attitudes that are indicative of how people think about Georgian national identity, mirroring civic and ethnic conceptions of nationalism. How Georgians understand national identity impacts not only who they choose as heroes or villains, but also whether they provide an answer at all.
21
Cash, Jennifer R. "Origins, Memory, and Identity: “Villages” and the Politics of Nationalism in the Republic of Moldova." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 4 (November 2007): 588–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325407307351.
Full textAbstract:
This article reconsiders the manifestation of nationalism in the Republic of Moldova during the late Soviet period and early 1990s. Whereas dominant approaches have focused on the ethnic dimensions of the national movement, I argue that rural-urban identities also played a significant role in shaping political events and outcomes of the recent past by drawing on ethnographic research among participants in the “folkloric movement” within the arts and performance world. This movement coincided with the broader national movement of the 1980s and demonstrates the centrality of “villages” in the construction of an anti-Soviet “national” identity among ethnic Moldovans. In conclusion, the politics of nationalism must be understood in a wider framework that also accounts for the importance of non-ethnic forms of collective identity, such as villages, and that investigates how individual origins and social memory shape civic and political participation.
22
Killmeier, Matthew A., and Naomi Chiba. "Neo-nationalism seeks strength from the gods: Yasukuni Shrine, collective memory and the Japanese press." Media, War & Conflict 3, no. 3 (December 2010): 334–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635210378946.
Full text
23
Hirt, Nicole. "Eritrea’s Chosen Trauma and the Legacy of the Martyrs: The Impact of Postmemory on Political Identity Formation of Second-Generation Diaspora Eritreans." Africa Spectrum 56, no. 1 (April 2021): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039720977495.
Full textAbstract:
In the collective memory of Eritreans, the liberation struggle against Ethiopia symbolises the heroic fight of their fallen martyrs against oppression. After independence, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front created an autocratic regime, which is adored by many second-generation diaspora Eritreans living in democracies. I engage with bodies of literature exploring the political importance of collective trauma in post-conflict societies and apply two theoretical notions, “postmemory” and “chosen trauma,” to explain how the government’s narrative of Eritrean history produced a culture of nationalism through the glorification of the martyrs. This narrative and the trauma experienced by their parents created experiences of postmemory among the second-generation diaspora that have influenced their worldview. I demonstrate how Eritrean pro-government activists utilise US-born artists who recently discovered their Eritreanness, such as Tiffany Haddish, to instil long-distance nationalism. The article is based on a social media analysis, long-term observation of Eritrean diaspora communities, and recent fieldwork.
24
Kyrchanoff, Maksym. "Perception of Communism in Сontemporary Indonesian Politics of Memory: Between “The Return” and “The Oblivion”." Oriental Courier, no. 2 (2022): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021597-4.
Full textAbstract:
The author analyzes historical politics as a form of imagination of communism in the collective memory of Indonesia. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the perception of the communism by modern Indonesian participants in the policy of memory of the history of the Communist Party of Indonesia and its marginalization after the events of 1965. The paper analyzes the main forms of imagination and the invention of images of the history of communism in the modern Indonesian memorial culture of memory. The article shows that the memorial practices of Indonesian intellectuals do not provide for an independent perception of communist images in the history of Indonesia. It is assumed that the problems of the history of the Communist Party are assimilated into the contexts of the history of Indonesian nationalism and political Islam. The results of the study suggest that the modern culture of memory has not been able to form new narratives describing the history of communism because this issue has become a victim of politically motivated amnesia, and the ruling elites are not interested in returning to the communist heritage of national historical experience to the mnemonic spaces of collective memory.
25
Bodó. "Violence Glorified or Denied? Collective Memory of the Red and White Terrors in Hungary, 1919–Present." Hungarian Studies Review 46-47, no. 1 (2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hungarianstud.46-47.1.0044.
Full text
26
Bodó. "Violence Glorified or Denied? Collective Memory of the Red and White Terrors in Hungary, 1919–Present." Hungarian Studies Review 46-47, no. 1 (2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hungarianstud.46-47.1.0044.
Full text
27
Congiu, Massimo. "Lo "spirito magiaro". Destre e nazionalismo in Ungheria." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 8 (March 2012): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2012-008005.
Full textAbstract:
Fidesz and Jobbik are the most important Hungarian right wing parties. The first one leads actually a government which has such a majority in the Parliament that gives it the opportunity to rule the country without having to face an effective opposition. This situation allowed it to change the pre-existing Constitution with a conservative and nationalist Charter. The second one represents the most extreme aspirations of the Hungarian political right wing and its references are more proletarian and militant than the ones of the Fidesz. Jobbik has actually three eurodeputies and 47 deputies at the Hungarian Parliament. For a better comprehension of the Magyar nationalism it is very useful to consider such crucial moments of the contemporary history of the country as for instance the peace treaties that followed the end of the First World War and imposed to Hungary such severe territorial losses. The treaties have become the subject of a rhetoric which is based upon the historical injustice that Hungary suffered. This aspect is part of the Hungarian collective feeling and it is one of the main topics of the conservative circles and the radical right wing.
28
Leont’eva, Ol’ga B. "Historiographic Reflection and Formation of National Identity." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 1 (2021): 314–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.120.
Full textAbstract:
A turn of modern science towards the study of historical memory gives rise to questions about the role of historical science in the formation of collective, in particular, national identity. The experience of a historiographic reflection on these problems is presented in a collective monograph “The Past for the Present: History, Memory and Narratives of National Identity” written by the laboratory “Studies of Historical Memory and Intellectual Culture” of the Center for Intellectual History Studies of the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, headed by L. P. Repina. The authors of the collective monograph examine the processes of national identity and historical memory formation in several countries (Russia, Britain, Germany, Poland, and Bolivia) in a “longue durée” perspective, in the context of global trends. They focus on the role that national narratives created by professional historians played in the construction of “historical myths” — mythologized ideas about the “origins” of national history that represent the constitutive elements of national identity. The authors raise the problem of the competition of different identities and memories, and consider the issue of the audience of a national narrative. They highlight the ambiguity of the social role of historical science: on the one hand, historians are actively involved in the formation of the national identity and historical memory; on the other hand, scientific knowledge provides them with tools for a critical analysis of historical myths and well-reasoned reflection on the projects of collective identity. The study represents a successful attempt of combining the “memorial paradigm” and “new sociocultural history” with the history of nationalism and nation-building.
29
Štroblová, Kateřina. "Whose Nostalgia is Ostalgia? Post – Communist Nostalgia in Central-European Contemporary Art." Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 47, no. 2 (July 10, 2020): 249–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.481.
Full textAbstract:
The paper is focused on a particular group of visual artists from Poland, Hungary, and the Czech and Slovak republics dealing with the issue of memory, history and nostalgia in their work. A common feature of their art is the perception of local space in its historical connotations, the exploration of historical content, causality reception, and the time-space orientation of man. Using space, with its physical and symbolic expression, is their strategy; a specific interest is the process of searching, changing or losing the identity in a historically complicated area of Central Europe. The article examines relations between collective memory, identity and nostalgia, captured in the artistic reflection and thus mirroring the actual state of a society.
30
Madden, Deborah. "‘Modalidades de violación’ in Lidia Falcón’s En el infierno: Ser mujer en las cárceles de España (1977)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00062_1.
Full textAbstract:
The nefarious nexus of patriarchy and nationalism that characterized Francoist Spain (1939‐75) made sexualized violence inflicted on the state’s female prisoners an immanently political act. Focusing on En el infierno: Ser mujer en las cárceles de España (1977), the prison memoir of the communist and feminist activist Lidia Falcón, this article draws on theories of trauma, victimhood and memory to interrogate how Falcón navigates questions of (self-)representation and agency through the portrayal of rape and sexualized violence in Franco’s women’s prisons. Rape, for Falcón, is a multifaceted act that violates both the female body and the collective body politic, while the various manifestations of abuse ‐ ‘las modalidades de violación’ ‐ reify sexual and political dominance. By speaking on behalf of the female prison population, Falcón utilizes the collective voice so as to presuppose a collective victimhood that fosters solidarity amongst women and resists subjugation by the masculinist state.
31
Dénes, Iván Zoltán. "From Making the Glory to Facing the Decay." European Review 28, no. 6 (March 31, 2020): 850–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798720000307.
Full textAbstract:
What were the main characteristics of turn-of-the-twentieth-century Hungarian collective identity and memory political debates? They were no longer determined by the discourse of liberal-rights-extending assimilation, yet public speech was also not entirely determined by the ethnicist–essentialist subject matter of the interwar national characterology discourse; rather, the internal dilemma of the rights-extending assimilation was externalized. There were some who sought to advance the extension of rights in the direction of suffrage. Others held on to rights extension in the hope of assimilation and believed they could promote it through establishing institutions of public education. Others abided by rights-extending assimilation, but interpreted it in terms of individual cultural achievements. Yet others believed that their fears of historical Hungary falling apart and the decay of the national middle class could be counterbalanced by curtailing or revoking nationalities’ rights and exclusionary policies against them. This article focuses on four different types of forging a collective identity: programmes, master narratives, political languages, strategies and regimes of memory.
32
Dornbach, Márton. "Remains of a Picnic: Post-Transition Hungary and Its Austro-Hungarian Past." Austrian History Yearbook 44 (April 2013): 255–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000155.
Full textAbstract:
It is difficult to imagine how collective memory might function without the watershed dates that structure our stories about the past. Almost by definition, however, such familiar milestones fail to capture the complex dynamics of the transition from one era to the next. A case in point is the dismantling of the Iron Curtain. As the anniversary commemorations of 2009 showed, this development came to be epitomized by the tearing down of the Berlin Wall on 9 November 1989. One does not need to doubt the importance of this event to see that its sheer symbolic weight tends to obscure the intricacies of the Eastern European transition process. More often than not, accounts that foreground this turning point marginalize some sixty million Hungarians, Poles, Czechs, and Slovaks who embarked on the transition process well ahead of the citizens of East Germany.
33
Wilson Campbell, Isaac, and Bettina Fabos. "Innovation and Ingenuity in the Fortepan Digital Photo Archive." Hungarian Studies Review 48, no. 2 (November 2021): 168–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hungarianstud.48.2.0168.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Hungary stands at a pivotal point in establishing its role as a global leader in the modern approach to historical photo archiving. Born from the effort of two friends to save discarded family photographs from dumpsters and trash bags on the streets of Budapest, the Fortepan archive (fortepan.hu), now with over 150,000 donated images, has become a cultural institution within Hungary as well as a disruptive force to the archival paradigm in both content and accessibility. Fortepan has rejected traditional archival practices such as exclusivity, restriction, and regulation in favor of openness, crowdsourcing, free public downloading and use, and a new web-based structure which releases images from the limitations of historical provenance and original order. Donated images are scanned at high resolution, curated, and organized by date on a timeline that invites users to immerse themselves in the curious, poetic, and mundane moments of everyday life. Acting as a collective “family album” for Hungary, Fortepan places the public at the forefront of archival practice by inviting them to contribute to their recorded history and public memory as donors, volunteers, taggers, historians, and citizen archivists.
34
Kopyś, Tadeusz. "Kształtowanie pamięci i polityki historycznej na przykładzie przestrzeni miejskiej Budapesztu." Politeja 18, no. 5(74) (December 15, 2021): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.18.2021.74.06.
Full textAbstract:
Shaping of the Memory and Historical Policy in Hungary. The Case of Urban Space of Budapest Naming or changing street names (the same applies to monuments) means that certain political groups or communities can control the city. Activities in the urban space have great potential as they can lead to both community empowerment and fragmentation. Since 1989, the canon, or historical epochs to which the changing political elites at the helm of power tried to refer to by building a new urban space, also changed. The actions of Hungarian governments in the area of collective memory formation after 1989 can be described as incoherent. They leave their mark on the shape of the city, sometimes arousing consternation and sometimes the suspicion that certain decisions have a political overtone.
35
Kienzler, Hanna, and Enkelejda Sula-Raxhimi. "Collective Memories and Legacies of Political Violence in the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 2 (March 2019): 173–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.31.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis special issue builds on empirical research to provide new insights into the interrelations between collective memory and legacies of political violence in the Balkans. The contributions pay particular attention to two major issues: First, they explore the ways in which individuals and groups respond to and cope with violent pasts by investigating commemorative practices including public performances, narratives, and negotiations of counter-memories. Second, they make explicit how people select and reassemble collective memories through remembering violent pasts to create and disseminate novel forms of identity. Through interdisciplinary lenses, the studies reveal how the legacies of political violence and their lived experience become important means for people to create and mobilize collective memories that are influential enough to shape nationalistic and political realities on the ground. On a theoretical level, the articles demonstrate various ways in which collective memories enable critical discussions around a wider set of issues including national identity, nationalism, making of history, and local power games. By engaging with these concepts, the contributions question dominant framings of past events as they investigate how counter-memories and counter-powers emerge in the process of negotiating established versions of history, official narratives, and hierarchies of power.
36
Verovšek, Peter J. "Integration after totalitarianism: Arendt and Habermas on the postwar imperatives of memory." Journal of International Political Theory 16, no. 1 (September 3, 2018): 2–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088218796535.
Full textAbstract:
Collective memories of totalitarianism and the industrialized slaughter of the Holocaust have exerted a profound influence on postwar European politics and philosophy. Two of the most prominent political theorists and public intellectuals to take up the legacy of total war are Hannah Arendt and Jürgen Habermas. However, their prescriptions seem to pull in opposite directions. While Arendt draws on remembrance to recover politics on a smaller scale by advocating for the empowerment of local councils, Habermas draws on the past to justify his search for postnational forms of political community that can overcome the bloody legacy of nationalism. My argument brings these two perspectives together by examining their mutual support for European integration as a way of preserving the lessons of totalitarianism. I argue that both Arendt and Habermas reject the technocratic tendencies of the European Union while maintaining hope that it can develop a truly postnational form of politics.
37
Kożuchowski, Adam. "A Tentative Dissolution of Austria-Hungary: The 1914–15 Russian Occupation of Lviv in Polish Memory." Austrian History Yearbook 52 (April 8, 2021): 166–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237821000059.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article analyzes a collection of narratives concerning the Russian occupation of Lviv (Lwów, Lemberg), the capital of the Austrian Crownland Galicia, between September 1914 and June 1915 in the initial phase of World War I. These narratives were produced and published in Polish and German between 1915, when Lviv was still occupied, and 1935, sixteen years after it had been included in a reborn Poland. One might assume that the relatively uneventful occupation constituted a negligible experience in the context of the dramatic developments of this period: the Great War and the subsequent Polish-Ukrainian and Polish-Soviet wars. And yet, memories of the Russian occupation were tenaciously perpetuated and cultivated. In this article I attempt to answer the multipronged question: Why did the occupation attract so much attention, and from whom, and what made its memories survive the subsequent dramatic conflicts and changes of political regimes relatively intact? Hence, my analysis regards the formation of collective memories at the intersection of individual experiences, group and national identities, and strategies of accommodating the unpredictably changing political realities.
38
Benazzo, Simone. "Not All the Past Needs To Be Used: Features of Fidesz’s Politics of Memory." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 11, no. 2 (December 29, 2017): 198–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0009.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Since the 2010 elections, the current Hungarian government has proven to be a very active and restless “memory warrior” (Bernard and Kubik 2014). The ruling party, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz, shows both a neat understanding of national history and the ability to transmit it by the adoption of different tools. This politics of memory is instrumental in granting the government political legitimacy. By ruling out oppositional actors and their historical narratives from the public sphere, Fidesz presents itself as the primary champion of Hungarian national sovereignty. Hungarians is, then, portrayed as a nation that has long suffered from the yoke of external oppression in which the Ottomans, the Habsburgs, the Soviets and eventually the Europeans figure as the enemies of the Hungarians. Specific collective memories, including the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Nazi occupation (1944–5) and socialist period (1948–90), are targeted so as to enact a sense of national belonging and pride, as well as resentment against foreigners. Moreover, in its rejection of the pluralism of memories and yearn for the homogenization of national history by marginalizing unfitting elements, this politics of memory is consistent with the System of National Cooperation (Batory 2016) that Fidesz’s administration has tried to establish in Hungary. This paper carries out an in-depth analysis of Fidesz’s multilayered politics of memory by investigating both its internal and external dimensions separately. In the final section, conclusions are drawn up to summarize its key tenets. Official speeches, legislative acts, and four interviews with key historians of Hungary have been used as sources.
39
Bakiner, Onur. "Is Turkey coming to terms with its past? Politics of memory and majoritarian conservatism." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (September 2013): 691–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.770732.
Full textAbstract:
There is unprecedented domestic and international interest in Turkey's political past, accompanied by a societal demand for truth and justice in addressing past human rights violations. This article poses the question: Is Turkey coming to terms with its past? Drawing upon the literature on nationalism, identity, and collective memory, I argue that the Turkish state has recently taken steps to acknowledge and redress some of the past human rights violations. However, these limited and strategic acts of acknowledgment fall short of initiating a more comprehensive process of addressing past wrongs. The emergence of the Justice and Development Party as a dominant political force brings along the possibility that the discarded Kemalist memory framework will be replaced by what I callmajoritarian conservatism, a new government-sanctioned shared memory that promotes uncritical and conservative-nationalist interpretations of the past that have popular appeal, while enforcing silence on critical historiographies that challenge this hegemonic memory and identity project. Nonetheless, majoritarian conservatism will probably fail to assert state control over memory and history, even under a dominant government, as unofficial memory initiatives unsettle the hegemonic appropriation of the past.
40
Perchard, Andrew. "“Broken Men” and “Thatcher's Children”: Memory and Legacy in Scotland's Coalfields." International Labor and Working-Class History 84 (2013): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000252.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article explores the legacy of the demise of the deep coal mining industry in Scotland. It places particular emphasis on the cultural scars of this process as witnessed through miners' and managers' memories, positioning these within the context of occupational socialization, conflict, and alienation. The piece explores the enduring importance of these cultural scars in shaping broader collective narratives of decline in Scotland, and how responses were manifest in shifting political outlooks and the emergence (at both a local and national level) of a resurgent nationalism from the early 1960s onward. Drawing on the notion of the “cultural circuit,” the article examines how and why personal experience of the loss of the coal industry informed and conformed to the politics of the miners' union in Scotland, the National Union of Mineworkers Scottish Area (NUMSA). As the article makes clear, the program of closures in the industry has left profound psychological scars in coalfield communities—ones that, like the closure of other major industrial sites, shape a powerful national narrative.
41
Daković, Nevena. "Sand and snow of a film memory: The Novi Sad raid." Zbornik Akademije umetnosti, no. 10 (2022): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zbaku2210024d.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the paper is to map the transformation of historical and cultural trauma - "when an entire city ended up under the ice" - that restored collective memories of the city to the transnational memory and narratives of absolute victims, and to show the transformation through the analysis of Cold Days (András Kovács, Hungary) and Monument (1967, Miroslav Antić, SFRY). Their complementary narratives about the Novi Sad raid, told from different national perspectives, opposing perceptions of victims and perpetrators, from the point of view of generations and postgenerations (the author of this text belonging to the latter), side by side with titles that only touch on a topic, like The Jews are Coming (Prvoslav Marić, 1991, SFRY) and Hourglass (Szabolcs Tolnai, 2007, SFRY), become, at the same time, spaces for inscribing the intricate dialectic of ethnicisation and de-ethnicisation of memory and a cultural framework that shapes images of the past and interpretations of history. In the same vein, the paper uses three theoretical interpretive frameworks - "violence as a generative force in the Balkans" (Max Bergholz, 2016); transnational remembrance and absolute victims and "memory and complicity" (Debarati Sanyal, 2015) - which open up new readings of the past and writing history in films, in line with the contemporary political context. The paper recognises the mentioned de-ethnicisation as a shift from ethnic to ethic, marked by the eth/n/ic word play, and thus connected with the fundamental question of identity and the relationship between identity and memory. At the same time, shaping the memory of the individual and the memory of different social groups to which he / she belongs in the collective memory, testifies to how the latter "became a powerful symbol of numerous political and social transitions" that require individuals to (re)position themselves in society.
42
Hennig, Anja, and Oliver Fernando Hidalgo. "Illiberal Cultural Christianity? European Identity Constructions and Anti-Muslim Politics." Religions 12, no. 9 (September 15, 2021): 774. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090774.
Full textAbstract:
This paper refers to the ambivalence of secularization in order to explain why Cultural Christianity can show both a liberal and illiberal character. These two faces of Cultural Christianity are mostly due to the identity functions that, not only faith-based religion, but a particularly culturalized version of religion, entails. Proceeding from this, it will be demonstrated here how Cultural Christianity can turn into a concrete illiberal marker of identity or a resource for illiberal collective identity. Our argument focuses on the link between right-wing nationalism and Cultural Christianity from a historical-theoretical perspective, and illustrates the latter with the example of contemporary illiberal and selective European memory constructions including a special emphasis on the exclusivist elements.
43
Wade, Bethany M. "‘Cadáveres Amados’: Martyrs, Memory, and Cuban National Symbols." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/1549-9502.11.1.13.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract On November 27th, 1871, eight young medical students were marched into a public plaza in Havana and shot by Spanish authorities. On the first anniversary of their death, the exiled José Martí used their execution to denounce Spanish rule in Cuba, and to legitimize the violent struggle for Cuban Independence. The executed students became martyrs to Cuban nationalism. Since then, their execution at the hands of tyrants has been repeatedly repurposed in revolutionary periods in Cuban history. This article engages with the work of Maurice Halbwachs, Jan Assmann, and Pierre Nora to reflect on the process of collective and cultural memory formation and reformation. It considers the factors that contributed to the transformation of the execution of these students from a singular tragedy, among a wider field of atrocity, into a defining moment in Cuban identity. Further, drawing on works by Jay Winter, Robin Cohen, and Ron Eyerman, this article interrogates the role of individuals and groups in this process. Over one hundred and fifty years, members of exile communities, moral witnesses, student protesters, and revolutionary leaders used the memory of these martyrs to contest authoritarian rule, hoping to advance their vision of a Cuba that could be. Driven by changing political imperatives, the memory of the students altered to reflect new collective priorities. This case study shows change and continuity in cultural memory. Tracing the evolution of this narrative from the Cuban War of Independence, through the rule of dictators, Castro’s revolutionary war, and the following socialist era, this article concludes by asking how their memory is being—once again—transformed today. With a focus on the construction and use of public monuments and memorials, but incorporating literature, images, annual marches, and films, this article argues that the public memory of their deaths altered in different periods to invoke a revolutionary vision of Cuban national identity battered by a century and a half of instability.
44
Caballero, Carlo. "Patriotism or Nationalism? Fauré and the Great War." Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 3 (1999): 593–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831793.
Full textAbstract:
Even though Gabriel Fauré's contemporaries championed his music as quintessentially French, Fauré distanced himself from policies of national exclusion in art, and his own construction of French musical style was cosmopolitan. This essay summarizes Fauré's political choices during the Great War, explains his motives, and indicates how some of his decisions affected French musical life. Fauré's outspoken preface to Georges Jean-Aubry's La Musique française d'aujourd'hui provides one key to the composer's position. Jean-Aubry, following Debussy, reckoned as authentically French only musical styles attached to pre-Revolutionary traditions. Fauré felt that such a narrow characterization of French music falsified the diversity of the historical record. His preface therefore takes issue with Jean-Aubry's book and insists that German composers had played an irrefutable role in the formation of modern French music. We may understand Fauré's-and other composers'-wartime decisions in terms of a distinction between patriotism and nationalism. Composers such as Fauré, Bruneau, and Ravel emerge as patriots. Debussy, who sought to purify French music of foreign contamination, emerges as a nationalist. Both nationalism and patriotism call on collective memory and experience, but nationalism exercises its power protectively and tends toward exclusion, while patriotism, favoring political over ethnic determination, tends toward inclusion. Fauré's patriotism emerges through the evidence of the preface; charitable activities; his refusal to sign a French declaration calling for a ban on contemporary German and Austrian music; and his attempt to unite the Société Nationale and the Société Musicale Indépendante. Fauré's wartime music, in contrast to his writings and activities, evades connections with historical events and raises methodological questions about perceived relations between political belief and artistic expression.
45
Öztürkmen, Arzu. "Celebrating National Holidays in Turkey: History and Memory." New Perspectives on Turkey 25 (2001): 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003605.
Full textAbstract:
The childhood memories of most Turkish citizens are full of images of national holiday celebrations. Loudly recited heroic poems, enthusiastic folk dance performances, costume parades and school shows, anxious teachers, and involuntary laughter during the long, silent moments of commemoration-all are part of these images. A few years ago (in 1998), Turkey celebrated the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Republic, giving us an opportunity to rethink these remembrances as both collective and personal experiences, with all their political and social implications. As in any other country with a state-controlled educational system, the structure of these celebrations had been well established and consolidated over the years, having “an accumulative effect upon successive generations” (Ben-Amos 1994, p. 54). The formalism and the overemphasized nationalism of the celebrations, repeated over and over for years, eventually created a sense of alienation. Nevertheless, when the Islamist Welfare Party assumed power over the municipalities of Istanbul and Ankara in 1994, the revival of the national holiday celebrations was remarkable. Thus began a new approach to celebrating national holidays, with rock concerts, extensive TV coverage, and public interviews. The seventh-fifth anniversary celebrations further revived the national holidays, with contributions from state as well as nongovernmental organizations. After the Welfare Party's assumption of power, the celebration of national holidays symbolized support for the Republic's reforms and secularism, in opposition to rising Islamic fundamentalism.
46
Olick, Jeffrey K. "The Guilt of Nations?" Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 2 (September 2003): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00443.x.
Full textAbstract:
“What responsibility do ordinary people bear for atrocities committed in their names? According to modern democratic sensibilities, responsibility is an individual affair. The idea, as in Exodus (20:5), that the sins of the fathers could be delivered unto the third and fourth generations goes against the grain. It seems to be part of the collectivistic thinking that characterizes modernity off its rails, a pre-modern remain that produces outbursts of racism, nationalism, and genocide. That is not to say that we are not interested in accountability for political crimes. International human rights entrepreneurs have pressed for holding dictators accountable and have supported efforts to obtain reparations and other forms of redress. But we are very careful to avoid charges of “collective guilt,” which often sound more like the problem than the solution. We don't want to start a culture war or clash of civilizations!…In contrast to the Mitscherlichs, Sebald is thus very much a man of his times, free of the older orthodoxies of the West German memory wars. For decades, the politics of memory in West Germany was divided between those who feared “too much” memory and those, like Jung and the Mitscherlichs, who believed Germans needed to work through their (collective) guilt if they were to overcome the symptoms of repression. Sebald does indeed pose a strong ethical and political-cultural imperative to remember, but his lecture was controversial because the lost memory it laments is that of German suffering, which heretofore has been the rallying cry of the extreme right. In this regard, Sebald is only one example of a surprising recent interest in the memory of German suffering from the left…. How legitimate is this new interest in German suffering, previously associated with nationalist revanchism and discreditable positions? The answer depends on the purpose…”
47
Lužný, Dušan. "Religious Memory in a Changing Society: The Case of India and Papua New Guinea." Changing Societies & Personalities 5, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/csp.2021.5.1.121.
Full textAbstract:
The study analyzes the place of religion in the national collective memory and the changes that have taken place in the field of religion in connection with the modernization and emergence of modern nationstates in India and Papua New Guinea (PNG). In the case of PNG, we look at the place of Christianization in the process of modernization, while in the case of India, we analyze the use of Hinduism in the process of forming national identity. Both cases are analyzed with the use of selected cases of material culture in specific localities and they show the ongoing struggle for the incorporation or segregation of original religious tradition into national identity. Both cases are analyzed on the basis of field research. In the case of India, we look at Bharat Mata Mandir in Haridwar, and in the case of Papua New Guinea, the tambaran building in the village of Kambot in East Sepik Province. While Bharat Mata Mandir demonstrates the modernization of tradition and the incorporation of religion into modern (originally secular) nationalism, the decline in tambaran houses is a result of Christianization and the modernization of PNG. The study shows that if there is a connection between religious memory and national memory (or national identity), the religious tradition is maintained or strengthened, whereas when religious memory and national memory are disconnected, religious memory is weakened in a modernizing society.
48
Menyhért, Anna. "The Image of the “Maimed Hungary” in 20th-Century Cultural Memory and the 21st Century Consequences of an Unresolved Collective Trauma." Environment, Space, Place 8, no. 2 (2016): 69–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/esplace20168211.
Full text
49
Bellezza, Simone Attilio. "Взяти інтерв’ю у „легенди”: Ліна Костенко та колективна пам’ять шістдесятництва." Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 9 (May 9, 2022): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.9.3.
Full textAbstract:
A feeling of discomfort and disappointment towards the collective memory of the shistdesiatnytstvo in Ukraine emerged during the interview with Lina Kostenko, as well as with other shistdesiatnyky. The public discourse, including many scholarly studies on the topic, usually ignores the ethic and “affective” components which were so important to the members of this movement, whose behavior and universe of values radically differed from the Stalinist Soviet respectability. The function of the shistdesiatnytstvo as the detonator of a positive nationalism is thus neglected. Some important stages in the formation of Lina Kostenko’s personality are then analyzed: the family upbringing based on the love for Ukrainian and worldwide culture, the traumas of childhood during World War II, the importance of building friendly bonds with other shistdesiatnyky, especially with Vasyl’ Symonenko.
50
Simonsen, Kim. "The Romantic Canon and the Making of a Cultural Saint in the Faroe Islands." Romantik: Journal for the Study of Romanticisms 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rom.v3i1.26312.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the role of literature and romantic nationalism in the creation of nations as this applies to the Faroese nation, in particular the case of the poet Nólsoyar Páll. It is the ambition to discuss how literature can be a medium of collective identity-making, as it involves the canonisation of what is termed cultural saints (i.e. the heroic, mythological, and legendary figures who are seen as founders of communities). The article will give an introduction to the research that considers the dynamics of selected vernacular writers, artists or scholars for inclusion into the canon of cultural sainthood. The following will link a hitherto underexplored part of European romanticism to the developing theory of how durable forms of memory, such as public monuments, banknotes, hagiographies, are constructed.