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1
Ray, Larry. "Memory, Trauma and Genocidal Nationalism." Sociological Research Online 4, no. 2 (July 1999): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.257.
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Nationalism poses several analytical problems for sociology, since it stands at the intersection of familiar binary conceptual contrasts. It further has the capacity to appear alternatively democratic and violent. This paper examines the conditions for violent nationalism, with particular reference to the Kosovo conflict. It argues that the conditions for potentially genocidal nationalism lie in the apparently routine rituals through which ‘nations’ are remembered and constructed. Violent nationalism may appear where the transmission of collective identities is infused with mourning and traumatic memory. However, the presence of such forms of memory is not sufficient in themselves to provoke violent nationalism. These are unleashed in the context of state crisis where former loyalties are replaced with highly affective commitment to rectification of imagined historical wrongs.
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Jaskulowski, Krzysztof, and Piotr Majewski. "Politics of memory in Upper Silesian schools: Between Polish homogeneous nationalism and its Silesian discontents." Memory Studies 13, no. 1 (November 23, 2017): 60–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017741933.
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The article discusses the connections between nationalism and history teaching in the context of dominant structures of collective memory in Poland. Drawing on qualitative research in Upper Silesian schools, the article analyses in detail how the state-sponsored history is enacted and resisted by the teachers in school practice. The article also demonstrates the advantages of processual conceptualisation of collective memory. It provides further theoretical insight by bringing together three strands of literature: memory studies, nationalism studies and critical media analysis.
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Mildnerová, Kateřina. "“I Feel Like Two In One”: Complex Belongings Among Namibian Czechs." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, no. 2 (December 11, 2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.249.
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This paper, based on the analysis of archive documents, biographical interviews and participant observation, focuses on the social and narrative construction of collective cultural identity of so-called Namibian Czechs living in Namibia. These represent a group of originally fifty-six Namibian child war refugees who received asylum and were educated in Czechoslovakia between 1985 and 1991. In order to understand their complex identity special attention has been paid to the dual education of the children in Czechoslovakia, to the role of the Czech language and the symbolical narratives in the construction of their collective cultural identity and to diverse discursive and social practices through which they shape, maintain, and reproduce their Czechness – both situationally in social interactions and narratively in a form of communicative memory.
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Okawara, Kentaro. "A Critical and Theoretical Re-imagining of ‘Victimhood Nationalism’: The Case of National Victimhood of the Baltic Region." Baltic Journal of European Studies 9, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 206–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2019-0043.
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Abstract There are many arguments to support the idea that the Baltic nations (and other “victimized” areas) adhere to ‘victimhood nationalism’, a form of nationalism that explains the region’s recognition of its history and the related problems. Since the start of the 21st century, memory and area studies experts have used the concept of ‘victimhood nationalism’. However, the framework of victimhood nationalism is critically flawed. Its original conceptual architecture is weak and its effectiveness as an explanatory variable requires critical examination. This paper presents a theoretical examination of victimhood nationalism from the perspective of political and social historiology. Further, the paper criticizes the concept from the perspective of the empirical area studies of the Baltic region. First, it argues that the killing or damaging of one community by another does not automatically transform into a nationalism of victimhood. Unless it has been established that one community was the ‘victim’ and the other the perpetrator of the crime, these events will not be remembered as the basis of victimhood nationalism. Second, the effectiveness of this concept is criticized from two perspectives: “tangle” as an explanatory variable and its doctrinal history. It is tautological to claim that victimhood nationalism explains political issues, as was already being implied in the early twentieth-century collective memory studies. In conclusion, the assumption of victimhood is a preliminary necessity to a community claiming victimhood nationalism. Victimhood nationalism is not an explanatory, but an explained, variable. Therefore, the concept should be renamed otherwise. The alternative framework of collective memory studies framework of “victimhood” is needed. This research argues that Baltic area studies, particularly regarding history recognition, should be phenomenologically reconsidered to reimagine the framework of “victimhood”.
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McDonnell, Erin Metz, and Gary Alan Fine. "Pride and Shame in Ghana: Collective Memory and Nationalism among Elite Students." African Studies Review 54, no. 3 (December 2011): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0043.
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Abstract:Based on an original dataset of university students, this article investigates Ghanaian collective memories of past events that are sources of national pride or shame. On average, young elite Ghanaians express more pride than shame in their national history, and they report shame mostly over actions that caused some physical, material, or symbolic harm. Such actions include not only historic events and the actions of national leaders, but also mundane social practices of average Ghanaians. Respondents also report more “active” than "receptive" shame; that is, they are more ashamed of events or practices that caused harm to others and less ashamed about events in which they were the “victims.” We advance the idea of a standard of “reasonableness” that Ghanaians apply in their evaluation of events, behaviors, or circumstances: they apply contemporary standards of morality to past events, but they temper their judgment based on considerations of whether past actions were “reasonable” given the power and material imbalances at that time. Ghanaian students identify strongly with both national and pan-African identities, and they frequently evoke their international image to judge a national event as either honorable or shameful. Ethnicity can be one factor in an individual's judgment of precolonial events, whereas political party affiliation is the stronger predictor of attitudes toward postindependence events.
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Staffell, Simon. "The Mappe and the Bible: Nation, Empire and the Collective Memory of Jonah." Biblical Interpretation 16, no. 5 (2008): 476–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851508x341238.
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AbstractThis article uses the work of the English cartographer John Speed as a way to explore the role of the collective memory of Jonah in social and political discourses during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The paper engages with debates concerning nationalism during the early modern period. Collective memory theory is also used to consider how Jonah became a reified site of memory. By placing Speed's writing alongside the works of his forebears and examining the function of the Jonah text within three sermons, the evolving collective memory of the biblical text, and its imagined attachment to national identity, is traced. It is suggested that Speed's cartographic selectivity in depicting biblical narratives can be seen in relation to the nascent nationalist and imperialist worldviews and ideologies of sixteenth and seventeenth century England.
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Qian, Fengqi, and Guo-Qiang Liu. "Remembrance of the Nanjing Massacre in the Globalised Era: The Memory of Victimisation, Emotions and the Rise of China." China Report 55, no. 2 (May 2019): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519834365.
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Victimisation is a pivotal theme in China’s new remembering of its War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression. While much of the world is talking about the rise of China, why are the Chinese still looking back to the nation’s sufferings in the past? This article investigates the development and dissemination of China’s collective memory of wartime victimisation, through a case study of the Nanjing Massacre Memorial. The article examines the ‘presentist’ use of the collective memory of victimisation in China’s era of opening up. It argues that the collective memory of victimisation is an emotional memory, evoked by new nationalism thinking, and is therefore a contextual dimension of China’s self-presentation today. The development as well as the dissemination of this memory parallels the path of China’s rise to become a world power. The Nanjing Massacre Memorial showcases the way in which the collective memory of victimisation is shaped and disseminated under the Communist Party to promote China’s national aspirations and legitimise China’s claims in the contemporary world.
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Linchenko, A. A. "Migration and migratory communities in the focus of memory studies." Tempus et Memoria 2, no. 2 (2021): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/tetm.2021.2.009.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the specificity and transformation of the research field of the collective memory of migratory communities. It was shown that the era of multiculturalism, which contributed not only to an increase in the number of studies, but also to the expansion of the very aspects of the study of the topic, played a key role in the study of the memory of migratory communities. Three main areas of research were identified and analyzed: a) personal and group memories of migration, as well as the specificity of the collective memory of various migration groups; b) the study of collective perceptions of the past of migrants in the context of the politics of incorporation and the politics of memory of host societies; c) study of the representation of the historical experience of migrations and migratory communities in museum practice. The idea was substantiated that the theoretical and practical potential of addressing the memory of migratory communities contributed not only to the transformation of the research optics of memory studies, but also showed the inevitability of significant changes in the understanding of ontology of collective memory. This found expression in the actualization of the transcultural turn, focused on overcoming methodological nationalism and considering collective memory not only within the framework of certain cultures or communities, but also it’s dynamic beyond cultural and social boundaries. The article analyzes the significance of the transcultural turn for research into the collective memory of migrants.
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Feischmidt, Margit. "Memory-Politics and Neonationalism: Trianon as Mythomoteur." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 1 (January 2020): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.72.
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AbstractAnalyzing the newly emerged Trianon cult, this article argues that the current wave of memory politics became the engine of new forms of nationalism in Hungary constituted by extremist and moderate right-wing civic and political actors. Following social anthropologists Gingrich and Banks, the term neonationalism will be applied and linked with the concept “mythomoteur” of John Armstrong and Anthony D. Smith, emphasizing the role of preexisting ethno-symbolic resources or mythomoteurs in the resurgence of nationalism. Special attention will be given to elites who play a major role in constructing new discourses of the nation and seek to control collective memories, taking their diverse intentions, agendas, and strategies specifically into consideration. This “view from above” will be complemented with a “view from below” by investigating the meanings that audiences give to and the uses they make of these memories. Thus, the analysis has three dimensions: it starts with the analysis of symbols, topics, and arguments applied by public Trianon discourses; it continues with the analysis of everyday perceptions, memory, and identity concerns; and finally ends with an anthropological interpretation of memory politics regarding a new form of nationalism arising in the context of propelling and mainstreaming populist right-wing politics. The main argument of this article is that although the Hungarian Trianon cult, identified as national mythomoteur, invokes a historical trauma, it rather speaks to current feelings of loss and disenfranchisement, offering symbolic compensation through the transference of historical glory, pride, and self-esteem within a mythological framework. This article is part of a larger effort to understand the cultural logic and social support of new forms of nationalism in Hungary propelled by the populist far right.
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Yeh, Hsin-Yi. "Telling a shared past, present, and future to invent nationality: The commemorative narrative of Chinese-ness from 1949 through 1987 in Taiwan." Memory Studies 11, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 172–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698016679219.
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Consistent with memory studies’ emphasis on the tight relationship between memory and identity, this article regards nation-building as an ongoing social process of nation-remembering. Taking the official Chinese nationalism in Taiwan from 1949 through 1987 as the case, this study aims to demonstrate the significant role that commemorative narratives play in nation-remembering. Facing extraordinary difficulties, the master commemorative narrative of official Chinese nationalism led its intended national members to remember their Chinese-hood (thereby maintaining its legitimacy) by telling a shared past, present, and future. That is, collective memory facilitates the imagination of people’s commonalities in a community. Moreover, the abstractness of commemorative narratives allows room for employing mnemonic techniques to narrate a preferred shared past, present, and thus future for people to memorize their national identification. In addition to detailing the employed mnemonic techniques observed in the official Chinese nationalism, how the narrated shared past, present, and future are introduced as a package in the commemorative narrative to construct an organic whole and how the commemorative narrative undergoes ongoing modifications are discussed as well.
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Mohr, Rachel, and Kate Pride Brown. "Generational and Geographic Effects on Collective Memory of the USSR." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 156–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.1-2.156.
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This study examines memory of the Soviet Union and political opinions in modern Russia through qualitative, semi-structured interviews across generations in two Russian cities. The study aims to explore the differences in memory and meaning of the Soviet Union across generation and geography, and to connect those differences to political dispositions in modern Russia. Respondents were asked about their impressions of the Soviet Union and modern-day Russia, and responses were coded for emergent themes and trends. The research finds that youth bifurcate along geographic lines; respondents in St. Petersburg were more likely to reject Soviet ideals than their counterparts in Yoshkar-Ola. The former also tended to prefer liberalism and globalization, while the latter expressed greater nationalism. Older respondents showed no distinct geographic trend, but gave more nuanced assessments of the Soviet Union due to the power of personal memory over cultural reconstruction. In younger respondents, these findings indicate that living in a cosmopolitan metropolis may condition interpretations of the Soviet past and influence contemporary political identity toward globalization. Youths living in smaller cities have less interaction with other global cities and therefore may have more conservative perceptions of the Soviet Union and Russia.
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Alba, Ken. "Technostalgia, Nationalism, and the Extended Mind in Krapp's Last Tape." Journal of Beckett Studies 30, no. 1 (April 2021): 64–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jobs.2021.0329.
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This article considers how Krapp's relationships with the various cognitive apparatuses he surrounds himself with prefigures what subjectivity looks like in the information age. The subjectivity that arises out of the complex interactions between the listener and their prosthetic memory can be characterised as what Olga Beloborodova has called ‘postcognitivist’. Considering Krapp's relationship with his tapes from this postcognitivist perspective suggests how the construction of an abiding subject in the information age simultaneously depends upon and is imperilled by the particular technologies that project the voice into the dark. With that in mind, this article also explores how some users on the contemporary counterparts to Krapp's tapes – online platforms like YouTube, Reddit, and 4chan – weaponise the mediated nostalgia that infects Krapp's relationship with his own past to construct a nationalist political identity built on the manufacture of collective counterfactual memory.
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Gugushvili, Alexi, Peter Kabachnik, and Ana Kirvalidze. "Collective memory and reputational politics of national heroes and villains." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 3 (May 2017): 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1261821.
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The politics of memory plays an important role in the ways certain figures are evaluated and remembered, as they can be rehabilitated or vilified, or both, as these processes are contested. We explore these issues using a transition society, Georgia, as a case study. Who are the heroes and villains in Georgian collective memory? What factors influence who is seen as a hero or a villain and why? How do these selections correlate with Georgian national identity? We attempt to answer these research questions using a newly generated data set of contemporary Georgian perspectives on recent history. Our survey results show that according to a representative sample of the Georgian population, the main heroes from the beginning of the twentieth century include Zviad Gamsakhurdia, Ilia Chavchavadze, and Patriarch Ilia II. Eduard Shevardnadze, Sergo Ordzhonikidze, and Vladimir Putin represent the main villains, and those that appear on both lists are Mikheil Saakashvili and Joseph Stalin. We highlight two clusters of attitudes that are indicative of how people think about Georgian national identity, mirroring civic and ethnic conceptions of nationalism. How Georgians understand national identity impacts not only who they choose as heroes or villains, but also whether they provide an answer at all.
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Liu, James H., and Sammyh S. Khan. "Implications of a Psychological Approach to Collective Remembering: Social Representations as Cultural Ground for Interpreting Survey and Experimental Results." Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology 15 (January 2021): 183449092110079. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/18344909211007938.
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Psychology has become connected to the “memory boom” in research, that highlights the concept of social representations, defined as a shared system of knowledge and belief that facilitates communication about social objects where culture is conceptualized as a meta-system of social representations mediated by language, symbols, and their institutional carriers. Six articles on collective remembering, including survey results, text analysis, and experiments, are summarized in this introduction. All rely on content-rich meanings, embedded in sociocultural contexts that influence the results of the surveys and experiments. In the cases of Germany and China, the “historical charter” of the states in the late 19th century was ruptured, resulting in substantially different expressions of nationalism and national identity (in Germany) and filial piety and nationalism (in China) today. Surveys on the organization of living historical memory in Hungary and Finland found that the European Union formed an enduring social context for the formation of memory groups regarding recent history. Finally, in experiments, historical reminders are likely to be anchored in existing networks of meaning, and prime people about what they already believe, rather than exert independent causal effects. This anchoring of historical memory in communicating societies explains why the experimental results in this area are so inconsistent.
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Cash, Jennifer R. "Origins, Memory, and Identity: “Villages” and the Politics of Nationalism in the Republic of Moldova." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 4 (November 2007): 588–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325407307351.
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This article reconsiders the manifestation of nationalism in the Republic of Moldova during the late Soviet period and early 1990s. Whereas dominant approaches have focused on the ethnic dimensions of the national movement, I argue that rural-urban identities also played a significant role in shaping political events and outcomes of the recent past by drawing on ethnographic research among participants in the “folkloric movement” within the arts and performance world. This movement coincided with the broader national movement of the 1980s and demonstrates the centrality of “villages” in the construction of an anti-Soviet “national” identity among ethnic Moldovans. In conclusion, the politics of nationalism must be understood in a wider framework that also accounts for the importance of non-ethnic forms of collective identity, such as villages, and that investigates how individual origins and social memory shape civic and political participation.
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Killmeier, Matthew A., and Naomi Chiba. "Neo-nationalism seeks strength from the gods: Yasukuni Shrine, collective memory and the Japanese press." Media, War & Conflict 3, no. 3 (December 2010): 334–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635210378946.
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Hirt, Nicole. "Eritrea’s Chosen Trauma and the Legacy of the Martyrs: The Impact of Postmemory on Political Identity Formation of Second-Generation Diaspora Eritreans." Africa Spectrum 56, no. 1 (April 2021): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039720977495.
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In the collective memory of Eritreans, the liberation struggle against Ethiopia symbolises the heroic fight of their fallen martyrs against oppression. After independence, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front created an autocratic regime, which is adored by many second-generation diaspora Eritreans living in democracies. I engage with bodies of literature exploring the political importance of collective trauma in post-conflict societies and apply two theoretical notions, “postmemory” and “chosen trauma,” to explain how the government’s narrative of Eritrean history produced a culture of nationalism through the glorification of the martyrs. This narrative and the trauma experienced by their parents created experiences of postmemory among the second-generation diaspora that have influenced their worldview. I demonstrate how Eritrean pro-government activists utilise US-born artists who recently discovered their Eritreanness, such as Tiffany Haddish, to instil long-distance nationalism. The article is based on a social media analysis, long-term observation of Eritrean diaspora communities, and recent fieldwork.
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Bronec. "Transmission of Collective Memory and Jewish Identity in Post-War Jewish Generations through War Souvenirs." Heritage 2, no. 3 (July 2, 2019): 1785–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/heritage2030109.
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The article includes a sample of testimonies and the results of sociological research on the life stories of Jews born in the aftermath of World War II in two countries, Czechoslovakia and Luxembourg. At that time, Czechoslovak Jews were living through the era of de-Stalinization and their narratives offer new insights into this segment of Jewish post-war history that differ from those of Jews living in liberal, democratic European states. The interviews explore how personal documents, photos, letters and souvenirs can help maintain personal memories in Jewish families and show how this varies from one generation to the next. My paper illustrates the importance of these small artifacts for the transmission of Jewish collective memory in post-war Jewish generations. The case study aims to answer the following research questions: What is the relationship between the Jewish post-war generation and its heirlooms? Who is in charge of maintaining Jewish family heirlooms within the family? Are there any intergenerational differences when it comes to keeping and maintaining family history? The study also aims to find out whether the political regime influences how Jewish objects are kept by Jewish families.
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Kyrchanoff, Maksym. "Perception of Communism in Сontemporary Indonesian Politics of Memory: Between “The Return” and “The Oblivion”." Oriental Courier, no. 2 (2022): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021597-4.
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The author analyzes historical politics as a form of imagination of communism in the collective memory of Indonesia. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the perception of the communism by modern Indonesian participants in the policy of memory of the history of the Communist Party of Indonesia and its marginalization after the events of 1965. The paper analyzes the main forms of imagination and the invention of images of the history of communism in the modern Indonesian memorial culture of memory. The article shows that the memorial practices of Indonesian intellectuals do not provide for an independent perception of communist images in the history of Indonesia. It is assumed that the problems of the history of the Communist Party are assimilated into the contexts of the history of Indonesian nationalism and political Islam. The results of the study suggest that the modern culture of memory has not been able to form new narratives describing the history of communism because this issue has become a victim of politically motivated amnesia, and the ruling elites are not interested in returning to the communist heritage of national historical experience to the mnemonic spaces of collective memory.
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Leont’eva, Ol’ga B. "Historiographic Reflection and Formation of National Identity." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 66, no. 1 (2021): 314–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2021.120.
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A turn of modern science towards the study of historical memory gives rise to questions about the role of historical science in the formation of collective, in particular, national identity. The experience of a historiographic reflection on these problems is presented in a collective monograph “The Past for the Present: History, Memory and Narratives of National Identity” written by the laboratory “Studies of Historical Memory and Intellectual Culture” of the Center for Intellectual History Studies of the Institute of World History of the Russian Academy of Sciences, headed by L. P. Repina. The authors of the collective monograph examine the processes of national identity and historical memory formation in several countries (Russia, Britain, Germany, Poland, and Bolivia) in a “longue durée” perspective, in the context of global trends. They focus on the role that national narratives created by professional historians played in the construction of “historical myths” — mythologized ideas about the “origins” of national history that represent the constitutive elements of national identity. The authors raise the problem of the competition of different identities and memories, and consider the issue of the audience of a national narrative. They highlight the ambiguity of the social role of historical science: on the one hand, historians are actively involved in the formation of the national identity and historical memory; on the other hand, scientific knowledge provides them with tools for a critical analysis of historical myths and well-reasoned reflection on the projects of collective identity. The study represents a successful attempt of combining the “memorial paradigm” and “new sociocultural history” with the history of nationalism and nation-building.
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Madden, Deborah. "‘Modalidades de violación’ in Lidia Falcón’s En el infierno: Ser mujer en las cárceles de España (1977)." International Journal of Iberian Studies 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00062_1.
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The nefarious nexus of patriarchy and nationalism that characterized Francoist Spain (1939‐75) made sexualized violence inflicted on the state’s female prisoners an immanently political act. Focusing on En el infierno: Ser mujer en las cárceles de España (1977), the prison memoir of the communist and feminist activist Lidia Falcón, this article draws on theories of trauma, victimhood and memory to interrogate how Falcón navigates questions of (self-)representation and agency through the portrayal of rape and sexualized violence in Franco’s women’s prisons. Rape, for Falcón, is a multifaceted act that violates both the female body and the collective body politic, while the various manifestations of abuse ‐ ‘las modalidades de violación’ ‐ reify sexual and political dominance. By speaking on behalf of the female prison population, Falcón utilizes the collective voice so as to presuppose a collective victimhood that fosters solidarity amongst women and resists subjugation by the masculinist state.
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Sapała, Barbara, and Marta Turska. "The recovered past?" Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 68, no. 1 (February 18, 2022): 114–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.00252.sap.
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Abstract The present considerations focus on the intersection of translation and memory. The starting point of these considerations is the lost letter of General Władysław Sikorski to the president of Czechoslovakia, Edvard Beneš, dated 17 February 1941, known only in its German and Czech translations. In the history of translation, there are many known examples of texts saved only through translation that have been incorporated into a cultural system, thereby preserving their continuity. However, this is not what occurred regarding the translation described here. The historical and political context of the correspondence of General Sikorski to President Beneš concerning the post-war expulsion of German populations inclines one to consider the subject of the mutual relationships between collective memory and historical knowledge. The article describes the role of translation as an act of communication in cultural processes, thus in building and transferring knowledge resources, as well as in the processes of constituting collective memory and shaping a memory narrative. The question of the role of the described text centers on – in view of the lack of the original – the issue of its authenticity. It seems that the lack of the original text has become a pretext for excluding from discourse the translation whose content is not in accordance with the official narrative. The fact that it is impossible to settle this question also inclines one to view the translation as a possible tool of manipulation. The authors of the article thus pose the question as to whether the assumption of a transnational perspective would allow the incorporation of this translation into discussions concerning the memory of the expulsions.
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Kienzler, Hanna, and Enkelejda Sula-Raxhimi. "Collective Memories and Legacies of Political Violence in the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 2 (March 2019): 173–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.31.
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AbstractThis special issue builds on empirical research to provide new insights into the interrelations between collective memory and legacies of political violence in the Balkans. The contributions pay particular attention to two major issues: First, they explore the ways in which individuals and groups respond to and cope with violent pasts by investigating commemorative practices including public performances, narratives, and negotiations of counter-memories. Second, they make explicit how people select and reassemble collective memories through remembering violent pasts to create and disseminate novel forms of identity. Through interdisciplinary lenses, the studies reveal how the legacies of political violence and their lived experience become important means for people to create and mobilize collective memories that are influential enough to shape nationalistic and political realities on the ground. On a theoretical level, the articles demonstrate various ways in which collective memories enable critical discussions around a wider set of issues including national identity, nationalism, making of history, and local power games. By engaging with these concepts, the contributions question dominant framings of past events as they investigate how counter-memories and counter-powers emerge in the process of negotiating established versions of history, official narratives, and hierarchies of power.
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Verovšek, Peter J. "Integration after totalitarianism: Arendt and Habermas on the postwar imperatives of memory." Journal of International Political Theory 16, no. 1 (September 3, 2018): 2–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088218796535.
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Collective memories of totalitarianism and the industrialized slaughter of the Holocaust have exerted a profound influence on postwar European politics and philosophy. Two of the most prominent political theorists and public intellectuals to take up the legacy of total war are Hannah Arendt and Jürgen Habermas. However, their prescriptions seem to pull in opposite directions. While Arendt draws on remembrance to recover politics on a smaller scale by advocating for the empowerment of local councils, Habermas draws on the past to justify his search for postnational forms of political community that can overcome the bloody legacy of nationalism. My argument brings these two perspectives together by examining their mutual support for European integration as a way of preserving the lessons of totalitarianism. I argue that both Arendt and Habermas reject the technocratic tendencies of the European Union while maintaining hope that it can develop a truly postnational form of politics.
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Bakiner, Onur. "Is Turkey coming to terms with its past? Politics of memory and majoritarian conservatism." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (September 2013): 691–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.770732.
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There is unprecedented domestic and international interest in Turkey's political past, accompanied by a societal demand for truth and justice in addressing past human rights violations. This article poses the question: Is Turkey coming to terms with its past? Drawing upon the literature on nationalism, identity, and collective memory, I argue that the Turkish state has recently taken steps to acknowledge and redress some of the past human rights violations. However, these limited and strategic acts of acknowledgment fall short of initiating a more comprehensive process of addressing past wrongs. The emergence of the Justice and Development Party as a dominant political force brings along the possibility that the discarded Kemalist memory framework will be replaced by what I callmajoritarian conservatism, a new government-sanctioned shared memory that promotes uncritical and conservative-nationalist interpretations of the past that have popular appeal, while enforcing silence on critical historiographies that challenge this hegemonic memory and identity project. Nonetheless, majoritarian conservatism will probably fail to assert state control over memory and history, even under a dominant government, as unofficial memory initiatives unsettle the hegemonic appropriation of the past.
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Perchard, Andrew. "“Broken Men” and “Thatcher's Children”: Memory and Legacy in Scotland's Coalfields." International Labor and Working-Class History 84 (2013): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000252.
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AbstractThis article explores the legacy of the demise of the deep coal mining industry in Scotland. It places particular emphasis on the cultural scars of this process as witnessed through miners' and managers' memories, positioning these within the context of occupational socialization, conflict, and alienation. The piece explores the enduring importance of these cultural scars in shaping broader collective narratives of decline in Scotland, and how responses were manifest in shifting political outlooks and the emergence (at both a local and national level) of a resurgent nationalism from the early 1960s onward. Drawing on the notion of the “cultural circuit,” the article examines how and why personal experience of the loss of the coal industry informed and conformed to the politics of the miners' union in Scotland, the National Union of Mineworkers Scottish Area (NUMSA). As the article makes clear, the program of closures in the industry has left profound psychological scars in coalfield communities—ones that, like the closure of other major industrial sites, shape a powerful national narrative.
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Hennig, Anja, and Oliver Fernando Hidalgo. "Illiberal Cultural Christianity? European Identity Constructions and Anti-Muslim Politics." Religions 12, no. 9 (September 15, 2021): 774. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090774.
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This paper refers to the ambivalence of secularization in order to explain why Cultural Christianity can show both a liberal and illiberal character. These two faces of Cultural Christianity are mostly due to the identity functions that, not only faith-based religion, but a particularly culturalized version of religion, entails. Proceeding from this, it will be demonstrated here how Cultural Christianity can turn into a concrete illiberal marker of identity or a resource for illiberal collective identity. Our argument focuses on the link between right-wing nationalism and Cultural Christianity from a historical-theoretical perspective, and illustrates the latter with the example of contemporary illiberal and selective European memory constructions including a special emphasis on the exclusivist elements.
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Wade, Bethany M. "‘Cadáveres Amados’: Martyrs, Memory, and Cuban National Symbols." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/1549-9502.11.1.13.
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Abstract On November 27th, 1871, eight young medical students were marched into a public plaza in Havana and shot by Spanish authorities. On the first anniversary of their death, the exiled José Martí used their execution to denounce Spanish rule in Cuba, and to legitimize the violent struggle for Cuban Independence. The executed students became martyrs to Cuban nationalism. Since then, their execution at the hands of tyrants has been repeatedly repurposed in revolutionary periods in Cuban history. This article engages with the work of Maurice Halbwachs, Jan Assmann, and Pierre Nora to reflect on the process of collective and cultural memory formation and reformation. It considers the factors that contributed to the transformation of the execution of these students from a singular tragedy, among a wider field of atrocity, into a defining moment in Cuban identity. Further, drawing on works by Jay Winter, Robin Cohen, and Ron Eyerman, this article interrogates the role of individuals and groups in this process. Over one hundred and fifty years, members of exile communities, moral witnesses, student protesters, and revolutionary leaders used the memory of these martyrs to contest authoritarian rule, hoping to advance their vision of a Cuba that could be. Driven by changing political imperatives, the memory of the students altered to reflect new collective priorities. This case study shows change and continuity in cultural memory. Tracing the evolution of this narrative from the Cuban War of Independence, through the rule of dictators, Castro’s revolutionary war, and the following socialist era, this article concludes by asking how their memory is being—once again—transformed today. With a focus on the construction and use of public monuments and memorials, but incorporating literature, images, annual marches, and films, this article argues that the public memory of their deaths altered in different periods to invoke a revolutionary vision of Cuban national identity battered by a century and a half of instability.
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Caballero, Carlo. "Patriotism or Nationalism? Fauré and the Great War." Journal of the American Musicological Society 52, no. 3 (1999): 593–625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/831793.
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Even though Gabriel Fauré's contemporaries championed his music as quintessentially French, Fauré distanced himself from policies of national exclusion in art, and his own construction of French musical style was cosmopolitan. This essay summarizes Fauré's political choices during the Great War, explains his motives, and indicates how some of his decisions affected French musical life. Fauré's outspoken preface to Georges Jean-Aubry's La Musique française d'aujourd'hui provides one key to the composer's position. Jean-Aubry, following Debussy, reckoned as authentically French only musical styles attached to pre-Revolutionary traditions. Fauré felt that such a narrow characterization of French music falsified the diversity of the historical record. His preface therefore takes issue with Jean-Aubry's book and insists that German composers had played an irrefutable role in the formation of modern French music. We may understand Fauré's-and other composers'-wartime decisions in terms of a distinction between patriotism and nationalism. Composers such as Fauré, Bruneau, and Ravel emerge as patriots. Debussy, who sought to purify French music of foreign contamination, emerges as a nationalist. Both nationalism and patriotism call on collective memory and experience, but nationalism exercises its power protectively and tends toward exclusion, while patriotism, favoring political over ethnic determination, tends toward inclusion. Fauré's patriotism emerges through the evidence of the preface; charitable activities; his refusal to sign a French declaration calling for a ban on contemporary German and Austrian music; and his attempt to unite the Société Nationale and the Société Musicale Indépendante. Fauré's wartime music, in contrast to his writings and activities, evades connections with historical events and raises methodological questions about perceived relations between political belief and artistic expression.
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Öztürkmen, Arzu. "Celebrating National Holidays in Turkey: History and Memory." New Perspectives on Turkey 25 (2001): 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003605.
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The childhood memories of most Turkish citizens are full of images of national holiday celebrations. Loudly recited heroic poems, enthusiastic folk dance performances, costume parades and school shows, anxious teachers, and involuntary laughter during the long, silent moments of commemoration-all are part of these images. A few years ago (in 1998), Turkey celebrated the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Republic, giving us an opportunity to rethink these remembrances as both collective and personal experiences, with all their political and social implications. As in any other country with a state-controlled educational system, the structure of these celebrations had been well established and consolidated over the years, having “an accumulative effect upon successive generations” (Ben-Amos 1994, p. 54). The formalism and the overemphasized nationalism of the celebrations, repeated over and over for years, eventually created a sense of alienation. Nevertheless, when the Islamist Welfare Party assumed power over the municipalities of Istanbul and Ankara in 1994, the revival of the national holiday celebrations was remarkable. Thus began a new approach to celebrating national holidays, with rock concerts, extensive TV coverage, and public interviews. The seventh-fifth anniversary celebrations further revived the national holidays, with contributions from state as well as nongovernmental organizations. After the Welfare Party's assumption of power, the celebration of national holidays symbolized support for the Republic's reforms and secularism, in opposition to rising Islamic fundamentalism.
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Gawarecka, Anna. "O tym nie trzeba mówić. Czeska (nie)pamięć o wysiedleniu Niemców." Kultura Słowian Rocznik Komisji Kultury Słowian PAU 18 (November 9, 2022): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/25439561ksr.22.002.16354.
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Temat powojennego wysiedlenia Niemców, przez lata, zwłaszcza w oficjalnej retoryce propagandy komunistycznej, traktowanego w kategoriach „sprawiedliwości dziejowej”, w dzisiejszych dyskursach literackich staje się przedmiotem wielopłaszczyznowych redefinicji i przewartościowań. Pisarze średniego i młodszego pokolenia (Radka Denemarková, Jaroslav Rudiš, Kateřina Tučková, Jakuba Katalpa), ożywiając debatę nad losem niemieckich mieszkańców terenów czechosłowackich, dążą do przywrócenia „trudnej pamięci” i do obnażenia procesów wyparcia i zapominania o winach własnych, towarzyszących wypędzaniu dotychczasowych sąsiadów, pozornie jedynie uzasadnionemu słusznością przypisywania odpowiedzialności zbiorowej domniemanym zwolennikom zbrodni hitlerowskich. Do Not Say It Out Loud. Czech (Un)memory of the Displacement of the Germans Over the years, the subject of the post-war displacement of Germans was treated in terms of “historical justice”, especially in the official rhetoric of the communist propaganda. Now it has become the subject of multidimensional redefinition and reevaluation in the literary discourses. Writers of the middle and younger generation (Radka Denemarková, Jaroslav Rudiš, Kateřina Tučková, Jakuba Katalpa), by enlivening the debate on the fate of German inhabitants of Czechoslovakia, strive to restore “difficult memory” and to expose the processes of repression and forgetting about own guilt resulting from expulsion of the 24 Anna Gawarecka former neighbours, apparently only due to the legitimacy of assigning collective responsibility to alleged supporters of Nazi crimes.
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Olick, Jeffrey K. "The Guilt of Nations?" Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 2 (September 2003): 109–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00443.x.
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“What responsibility do ordinary people bear for atrocities committed in their names? According to modern democratic sensibilities, responsibility is an individual affair. The idea, as in Exodus (20:5), that the sins of the fathers could be delivered unto the third and fourth generations goes against the grain. It seems to be part of the collectivistic thinking that characterizes modernity off its rails, a pre-modern remain that produces outbursts of racism, nationalism, and genocide. That is not to say that we are not interested in accountability for political crimes. International human rights entrepreneurs have pressed for holding dictators accountable and have supported efforts to obtain reparations and other forms of redress. But we are very careful to avoid charges of “collective guilt,” which often sound more like the problem than the solution. We don't want to start a culture war or clash of civilizations!…In contrast to the Mitscherlichs, Sebald is thus very much a man of his times, free of the older orthodoxies of the West German memory wars. For decades, the politics of memory in West Germany was divided between those who feared “too much” memory and those, like Jung and the Mitscherlichs, who believed Germans needed to work through their (collective) guilt if they were to overcome the symptoms of repression. Sebald does indeed pose a strong ethical and political-cultural imperative to remember, but his lecture was controversial because the lost memory it laments is that of German suffering, which heretofore has been the rallying cry of the extreme right. In this regard, Sebald is only one example of a surprising recent interest in the memory of German suffering from the left…. How legitimate is this new interest in German suffering, previously associated with nationalist revanchism and discreditable positions? The answer depends on the purpose…”
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Lužný, Dušan. "Religious Memory in a Changing Society: The Case of India and Papua New Guinea." Changing Societies & Personalities 5, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/csp.2021.5.1.121.
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The study analyzes the place of religion in the national collective memory and the changes that have taken place in the field of religion in connection with the modernization and emergence of modern nationstates in India and Papua New Guinea (PNG). In the case of PNG, we look at the place of Christianization in the process of modernization, while in the case of India, we analyze the use of Hinduism in the process of forming national identity. Both cases are analyzed with the use of selected cases of material culture in specific localities and they show the ongoing struggle for the incorporation or segregation of original religious tradition into national identity. Both cases are analyzed on the basis of field research. In the case of India, we look at Bharat Mata Mandir in Haridwar, and in the case of Papua New Guinea, the tambaran building in the village of Kambot in East Sepik Province. While Bharat Mata Mandir demonstrates the modernization of tradition and the incorporation of religion into modern (originally secular) nationalism, the decline in tambaran houses is a result of Christianization and the modernization of PNG. The study shows that if there is a connection between religious memory and national memory (or national identity), the religious tradition is maintained or strengthened, whereas when religious memory and national memory are disconnected, religious memory is weakened in a modernizing society.
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Bellezza, Simone Attilio. "Взяти інтерв’ю у „легенди”: Ліна Костенко та колективна пам’ять шістдесятництва." Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 9 (May 9, 2022): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.9.3.
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A feeling of discomfort and disappointment towards the collective memory of the shistdesiatnytstvo in Ukraine emerged during the interview with Lina Kostenko, as well as with other shistdesiatnyky. The public discourse, including many scholarly studies on the topic, usually ignores the ethic and “affective” components which were so important to the members of this movement, whose behavior and universe of values radically differed from the Stalinist Soviet respectability. The function of the shistdesiatnytstvo as the detonator of a positive nationalism is thus neglected. Some important stages in the formation of Lina Kostenko’s personality are then analyzed: the family upbringing based on the love for Ukrainian and worldwide culture, the traumas of childhood during World War II, the importance of building friendly bonds with other shistdesiatnyky, especially with Vasyl’ Symonenko.
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Simonsen, Kim. "The Romantic Canon and the Making of a Cultural Saint in the Faroe Islands." Romantik: Journal for the Study of Romanticisms 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rom.v3i1.26312.
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This article explores the role of literature and romantic nationalism in the creation of nations as this applies to the Faroese nation, in particular the case of the poet Nólsoyar Páll. It is the ambition to discuss how literature can be a medium of collective identity-making, as it involves the canonisation of what is termed cultural saints (i.e. the heroic, mythological, and legendary figures who are seen as founders of communities). The article will give an introduction to the research that considers the dynamics of selected vernacular writers, artists or scholars for inclusion into the canon of cultural sainthood. The following will link a hitherto underexplored part of European romanticism to the developing theory of how durable forms of memory, such as public monuments, banknotes, hagiographies, are constructed.
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Kalay, Nelson Semol. "SEGREGASI PASCA KONFLIK, COMMUNAL DISCOURSE DAN MATERIAL CULTURE BAGI PENGUATAN AGAMA DAN KEBANGSAAN DI MALUKU." ARUMBAE: Jurnal Ilmiah Teologi dan Studi Agama 2, no. 1 (June 4, 2020): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.37429/arumbae.v2i1.414.
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There are many impacts of the conflict Ambon that occurred years ago which are still found in society. Two of them are collective trauma memory and settlement religious-based segregation. The focus of this article is the communal discourse on the settlement pattern of religious-based segregation. The theory as the basic perspective of this study is a socio-linguistic theory developed by Norman Fairclough through Critical Discourse Analysis Approach. The principle notion of this approach is that discourse has an important role in shaping a society. Therefore, the aim of this article is to remind all that because of the complexity faced by the society after the conflict, trust-building, and trauma-healing are programs that all must work on, especially when one talks about religion and nationalism in the Moluccas context.
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Samourkasidou, Elena, and Dimitris Kalergis. "Ethnicity and Cultural Heritage: Compatible or Conflicting Concept?" European Journal of Architecture and Urban Planning 1, no. 4 (August 2, 2022): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejarch.2022.1.4.10.
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Cultural heritage embodies every aspect of culture from the past, which has been incorporated into current society. Collective urban identity includes all those individual components of collective memory that leave their spatial imprint on the city. The paper aims to research the transition of cities from the multicultural Ottoman Empire to the formation of nation-states and the management of cultural heritage and urban physiognomy by each of them. Moreover, the preservation of the collective memory and identity of cities is a decisive factor in their evolutionary course. The methodology followed includes the comparative analysis of 5 representative port-cities of the Ottoman Empire: Thessaloniki, Istanbul, Izmir, Beirut and Alexandria, where the element of cosmopolitanism is vivid. The searching period concerns the time just before its dissolution and the emergence of nation-states. The paper concludes that the rise of nationalism and the conflicts between states that will result from the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire will irreversibly alter the population composition of these cities, which will evolve violently from multi-ethnic Ottoman cities to mono-ethnic cities in the 20th century. The abrupt emergence of nation-states resulted in the marginalization of key aspects of the cities' heritage in an attempt to create and consolidate new national narratives. This resulted in the dissolution of urban continuity in cities which affected not only the identity and self-definition of cities in global urban networks but also their development process and dynamics, depriving them of an important asset of differentiation and specialization. The lack of awareness of the importance of the cultural heritage of cities is also demonstrated by the fact that the Ottoman past should be a mere parenthesis in the history and landscape of them and is therefore eliminated from it.
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Klvaňová, Radka. "‘The Russians are back’: Symbolic boundaries and cultural trauma in immigration from the former Soviet Union to the Czech Republic." Ethnicities 19, no. 1 (January 11, 2018): 136–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817752740.
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This study contributes to the literature on migration and the construction of the symbolic boundaries of belonging. It explores the neglected topic of the role of collective memory and, in particular, cultural trauma, in the processes of negotiation of the symbolic boundaries between immigrants and the native-born. It does so by studying the case of post-Cold War immigration from three countries of the former Soviet Union—Belarus, Ukraine, and Russia—to the Czech Republic, focusing on immigrants’ experiences of being assigned responsibility for “1968,” the Warsaw Treaty Troops’ military intervention into Czechoslovakia and its subsequent occupation by the Soviet army. Analysis of the narratives of immigrants about their everyday encounters with Czechs advances the understanding of symbolic boundary-making processes by identifying two types of responses the immigrants employ for contesting the stigma of the perpetrators imposed on them in the Czech immigration context. The first involves “differentiation,” which aims at redrawing the symbolic boundaries between perpetrators and victims. The second response involves “individualization,” in which immigrants completely dissociate from the past acts of violence of the Soviet regime. This study offers insight into the micro-politics of nation-building in Central and Eastern Europe.
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Krejčová Zavadilová, Gabriela. "Methodological solutions of oral history and their application in research into Czech evangelical communities in Eastern and South-eastern Europe." Theatrum historiae, no. 30 (December 15, 2022): 59–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.46585/th.2022.30.03.
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This work deals with the Czech evangelical (reformed religion) communities in Eastern and Southeastern Europe which originated in the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th for economic and social reasons. The founders of these communities either left the territory of Bohemia and Moravia for the fringes of the Habsburg monarchy (they started to appear abroad only after the creation of Czechoslovakia), or they left the post-White Mountain exiles’ settlements in today’s Poland and set up new villages by the process of what is termed secondary migration. These communities continue to function up to today and the Czech language is still a commonly used form of communication. The aim of this work is to capture the narration of the last members of these communities about the history of particular communities and the common motifs of their narrations across the communities. The factors which help to preserve the identities of these communities are also identified. The method of oral history and the biographical method are the main approaches employed in the research, and the final narrations are analysed and compared. Subsequently, the concepts of the collective memory are taken into consideration.
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Zhang, Chenchen. "Contested disaster nationalism in the digital age: Emotional registers and geopolitical imaginaries in COVID-19 narratives on Chinese social media." Review of International Studies 48, no. 2 (January 6, 2022): 219–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210522000018.
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AbstractThis article examines how affective narratives of the COVID-19 pandemic on Chinese social media reinforce and challenge established scripts of national identity, political legitimacy, and international geopolitical imaginary. Taking theoretical insights from the scholarship on trauma, disaster nationalism, and politics of emotions, I structure the analysis of social media posts from state media and private accounts around three emotional registers: grief as a crucial site of control and contestation during the initial stage of the outbreak; gandong (being moved in a positive way) associated with stories of heroic sacrifices, national unity, and mundane ‘heart-warming’ moments; and enmity in narratives of power struggles and ideological competition between China and ‘the West’, especially the United States. While state media has sought to transform the crisis into resources for strengthening national belonging and regime legitimacy through a digital reworking of the long-standing repertoire of disaster nationalism, alternative articulations of grief, rage, and vernacular memory that refuse to be incorporated into the ‘correct collective memory’ of a nationalised tragedy have persisted in digital space. Furthermore, the article explicates the ways in which popular narratives affectively reinscribe dominant ideas about the (inter)national community: such as the historical imagination of a continuous nationhood rising from disasters and humiliation, positive energy, and a dichotomous view of the international order characterised by Western hegemony and Chinese victimhood. The geopolitical narratives of the pandemic build on and exacerbate binary oppositions between China and ‘the West’ in the global imaginary, which are co-constructed through discursive practices on both sides in mutually reinforcing ways. The lens of emotion allows us to attend to the resonances and dissonances between official and popular narrativisations of the disaster without assuming a one-way determinate relationship between the two.
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Naresh Kumar. "The Philosophical Basis of Jawaharlal Nehru's Thought with Special Reference to Nationalism: General Analysis." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 7 (July 15, 2022): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i07.015.
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Nehru was a great nationalist, but he did not propound any new theory of nationalism. It is evident from his article 'Unity of India' that he believed in the reality of the basic unity of India. He used to accept that despite the diversities, unity is found in the entire history of India. He was also inspired by the notion of cultural pluralism and syncretism. He was influenced by the syncretic universalism propounded by Rabindranath Tagore. He did not sympathize with the religious view of nationalism of Dayanand, Vivekananda, Pal and Aurobindo. Nehru believed that nationalism had an emotional side. Although he was skeptical, but being highly emotional and sensitive, he was greatly influenced by the romantic ideal of Bharatmata. For him, nationalism is actually a form of self-expansion. He wrote, Nationalism is essentially a collective memory of past achievements, traditions and experiences; And nationalism was never as powerful as it is today. Whenever there has been a crisis, there has been a rise of nationalist sentiment, and people have tried to get strength and consolation from their traditions. The rediscovery of the past and the nation is an astonishing progress of the present era. But nationalism also has tangible social, political and economic benefits.
Abstract in Hindi Language:
नेहरू एक महान राष्ट्रवादी थे, किन्तु उन्होंने राष्ट्रवाद का कोई नया सिद्धान्त प्रतिपादित नहीं किया था। उनके लेख ’भारत की एकता’ से प्रकट होता है कि वे भारत की आधारभूत एकता की वास्तविकता में विश्वास करते थे। वे स्वीकार करते थे कि विविधताओं के बावजूद भारत के सम्पूर्ण इतिहास में एकता देखने को मिलती है। उन्हें सांस्कृतिक बहुलवाद तथा समन्वय की धारणा से भी प्रेरणा मिली थी। उन पर रवीन्द्रनाथ टैगोर द्वारा प्रतिपादित समन्वयात्मक सार्वभौमवाद का प्रभाव पड़ा था। उन्हें दयानन्द, विवेकानन्द, पाल और अरविन्द के राष्ट्रवाद सम्बन्धी धार्मिक दृष्टिकोण से सहानुभूति नहीं थी। नेहरू यह मानते थे कि राष्ट्रवाद के भावनात्मक पक्ष होते हैं। यद्यपि वे संशयवादी थे, किन्तु अत्यधिक भावुक और संवेदनशील होने के नाते उन्हें भारतमाता के रोमांसपूर्ण आदर्श ने अत्यधिक प्रभावित किया था। उनके लिए राष्ट्रवाद वास्तव में आत्म-विस्तार का ही एक रूप है। उन्होंने लिखा है, राष्ट्रवाद तत्वतः अतीत की उपलब्धियों, परम्पराओं और अनुभवों की सामूहिक स्मृति है; और राष्ट्रवाद जितना शक्तिशाली आज है उतना कभी नहीं था। जब कभी संकट आया है तभी राष्ट्रवादी भावना का उत्थान हुआ है, और लोगों ने अपनी परम्पराओं से शक्ति तथा सान्त्वना प्राप्त करने का प्रयत्न किया है। अतीत और राष्ट्र का पुर्नन्वेक्षण वर्तमान युग की एक आश्चर्यजनक प्रगति है। किन्तु राष्ट्रवाद से ठोस सामाजिक, राजनीतिक तथा आर्थिक लाभ भी होते हैं।
Keywords: नेहरू, राष्ट्रवाद, माक्र्सवाद, साम्यवाद, अन्र्तराष्ट्रवाद।
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Heydemans, Nency Aprilia, and Fienny Maria Langi. "KONTRIBUSI MR. ALEXANDER ANDRIES MARAMIS BAGI NEGARA KESATUAN REPUBLIK INDONESIA." Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Suara Khatulistiwa 5, no. 1 (July 1, 2020): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.33701/jipsk.v5i1.984.
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Abstract The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI) has distinctive cross-ethnic, religious and cultural characteristics that govern sovereignty of people's lives. The founders of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia represented the whole of the Indonesian people governing common life based on Pancasila as the philosophical and ideological basis of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia. Indonesia is a large country that has a history and historical figures. One historical figure is Mr. Alexander Andries Maramis (Mr. A. A. Maramis) who contributed to the independence of Indonesia and helped to form the basis of the State. The purpose of this study is (1) to know the life history and contribution of Mr. A. A. Maramis for the Republic of Indonesia. (2) Changes that occur after the contribution of Mr. A. A. Maramis for the Republic of Indonesia. This research uses the historical method with a descriptive approach through data analysis techniques, interviews, documentation and literature study. This paper is about to reveal that Mr. A. A. Maramis has an identity as a native of Minahasa (North Sulawesi) fighting for the independence of the Indonesian Nation both nationally and internationally. This is seen in nationalist identities and attitudes as markers of his struggle and for later generations. This article concludes that the next generation needs to build a collective memory of Mr. A. A. Maramis as a national hero who contributes to the value of humanity and nationalism.
Keywords : A. A. Maramis, contribution, NKRI, nationalism, identity.
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Machado, Andressa Da Silva. "Desventuras do Pós-independência em Moçambique: nacionalismo, guerra civil e memória coletiva." Revista Discente Ofícios de Clio 5, no. 9 (January 8, 2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15210/clio.v5i9.19540.
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O presente artigo apresenta as principais contradições do projeto político nacional da Frelimo, em sua tentativa de construção de uma consciência nacional no pós-independência em Moçambique. É possível identificar alguns aspectos que interagiam e moldaram a memória coletiva do povo moçambicano com relação à guerra civil, como no romance Ventos do Apocalipse de Paulina Chiziane, onde a autora enuncia, de forma crítica ao governo socialista e unipartidarista em Moçambique, uma narrativa literária que pode ser analisada como fonte histórica.Palavras-chaves: Moçambique. Nacionalismo. Guerra civil. Literatura.Abstract This paper presents the main contradictions of Frelimo's national political project, in its attempt to build a national consciousness post-independence in Mozambique. It is possible to identify some aspects that interacted and shaped the collective memory of the Mozambican people in relation to the civil war, as in the novel Ventos do Apocalipse by Paulina Chiziane, where the author critically enunciates the socialist and unipartisan government in Mozambique, a literary narrative that can be analyzed as a historical source. Keywords: Mozambique; Nationalism; Civil war; Literature; History of Africa
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Üngür, Erdem. "Edirnekapı Martyrs’ Cemetery: Towards a Therapeutic Forgetting." DIYÂR 1, no. 2 (2020): 310–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2625-9842-2020-2-310.
Full textAbstract:
Edirnekapı Martyrs’ Cemetery (Edirnekapı Şehitliği, 1926), which is located in one of the oldest and largest cemeteries of Istanbul, contains the graves of mainly Muslim soldiers who died during the Balkan War and WWI, especially those wounded in the Çanakkale War (Gallipoli Campaign), which is considered the forerunner of the Turkish War of Independence (Kurtuluş Savaşı, 1919-1923) and one of the influential founding myths of the Turkish Republic. The soldiers who have lost their lives in the war against the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) since the end of the 1980s are also buried here, creating a continuum of historical enemies. In addition, civilians killed during the 15 July coup attempt in 2016 are buried in a separate section next to the Edirnekapı Cemetery, adding another internal enemy - the Gülen Movement - to the official history. The physical correspondence of this mnemonical expansion is also visible in the expansion of the cemetery area, which has been gradually transformed into a public transportation hub since 2008. This article examines how the cemetery reproduces the myth of martyrdom and shapes the social frameworks of memory in favour of nationalism on the D-100 highway. The intersectionality of collective memory and urban infrastructure is analysed through the history and spatial formation of the cemetery, as a part of the greater mnemonic constellation on the D-100 highway.
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Sutton, David. "Continuities: Essentialist or Sensory?" Archaeological Dialogues 6, no. 2 (December 1999): 142–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203800001495.
Full textAbstract:
Hamilakis and Yalouri make an important contribution to the recent growth in studies of Greek nationalism, which is part of a more general trend in history, anthropology and related disciplines to analyse nationalism as a cultural phenomenon, and the politics of ‘invented traditions’. By focusing on the sacralisation of archaeological remains, they add an important piece to the general picture of the uses of the past in modern Greece. While doing this they make their argument relevant to those authors looking at the power of objects and material remains to serve as sites for memory and historical consciousness, objects and/or rituals whose function is to ‘recall the past without enumerating it’ (Rappaport 1994: 76). In particular, archaeological remains resemble those ‘inalienable possessions’ which because of their power to symbolise continuity with ancestors, are withdrawn from the circuits of gift and commodity exchange (Weiner 1992). Objects from the past, much as we may attempt to preserve them behind glass cases in museums, have a ‘social life’ and are deployed in struggles for power and ideological legitimacy in the present. Given the sacred or ‘religious’ character that archaeological remains play in the Greek national narrative, Hamilakis and Yalouri sensibly argue that archaeologists, like historians and other scholars, must see their work as necessarily political. We cannot escape into objectivity; studies of the past are always in some way also reflections of the values of the present and the future. The authors rightly point to the hegemonic status of the ancient past in contemporary Greece. As I discovered during my research into historical consciousness on the island of Kalymnos, Kalymnians of radically different religious and political persuasions were united in the view that History should be read for what it revealed about the continuity in character of peoples and nations. Like archaeology, the narrative of Greek nationalism dominated written history on Kalymnos. Popular memories which conflicted with this narrative — for example, of women-led collective action — could still be found, but had none of the social capital to compete with ‘official history’, as written by an educated elite (see Doumanis 1997; Sutton 1998; 1999).
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Diallo, Souleymane. "The Dynamic Dialectic and the Eclectic Plaintive Rhythm in Bembeya Jazz’s, Black Beats Music." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 4, no. 2 (February 27, 2021): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2021.4.2.7.
Full textAbstract:
The foremost line of the post-independent music evolves especially, from a simple to a more compound whole within the understanding of convention of representation and the association of experience become structural materials. Thereby, the basic component of conventional imagery, and the colonialist dynamic straightforward influences frame a new idiosyncratic type that evaluates the establishment of realty, memory and symbol. Correspondingly, through the foundation of intellectual and artistic image, the commensurate imagination of the musical nationalism schedule moves afar unconscious and insensate sensitivity. Indeed, the cultural and artistic body of the Bembeya Jazz and the Black Beats Band deconstruct the colonialist conventional perception of productivity; then, through extensive collective relation with their time and space, their nationalistic music exhibits boundaries of cross-examination regarding the realm of recombination, reconciliation and re-appropriation. Within the respect of material imagination and objective reality, verbal text, and contemporary Western musical instruments become the developing artistic cosmos within a new social and linguistic narrative is structured. Hence, the commitment of this article stands as a diagnostic process within we try to grasp the rapport of the indigenous value of imagination and the transcontinental stylistic effects inside the historio-context of redefining the self, sociolinguistic reflectivity, and perceptive sensibility in post-independent era.
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Mier-Cruz, Benjamin. "Brown Eyed Boy: Narrating Internalized Oppression and Misogynoir in Jonas Hassen Khemiri’s Everything I Don’t Remember." Konturen 11 (2020): 128–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/konturen.11.0.4826.
Full textAbstract:
The rise of anti-immigrant sentiment and right-wing extremism in Sweden in the wake of growing migration has affected Sweden’s global reputation as a model progressive welfare state that prioritizes human rights and generously extends citizenship, welfare, and labor rights to migrants and asylum seekers. In Jonas Hassen Khemiri’s Allt jag inte minns [Everything I Don’t Remember] (2015), xenophobia, Islamophobia, and racialized heteronormativity appear in the unlikely form of Vandad, a hypermasculine Muslim immigrant who has secretly fallen in love with another Swedish Arab man. This study involves a narratological analysis of how internalized racism inspires the novel’s narrator of color to produce figurative narrative acts of internal colonialism—that is, violent narrative acts, made possible by the effects of racism, against other non-white characters in the story. The essay additionally explores how the objectification of non-white women’s bodies and acts of misogynoir, the anti-Black misogyny that Black women experience, by queer men of color in the text operate as secondhand technologies of oppression manufactured by the political discourse of the extreme right. The essay concludes with a critique of the far right’s exploitation of collective cultural memory to mass-produce white nationalism in the guise of tradition and the implications this has for non-white Swedes and migrants in Sweden.
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Wasino, Wasino. "Maritime Content in Indonesian History Education: The Development and Alternative Solution." Journal of Maritime Studies and National Integration 1, no. 2 (December 21, 2017): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/jmsni.v1i2.1997.
Full textAbstract:
For a long time ago, Indonesia was identified as maritime country. The collective memory remembered from several islands in Indonesia shows that Indonesia is a large maritime space. The original name of the country was Nusantara, (called archipelago in English). From historical data in some location, there are some evidences about the glorious of the maritime kingdom in the continent. However, maritime perspective is not to be ‘important issue” in the mind of Indonesian people nowadays. History education makes an important rule at the moment. Indonesian independence needs history education based on political perspective, especially to enhance nationalism. The orientation is continued until the New Order, and it is especially focused on the rule of Indonesia military. Reformation since 1998 should make democratization in Indonesian history teaching, but the reality, the tradition of writer in history education, was still stagnant. The content of maritime history in Indonesian History Education still become a big problem. This paper aims to analyze the development of the maritime content in Indonesian History education at school and to give the new alternative in teaching history based on maritime content. The alternative curriculum based on local competitiveness in maritime history related with regional and global region, is the best solution for it.
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Anikin, Daniil A. "The Spiritual Meaning of War and the Metamorphosis of Collective Responsibility in the Socio-philosophical Concept of I.A. Ilyin." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 2 (2021): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2021-2-137-143.
Full textAbstract:
The article reveals the problem of collective responsibility in the works of the Russian philosopher I.A. Ilyin, shows the dynamics of the development of his ideas from early work to articles of the emigrant period. Responsibility is considered by I.A. Ilyin as a key concept that ensures the interconnection of the past and the future, which is especially acute in a situation of war. The First World War was supposed to be a source of spiritual uplift for the Russian people, but the ensuing revolution led to the emergence of a new socio-historical situation. According to I.A. Ilyin, traditional patriotism is replaced by its new form, in which responsibility for preserving Russian society forces neutrality in the armed confrontation between communist Russia and Nazi Germany. A key element of such a choice is moral justification, which forces us to abandon the idea of overthrowing the regime at the cost of the life of the people, but, at the same time, does not allow us to side with this regime. I.A. Ilyin notes the key mistakes of Nazi ideology that do not allow us to make a choice in its favor: sectarianism, right-wing totalitarianism, party monopoly, nationalism, nationalization of the economy, idolatrous Caesarism. As a result, the Russian thinker considers authoritarian regimes based on traditional social institutions and preserving the primacy of morality over rationality to be the most optimal form of political structure. The article justifies that the ideas of I.A. Ilyin demonstrate the complexity and ambiguity of understanding patriotism in the context of the transformation of collective subjects of responsibility, when there is an inconsistency between the images of historical memory and the real configuration of the political and social space.
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Nur, Achmad Nur. "Propaganda Dakwah Beraroma Khilafah." Al-Mada: Jurnal Agama, Sosial, dan Budaya 2, no. 1 (February 14, 2019): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31538/almada.v2i1.222.
Full textAbstract:
This paper discusses the ideology of Indonesian hizbuttahrir as a transnational Islamic group founded by Taqiyuddin An Nabhani in Jordan who sought to form a Khilafah Islamiyah government in Indonesia. After conducting an in-depth study, there were several findings that led to a spirit of ideology developing rapidly and even coloring the republic. First, there are three stages of propaganda propaganda method consisting of Tatsqif (introduction), Tafa'ul (formation of awareness and general opinion about khilafah), istilamul hukmi (revolutionary movement by building the daulah Islam with the khilafah system). Second, when Islam was made an ideology by HTI indirectly Islam as a message of divinity had entered the ideological realm which contained interests and power. Through this region that Islam is no longer present, but an understanding of Islam, which coloring it. It was at this time that the emotions and fantasies of the religious collective were built even into an undeniable force. When hearing the word HTI, what is reflected in his memory is Islam and that makes no sense. Thus, without any burden and full of public trust, he said that he did not defend HTI but instead defended Islam. One way to get out and survive from propaganda, this paper provides anticipatory offers based on the nationalism of the archipelago king, including social sensitivity, economic independence, as well as culture, justice and peace, togetherness and involvement of intellectuals, government, religious leaders, and communities to exercise control country.