Relevant bibliographies by topics / National Unitarian Convention (1865)

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'National Unitarian Convention (1865)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 29 July 2024
Last updated: 31 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "National Unitarian Convention (1865)"

1

Willsky-Ciollo, Lydia. "Henry Whitney Bellows and “A New Catholic Church”." Church History and Religious Culture 98, no. 2 (July 12, 2018): 265–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09801001.

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Abstract This article examines the evolution of Bellow’s proposal for a newly reformed Unitarian “catholic” church during the 1850s and 1860s. For Bellows in particular, political, cultural, and ecclesiastical matters collided in his efforts to transform a diffuse set of liberal Christian churches in fellowship into a denomination of national, even global, caliber. The creation of this “new catholic church” would, in turn, help to heal an ailing nation. There are two questions driving this narrative. First, how did Bellows arrive at the conclusion that Unitarianism was the future of Christendom, the more “Protestant-Protestantism,” or even more boldly, the “more Catholic-Catholicism?” Secondly, how did Bellows arrive at the conclusion that uniting Christendom under a “catholic” Unitarian banner could unite a fractured country? During the early 1860s, the language of nationalism and catholicity merged in Bellows’ organization of the National Convention.
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2

Hattam, Victoria. "Economic Visions and Political Strategies: American Labor and the State,1865–1896." Studies in American Political Development 4 (1990): 82–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000900.

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After the Civil War, a new wave of workers' protest swept the country as trade lunions, third parties, eight-hour leagues, and a host of other reform associations sprang up in many cities and towns. For the three decades following the war, no one organization was hegemonic. Instead, there was a proliferation of associations, often advocating quite different programs of labor reform. Accounts of the more prominent organizations such as the Knights of Labor (KOL,) Populists, and American Federation of Labor (AFL) are well known. These institutions, however, represented only the tip of the iceberg and were surrounded by more obscure associations such as the Workingmen's Union, the Workingmen's Assembly, the Workingmen's Convention, the Union Labor party, and the United Labor party, to name only a few. Several attempts were made to unite these disparate associations into a single front, but the efforts were largely unsuccessful and often had difficulty surviving for more than a year. The Junior Sons of '76, the National Labor Union, and the United Labor party each disbanded as participants failed to agree on a common platform of postwar reform.
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3

6, Perri, and Eva Heims. "Why do states in conflict with each other also sustain resilient cooperation in international regulation? Britain and telegraphy, 1860s–1914." European Journal of International Relations 27, no. 3 (March 23, 2021): 682–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066121997993.

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This article compares the explanatory power of five mainstream theories from International Relations, political science and public management in understanding why – when they are engaged in deepening conflict and tension and even preparations for wars – states might simultaneously sustain deepening cooperation in global regulatory bodies. Analysis of explanatory power focuses on trade-offs among five key methodological virtues, and on buffering as an indicator of state unitariness. The theories are examined against the crucial case of one state’s commitment to the first international regulatory regime, the International Telegraph Union (ITU) and the Submarine Cable Convention (SCC) of 1884, from the founding of the ITU in 1865 to the outbreak of the Great War. In this article, we use UK National Archives files to reconstruct Britain’s decisions in telegraphy policy as our case of a state’s decision-making. We focus on four key clusters of decisions, spanning three sub-periods. The study finds each of the theories can descriptively capture some developments in some sub-periods, but not for the reasons identified in the theory and without generality of application. It therefore provides the basis for future theoretical development work and demonstrates the value of theory comparison by analysis of trade-offs among methodological virtues.
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4

Gaughan, Anthony J. "The Dynamics of Democratic Breakdown: A Case Study of the American Civil War." British Journal of American Legal Studies, April 4, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2022-0002.

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Abstract The 2020 election raised fundamental questions about the future of American democracy. Although the Democratic presidential nominee Joseph Biden won a decisive victory in the Electoral College and the popular vote, President Donald Trump refused to accept defeat. For weeks after the election, Trump falsely claimed that Democrats had stolen the election. In an unprecedented step for a defeated incumbent president, he pressured Republican election officials and legislators to help him overturn the election results. Trump’s attacks on American democracy culminated on January 6, 2021, when a pro-Trump mob invaded the United States Capitol Building to disrupt the Electoral Vote Count. In the aftermath of the 2020 election controversy, national polls found that over 90% of Americans believe that American democracy is in danger. Since the election, experts on both ends of the political spectrum have warned of the possibility of a full-fledged democratic breakdown in the United States. This article places America’s political crisis in historical context by examining the only democratic breakdown in the nation’s history: the Civil War. Following Abraham Lincoln’s victory in the 1860 election, eleven southern states seceded from the Union. The conflict that ensued cost over half a million lives and left one-half of the United States in physical and economic ruin. This article makes three main points. First, a dispute over election rules did not cause the Civil War. Instead, the war resulted when the dominant political class in the South—slaveholders—rejected the principle of majority rule. American history thus demonstrates that even in the case of an election of unquestionable integrity, a disgruntled extremist minority might still break the country apart. Second, the slaveholders feared that if they put the issue of secession to a popular referendum, the non-slaveholding majorities in southern states might vote against it. To achieve their goal of destroying the Union, therefore, slaveholders dictated special rules for the secession votes in their states. After Lincoln’s election, southern state legislatures delegated the issue of secession to state conventions. Across the South, slaveholders manipulated the convention election rules to ensure the result they wanted: break-up of the federal union. Third, and finally, northerners viewed the war as a battle for the survival of democracy itself. They recognized that no democratically held election would ever be binding if losers could simply break free and form their own government. Northerners thus rallied around the Lincoln administration and supported the Union war effort through four bloody years of battle. The Union’s victory vindicated democracy as a form of government. The Confederacy’s crushing defeat in 1865 demonstrated that democracies could successfully navigate even the most extreme forms of civil disorder. Most important of all, the Civil War era gave rise to a dramatic expansion in the inclusiveness of American democracy. Ironically, therefore, the United States government emerged stronger in 1865 than it had been when the war began in 1861.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National Unitarian Convention (1865)"

1

Zachary, Lauren E. "Henry S. Lane and the birth of the Indiana Republican Party, 1854-1861." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4668.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Although the main emphasis of this study is Lane and his part in the Republican Party, another important part to this thesis is the examination of Indiana and national politics in the 1850s. This thesis studies the development of the Hoosier Republican Party and the obstacles the young organization experienced as it transformed into a major political party. Party leaders generally focused on states like New York and Pennsylvania in national elections but Indiana became increasingly significant leading up to the 1860 election. Though Hoosier names like George Julian and Schuyler Colfax might be more recognizable nationally for their role in the Republican Party, this thesis argues that Lane played a guiding role in the development of the new third party in Indiana. Through the study of primary sources, it is clear that Hoosiers turned to Lane to lead the organization of the Republican Party and to lead it to its success in elections. Historians have long acknowledged Lane’s involvement in the 1860 Republican National Convention but fail to fully realize his significance in Indiana throughout the 1850s. This thesis argues that Lane was a vital leader in Hoosier politics and helped transform the Republican Party in Indiana from a grassroots movement into a powerful political party by 1860.
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Books on the topic "National Unitarian Convention (1865)"

1

Daughters, of Union Veterans of the Civil War 1861-1865 National Convention. Journal of the One-Hundred Fourteenth National Convention of the Daughters of Union Veterans of the Civil War, 1861-1865. Fort Wayne, Ind: Daughters of Union Verterans of the Civil War, 1861-1865, 2004.

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Daughters, of Union Veterans of the Civil War 1861-1865 National Convention. Journal of the One Hundred Eighth National Convention of the Daughters of Union Veterans of the Civil War, 1861-1865, Canton, Ohio, August 13-17, 1998. [Springfield, Ill.]: The Daughters, 1998.

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Daughters of Union Veterans of the Civil War, 1861-1865. National Convention. Journal of the One-Hundred Twelfth National Convention of the Daughters of Union Veterans of the Civil War, 1861-1865, Springfield, Missouri, August 8-12, 2002. [Springfield, Ill.]: Daughters of Union Veterans of the Civil War, 2002.

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Daughters, of Union Veterans of the Civil War 1861-1865 National Convention. Journal of the One-Hundred Fourteenth National Convention of the Daughters of Union Veterans of the Civil War, 1861-1865, Fort Wayne, Indiana, August 5-9, 2004. [Springfield, Ill.]: Daughters of Union Veterans of the Civil War, 2004.

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Daughters of Union Veterans of the Civil War, 1861-1865. National Convention. Journal of the One Hundred and Second National Convention of the Daughters of Union Veterans of the Civil War, 1861-1865, Inc., Des Moines, Iowa, August 6-10, 1992. [Springfield, Ill.]: The Daughters, 1992.

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6

Goodwin, Doris Kearns. Team of Rivals: The political genius of Abraham Lincoln. New York, USA: Simon & Schuster, 2005.

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7

Mudge, A. Report of the Convention of Unitarian Churches Held in New York, on the 5Th and 6Th of April, 1865, and of the Organization of the National Conference: With the Sermon Preached on That Occasion and a Register of the Churches. HardPress, 2020.

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8

Redeeming the South: Religious cultures and racial identities among Southern Baptists, 1865-1925. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997.

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9

Passion and preferences: William Jennings Bryan and the 1896 Democratic National Convention. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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10

Harvey, Paul. Redeeming the South: Religious Cultures and Racial Identities among Southern Baptists, 1865-1925. University of North Carolina Press, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "National Unitarian Convention (1865)"

1

Campbell, Randolph. "The Civil War, 1861–1865." In Gone To Texas, 239–67. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195138429.003.0010.

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Abstract Southern Democrats, including most Texas politicians, entered the presidential campaign of 1860 in a “rule or ruin” mood. Either their party’s convention would write a platform guaranteeing protection of slavery in all the territories of the United States, or they would walk out and prevent the nomination of a candidate. And they proved true to their word. When the convention, which assembled in Charleston, South Carolina, in April 1860, re- fused to include the plank protecting slavery, delegates from seven Deep South states walked out, breaking up the meeting. The Texas delegation un- der the leadership of former governor Runnels, Guy M. Bryan (a nephew of Stephen F. Austin), and Francis R. Lubbock joined in the withdrawal. Eventually, after another failed national convention in Baltimore, Texas delegates participated in a meeting in Richmond, Virginia, that nominated John C. Breckinridge of Kentucky and wrote the platform desired by southerners. The remnant of the Democratic Party (primarily northerners, of course) nominated Stephen A. Douglas and endorsed his version of popular sovereignty, which by that time was unacceptable to ultra-southerners.
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