Journal articles on the topic 'National South China Sea'
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1
Farida, Qurotul ‘Aini Septi. "The Conflict of South China Sea and Impact on Indonesia’s National Interest." International Journal of Social Science And Human Research 05, no. 08 (August 26, 2022): 3670–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.47191/ijsshr/v5-i8-45.
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The South China Sea is a strategic water area and abundant in natural resources. China's historical claims and activities in the South China Sea have given rise to territorial disputes between China and countries around the South China Sea. Disputes over the territorial waters of the South China Sea are a challenge for regional stability, including Indonesia. This dispute poses a threat to the defense of the sovereignty of the Indonesian state because the contested location is near the Indonesian border, namely the territorial waters of the Natuna Islands. This paper uses a normative juridical approach which uses secondary data with descriptive analytical and qualitative research specifications. The results of this study concluded that the cause of conflict in the waters of the South China Sea is because each country has its interests to be realized to benefit from the conflict that occurs and for Indonesia as a mediating country it can continue to be maintained throughout the conflict in the waters of the South China Sea relating to the archipelago, security, and guaranteeing the freedom of international shipping and most importantly the national interest of Indonesia is not harmed, especially in protecting the country's sovereign territory, namely the territorial waters of the Natuna Islands.
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Banh, Tuan Quoc. "Proposing an Air Defense Identification Zone on the South China Sea for Vietnam and ASEAN countries." Science & Technology Development Journal - Economics - Law and Management 1, Q3 (December 31, 2017): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjelm.v1iq3.456.
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The unilateral establishment of the Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) on the East China Sea along with a variety of unilateral moves to confirm its illegitimate sovereignty on the South China. Indicating that China is preparing necessary conditions to establish an ADIZ on the South China Sea. As a country with interests associated with the South China Sea in the region, Vietnam should be proactive in all possible future situations. As a result, Vietnam should conduct research and prepare conditions to establish an ADIZ on the South China Sea so as to protect national sovereignty on the South China Sea prior to the unilateral imposition by China.
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Zulkifli, Noraini Bt, and Vivian Louise Forbes. "Japan and the South China Sea." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.5.1.61-83.2016.
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This article examines and analyses Japan’s current interest in theSouth China Sea, by first alluding to the historical context of that country’s involvement from the mid-1930s to the end of the Pacific War, 1945. It then outlines Japan’s energy security needs and that country’s national policy relating to securing safety for its flagged ships and those vessels assisting in promoting Japan’s export and import and the diplomatic role that Japan plays towards regional stability. Japan in their Diplomatic Bluebook stated that the priority for Japan is to guarantee the securityandprosperity of the countryand its people. Here,it is clear thatthe Japanese Government will trytodo everything togive the besttoensure their survival. Japan’s interest in South China Sea is because it is deemed critical for the Japanese security.Keywords: Japan, Energy, Maritime Security, Military, South China Sea
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Qiu, Jane. "South China Sea: the gateway to China's deep-sea ambitions." National Science Review 4, no. 4 (July 1, 2017): 658–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nsr/nwx107.
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Abstract For most parts of its history, China has largely turned its back on ocean exploration. Even after it started oceanographic research in the 1950s, the focus was mostly on coastal and offshore waters. But this changed a decade ago when the country began to invest heavily on deep-sea research—resulting in the launch in 2011 of its first multi-disciplinary deep-sea research programme called the South China Sea (SCS)-Deep to probe the mystery of this marginal sea. Covering an area of 3.5 million square kilometres and with a maximum depth of 5500 metres, SCS occupies a scientifically interesting position between the world's highest mountains, the Himalayas, and the deepest point on Earth, the Mariana Trench in the western Pacific Ocean. In a forum organized by National Science Review at the Annual Conference of the South China Sea-Deep Programme held in January in Shanghai, a panel of scientists explained what China's deep-sea ambitions are, why SCS is a fantastic natural laboratory, the importance of international collaboration, what China needs to do to develop cutting-edge marine technologies and how SCS could be an ideal platform for regional cooperation. Nianzhi Jiao an ecologist at Xiamen University, Xiamen, China Dongxiao Wang a physical oceanographer at South China Sea Institute of Oceanology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Guangzhou, China Jian Lin a marine geophysicist at Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, Woods Hole, Massachusetts, USA, and South China Sea Institute of Oceanology, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Guangzhou, China Pinxian Wang a paleoceanographer at Tongji University, Shanghai, China Jiwei Tian a physical oceanographer at Ocean University of China, Qingdao, China Aiqun Zhang chief engineer at the Institute of Deep Sea Science and Engineering, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Sanya, China
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Ha Trang, Nguyen. "The South China Sea issue in U.S. - Vietnam relations under President B. Obama." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 3, no. 3 (February 28, 2020): 152–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v3i3.525.
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The South China Sea is one of the most important trade pathways in the world. Its strategic economic importance and its geographic location at the confluence of several spheres of influence have rendered it one of the “world’s hotspots”. The South China Sea issue began as a territorial dispute over the sovereignty of the islands and sea territory involving China, five ASEAN countries including Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia, and Taiwan. While the South China Sea has been the subject of disputes of sovereignty for some time, the conflict began to intensify when China established its nine-dash line in 2012 outlining its territorial claims in the body of water. China’s aggressive stance has prompted reactions from ASEAN countries as well as the US. The South China Sea is an area with relevance to U.S.’s national economic, strategic, security interests, so that increased tension within this area may threaten U.S.'s national interests. Vietnam is also aware that the United States is a superpower that shares concerns about China, as well as its influence in the region can play an important role in balancing power in the South China Sea Conflict. U.S presence help to contain China's aggressive actions, and multilateralization or internationalization of the South China Sea issues is also a contributing factor to control conflict. Therefore, the dispute in the South China Sea is a factor making a closer relationship between the U.S. and Vietnam. Vietnam and the United States established a Comprehensive Partnership in 2013, under which the two countries will strengthen and expand cooperation. In the future, U.S. - Vietnam cooperation will promote strong development, including sensitive fields, because of based on common strategic interests, including "sensitive" fields such as security and defense.
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Uras, Alessandro. "The South China Sea and the Building of a National Maritime Culture." Asian Survey 57, no. 6 (November 2017): 1008–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.6.1008.
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This article investigates the nationalistic rhetoric disseminated by the Chinese political elite regarding the South China Sea, exploring how this political discourse contributed to building a collective consciousness of the sea among Chinese citizens and to creating a new maritime province.
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Pitra, Haetami. "CHINA COERCIVE DIPLOMACY THROUGH SOUTH CHINA SEA CONFLICT AND BELT & ROAD INITIATIVES." Jurnal Pertahanan 5, no. 2 (August 2, 2019): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33172/jp.v5i2.522.
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<p>This paper studies Chinese coercive diplomacy by first analyzing the South China Sea (SCS) issue from the perspective of China national interest which has Belt & Road Initiatives (BRI) political agenda (formerly known as OBOR). Through BRI, China will be a counterweight to the world economic power in countering US hegemony. This paper aims to describe the coercive form of China diplomacy which has been implemented through both phenomena and to analyze China coercive diplomacy using theory and relevant concept. To achieve those goals, this paper employs qualitative research method as well as national interest and neorealism theory. The findings of this paper suggest that, in reflection of China-Sri Lanka bilateral experience, BRI is one of debt-track diplomacy of China commodities in maintaining energy and economy security. This paper is expected to be one of the studies about South China Sea which can see BRI more in the opportunities it brings</p>
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Wilson, Kimberly L. "Party Politics and National Identity in Taiwan’s South China Sea Claims." Asian Survey 57, no. 2 (March 2017): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.2.271.
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How do states determine which geographical areas will be included in their territorial and maritime claims? This article uses an in-depth case study of Taiwan’s South China Sea claim to argue that national identity, as played out through party politics, is a dominant factor shaping Taiwan’s territorial and maritime claims.
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Wijaya, Albert Agung, Priyanto Priyanto, and Muhammad Hadianto. "Indonesian foreign policy and its response to South China Sea affairs for regional stability." Strategi Perang Semesta 8, no. 1 (July 31, 2022): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.56555/sps.v8i1.1190.
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This research explains the relationship between Indonesian foreign policy and taking the case studies of conflicts in the South China Sea. Today the dispute between the two major countries, such as America and China, is increasingly heating up in the South China Sea discourse, coupled with the increasing dynamics of the strategic environment that directly impact Indonesia's foreign policy and politics. The research method used in this research is a qualitative research method, supported by literature studies. In international politics, Indonesia has determined its position as a country that adheres to the principle of active free foreign policy, which in terms of foreign policy, Indonesia will not be influenced by the hands of other countries. This paper shows that Indonesia's defense policies and strategies in anticipation of the South China Sea conflict have not been properly announced. It was found that defense policy and strategy have not been in line with the foreign policy that pays special attention to the dynamics of the Southeast Asian region, including in the South China Sea. In addition, the latest defense policies and strategies have not paid attention to the dynamics of the South China Sea conflict. Indonesia's defense policy and strategy still consider that the conflation in the South China Sea can be resolved through soft power and does not anticipate the use of hard power that will have implications for Indonesia's national interests.
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Wijaya, Lupita. "Frenemy in Media: Maritime Sovereignty and Propaganda on South China Sea." IKAT : The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (January 17, 2018): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ikat.v1i2.32358.
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When Indonesia struggles to fight illegal fishing in 2016, Indonesian Navy has caught several Chinese fishing boats in its 200-mile exclusive economic zone (EEZ) off the Natuna Island. Although, many have trespassed Indonesia’s EEZ, conducted illegal fishing and been scuttled, China is the only country that backs up their fishermen with military forces. After Indonesia officially sent diplomatic protest note over the incident, China replied that the seizing had no official grounded as the area was actually claimed as traditional fishing ground by China. This position may leave Indonesia in frenemy position with China. Regional conflict such as South China Sea has been diligently highlighted in international coverage. If it’s about involvement of home country conflict, the concept of objectivity journalism has been under questioned. This embodied-concept has raised because of broad range of contextualization in international coverage. Interdependency between media systems and political systems interprets how propaganda influences on the media within the national interest frames of ideology, particularly when the global issue involving their home countries. There are nine propaganda techniques including name calling, glittering generalities, transfer, testimonial, plain folks, card stacking, bandwagon, frustration of scapegoat and fear. Applying comparative content analysis of Indonesian and Chinese state-run wire services of ANTARA and Xinhua, and three most popular news websites: China Daily, People’s Daily and Kompas this study identifies types of national interest frames including common, conflict, and threat interest frames. It is found out that media perform propaganda techniques which later depict the frenemy position according to their national interest frames.
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Manhas, Neeraj Singh. "India, China, and the South China Sea: Presence, Implications, and Possibilities." Electronic Journal of Social and Strategic Studies 03, no. 02 (2022): 217–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.47362/ejsss.2022.3206.
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The Chinese presence in the South China Sea has been a long-standing issue involving many countries, particularly India. China is spreading its print to Southeast Asian countries, particularly Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, Taiwan, Brunei, Philippines, and is now reaching out to the Solomon Islands in the Pacific. China has also conducted military surveillance in these areas and erected communications and logistics structures like ports, military stations, and airfields. These developments are a matter of concern for countries even outside the SCS littoral. India's trading interests with Japan, South Korea, Southeast Asian countries, and across the Pacific account for over 55 percent of its trade passing via SCS. China's expanding militarization, therefore, poses a substantial threat of interruption to India, particularly when relations deteriorate. In the light of these factors, this paper attempts to evaluate: a) what does Chinese presence in the South China Sea mean? b) what are the implications for India? c) How has India responded to these implicit challenges, and (d) What are the options for India to protect its national interests and trade in this scenario? Considering that geopolitical challenges need revamping of policy frameworks and institutionalized response, this paper will attempt to outline policy options for India, relying upon primary and secondary sources for its analysis.
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YOU, Ji. "China's Civil-Military Strategies for South China Sea Dispute Control." East Asian Policy 07, no. 02 (April 2015): 78–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000203.
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China has become more assertive on its sovereignty claims. Such a change has long been campaigned by the People's Liberation Army (PLA), illustrating PLA's role in South China Sea (SCS) affairs. Beijing tries to strike a subtle balance between confrontation-aversion and being firm on China's core national interests embodied in its sovereignty claims. Under this civil-military convergence in Beijing's SCS policy, the PLA is supportive of pre-emptive measures within well pre-designed “red lines”.
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Toruan, Gerald Theodorus L. "Indonesia and ASEAN in Facing US-China Rivalry in the South China Sea to Create Regional Security Stability." International Journal of Science and Society 3, no. 2 (April 28, 2021): 82–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/ijsoc.v3i2.319.
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The South China Sea is a sea that has always attracted the attention of many countries in the world, in this sea there are two major countries in the world competition. The US and China are doing all they can to safeguard their respective national interests in these waters. The US and China are competing and tend to use a lot of military force. This rivalry will slowly threaten the stability of regional security. Indonesia, which has always been trusted by many countries to play an important role in efforts to keep the South China Sea safe from all forms of war, Indonesia, which is also an ASEAN member country, continues to emphasize that ASEAN will not be involved in one of the countries competing in the South China Sea. ASEAN together with Indonesia reminded the US and China to comply with existing international legal rules. This research is a qualitative research with data collection through in-depth interviews. The results of this study show that Indonesia and ASEAN play an important role in maintaining regional security stability. ASEAN cooperates with non-ASEAN countries such as America and China in the political, security, economic, social and cultural fields.
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Keyuan, Zou. "Joint Development in the South China Sea: A New Approach." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 21, no. 1 (2006): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180806776639510.
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AbstractThe political situation in the South China Sea is complicated, as it contains potential for conflict with different national interests, in particular around the Spratly Islands which are currently under multiple territorial and maritime claims. This article argues for a new proposal of joint development, at least as a provisional means, pending the settlement of the territorial and maritime disputes, involving all the parties concerned, based on the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of the Parties in the South China Sea Between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China, so as to pave the way for the sharing of resources between ASEAN members and China on the one hand and to maintain regional peace and security in East Asia on the other.
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Dixon, Jonathan. "East China Sea or South China Sea, they are all China's Seas: comparing nationalism among China's maritime irredentist claims†." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 6 (November 2014): 1053–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.969693.
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Much has been made over the past few years of China'vs ambitions of regaining control of its irredentist claims in the East and South China Seas. While some of this speculation focuses on the massive amounts of money the People's Republic of China (PRC) has funneled into its naval modernization program, other analysts are more interested in the drivers behind the increasingly popular sentiment that the country must “reclaim” its lost territories. The Chinese Communist Party can ill afford to ignore the voice of an already disenchanted population if it hopes to stay in power, particularly in regard to matters of national pride. As a result, in dealing with China's irredentist claims, nationalism in particular can be a powerful ideological factor in shaping the nation's foreign policies. This is especially apparent in the case of irredentism, where nationalism can often override diplomatic and strategic imperatives. This paper addresses the question of how does the nationalist discourse vary between two territorial disputes, the East and South China Seas. It uses discourse analysis to examine developing trends among online social media and news sites. This in turn allows for the construction of a framework of how nationalism develops among both elite and grassroots audiences.
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Hanh, Nguyen Thi My. "The anti-piracy activities of the Nguyen Dynasty in the South China Sea, 1802–1858." International Journal of Maritime History 31, no. 1 (February 2019): 50–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871418824965.
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Following the traditions of the preceding feudal dynasties, efforts were made by the Nguyen Dynasty (Vietnam) to prevent piracy and ensure security and marine safety in the South China Sea during the first half of the nineteenth century. The Nguyen Dynasty directed its energies towards national interests and showed an elevated level of international awareness and responsibility, especially at the beginning of the successful cooperation with Qing Dynasty (China) to resolve this widespread problem. This article examines the attempt of the Nguyen Dynasty to suppress the raiding and looting of pirates in the South China Sea, and its important achievements in this difficult and dangerous work. Addressing this non-traditional security problem also helped confirm the Nguyen Dynasty’s possession of islands within the South China Sea, including the Paracel Islands and the Spratly Islands.
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Tønnesson, Stein. "Vietnam´s Objective in the South China Sea: National or Regional Security?" Contemporary Southeast Asia 22, no. 1 (April 2000): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs22-1h.
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Setyo Pambudi, Kukuh, and Erti Fadhilah Putri. "THE POTENTIAL ROLE OF CUSTOMS IN THE MANAGEMENT OF MARINE SECURITY IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA CONFLICT." Customs Research and Applications Journal 2, no. 2 (December 23, 2020): 141–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31092/craj.v2i2.70.
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This paper aims to provide an insight into the role that Customs can play concerning the possible conflicts in the South China Sea. The South China Sea (SCS) area is one of the places that has recently heated up with many countries fighting over claims. The conflict heats up when the two giant countries, namely China and the United States, take part in the conflict in this region and result in an increasingly heated tension. Indonesia, as one of the countries having interests in the South China Sea, where the Indonesian EEZ region is located, should be vigilant and prepare itself. Therefore, every component of Indonesia's national defence and security forces must be ready to avoid the worst possibility. One of the elements in maintaining sovereignty in the sea area is Customs. So that with the power and authority possessed by Directorate General of Customs and Excise (DGCE), it has the potential to become a reserve power and support Indonesia's maritime security. This paper is a presentation from a literature review process. This paper suggests the potential role of Customs concerning maritime security in the South China Sea region.
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Thayer, Carlyle A. "Chinese Assertiveness in the South China Sea and Southeast Asian Responses." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 2 (June 2011): 77–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000205.
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This article reviews Chinese assertive behaviour towards the Philippines and Vietnam over South China Sea issues in 2011. The article compares and contrasts Chinese diplomatic behaviour in the period before and after the adoption by ASEAN member states and China of Guidelines for the Implementation the Declaration on Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea in July. In the first period China aggressively asserted its claims to sovereignty by interfering with commercial fishing and oil exploration activities of vessels operating in the Exclusive Economic Zones of Vietnam and the Philippines. Both states resisted Chinese actions. The Philippines allocated increased funding for defence modernization, lobbied ASEAN states and shored up its alliance with the United States. Vietnam too protested Chinese action and undertook symbolic steps to defend national sovereignty. In the second period all states moved to contain South China Sea tensions from affecting their larger bilateral relations. It remains to be seen, however, if proposed confidence building measures will ameliorate Chinese assertiveness.
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Yoshimatsu, Hidetaka. "China, Japan and the South China Sea Dispute: Pursuing Strategic Goals Through Economic and Institutional Means." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 4, no. 3 (December 2017): 294–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797017733821.
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This article examines the strategies employed by China and Japan in advancing their national interests in the South China Sea dispute. It argues that both China and Japan have increasingly taken advantage of economic means and formal institutions to pursue political-security goals in relation to maritime disputes in the South China Sea. While China has employed economic means as ‘carrot and stick’ to influence the diplomatic stance of Southeast Asian states, Japan has utilized foreign economic aid for strategic objectives, even revising the basic principles of its development assistance policy. Moreover, China has strengthened institutional ties with ASEAN members by focusing on infrastructure development, whereas Japan has intensified the formation of multilateral institutions by expanding the scope from maritime safety to maritime security targeting China.
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ZHENG, Yongnian, and Liang Fook LYE. "China's Foreign Policy: Balancing its International Responsibility and National Interest." East Asian Policy 08, no. 01 (January 2016): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000052.
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While China is committed to upholding a United Nations (UN)-centred world order and support the implementation of the UN development agenda for the next 15 years, it has ramped up its island building and facilities construction in the South China Sea to assert its national interest. Greater uncertainty can be expected with China operationalising the facilities it has built and the United States bent on conducting freedom of navigation operations to challenge China's claims.
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Djelantik, Sukawarsini. "KEKUATAN NASIONAL TIONGKOK DALAM SENGKETA LAUT TIONGKOK SELATAN." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 2 (August 23, 2021): 292–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v5i2.248.
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The South China Sea (LTS) has a strategic position and rich in natural resources. These waters are claimed by several countries such as China, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei Darussalam, and Taiwan. The overlapping claims have not yet reached a resolution, even though tensions have increased and potentially to become an open conflict. The United States (US) and China have economic, political and strategic interests in winning the competition in the South China Sea. This paper answers the question what is China's position in the dispute in the South China Sea? Has China as a great power succeeded in utilizing its national power to control the waters? China's position is analyzed using the concept of national power consisting of Diplomacy, Information, Military and Economics (DIME), which is commonly used to assess state power. China's strength is compared indirectly with the US, which is the main competitor in the region from a diplomatic, military and economic point of view. From the diplomatic aspect, China controls countries in Southeast Asia which are part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) infrastructure project, whose various projects are funded through the Asian Investment Infrastructure Bank (AIIB). To confirm the claim, China has carried out various constructions of artificial islands in the disputed area, which are equipped with military facilities. From an economic perspective, China's rapid growth in recent decades has made it one of the most respected world powers. These facts indicated that China is a great power that has managed to match the power and influence of the US in the region. In the case of the LTS dispute, it is likely that China will win the competition, influence and support from the disputing countries.
China; South China Sea; diplomacy, information, military, economy
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Garver, John W. "China's Push Through the South China Sea: The Interaction of Bureaucratic and National Interests." China Quarterly 132 (December 1992): 999–1028. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000045513.
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Over the past decade a highly significant development has attracted little scholarly attention: the steady expansion of Chinese power in the South China Sea. There were several excellent studies of this process through the very early 1980s, but these ended well before China's push from the Paracel Islands to the Spratly Islands in 1988. Indeed, they disagreed about whether China would actually do this. By the early 1990s China had pushed into the Spratlys and built up a relatively strong base there. It is thus time to look anew at China's activities in that region.
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Mao, Jiangyu, and Johnny C. L. Chan. "Intraseasonal Variability of the South China Sea Summer Monsoon." Journal of Climate 18, no. 13 (July 1, 2005): 2388–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/jcli3395.1.
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Abstract The objective of this study is to explore, based on the National Centers for Environmental Prediction–National Center for Atmospheric Research (NCEP–NCAR) reanalysis data, the intraseasonal variability of the South China Sea (SCS) summer monsoon (SM) in terms of its structure and propagation, as well as interannual variations. A possible mechanism that is responsible for the origin of the 10–20-day oscillation of the SCS SM is also proposed. The 30–60-day (hereafter the 3/6 mode) and 10–20-day (hereafter the 1/2 mode) oscillations are found to be the two intraseasonal modes that control the behavior of the SCSSM activities for most of the years. Both the 3/6 and 1/2 modes are distinct, but may not always exist simultaneously in a particular year, and their contributions to the overall variations differ among different years. Thus, the interannual variability in the intraseasonal oscillation activity of the SCS SM may be categorized as follows: the 3/6 category, in which the 3/6 mode is more significant (in terms of the percentage of variance explained) than the 1/2 mode; the 1/2 category, in which the 1/2 mode is dominant; and the dual category, in which both the 3/6 and 1/2 modes are pronounced. Composite analyses of the 3/6 category cases indicate that the 30–60-day oscillation of the SCS SM exhibits a trough–ridge seesaw in which the monsoon trough and subtropical ridge exist alternatively over the SCS, with anomalous cyclones (anticyclones), along with enhanced (suppressed) convection, migrating northward from the equator to the midlatitudes. The northward-migrating 3/6-mode monsoon trough–ridge in the lower troposphere is coupled with the eastward-propagating 3/6-mode divergence–convergence in the upper troposphere. It is also found that, for the years in the dual category, the SCS SM activities are basically controlled by the 3/6 mode, but modified by the 1/2 mode. Composite results of the 1/2-mode category cases show that the 10–20-day oscillation is manifest as an anticyclone–cyclone system over the western tropical Pacific, propagating northwestward into the SCS. A close coupling also exists between the upper-level convergence (divergence) and the low-level anticyclone (cyclone). It is found that the 1/2 mode of the SCS SM mainly originates from the equatorial central Pacific, although a disturbance from the northeast of the SCS also contributes to this mode. The flow patterns from an inactive to an active period resemble those associated with a mixed Rossby–gravity wave observed in previous studies.
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Mishin, Igor O. "U.S.’ South China Sea policy: The first steps under presidency of Joe Biden." Asia and Africa Today, no. 12 (2021): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750017800-2.
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The South China Sea conflict is still the «hot - spot» of the Asia-Pacific. In this article special attention is paid to the position of the United States in the South China Sea conflict under the presidency of Joe Biden. US national interests in the South China Sea are shaped by the American desire to maintain its geopolitical dominance in the Asia-Pacific region and prevent the growth of any hostile power. Today, the South China Sea is the world's most important water area, control over which gives an economic and military advantage. In 2020 the United States officially declared the PRC a "country whose actions are aimed at revising the international order" and a "strategic rival". The United States believes that Beijing's policy of creating and militarizing outposts in the SCS allegedly jeopardizes free trade, threatens the sovereignty of other countries, and undermines regional stability. Moreover, the United States blames China for trying to use the pandemic as a way to achieve its goals in the South China Sea. The first steps taken by Joe Biden administration clearly indicate Washington’s continuation of previous American hard line in South China Sea. Despite the change in presidential administrations, the United States continues to actively engage US Navy warships as part of operations to protect freedom of navigation, using them as a tool to contain China. In addition, the new administration is actively building an informal anti-Chinese coalition in the region, using both bilateral ties with allies and multilateral platforms, primarily NATO, Quad and AUKUS.
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Anugerah, Boy. "PENGUATAN STRATEGI PENANGKALAN DALAM MERESPONS AKSI KOERSIF CINA DI LAUT NATUNA UTARA." Jurnal Dinamika Global 6, no. 02 (December 9, 2021): 286–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v6i2.701.
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Abstract
China�s claims to all areas in the South China Sea have caused conflict with several states, such as Malaysia, the Philippines, Vietnam, Brunei Darussalam, and Taiwan. China�s claims are based on historical aspects by referring to the nine-dash line map, whether other claimant states are based on the UNCLOS 1982. Indonesia initially acted as a non-claimant state in this conflict. However, along with many violations committed by China in the North Natuna Sea, which is the Indonesian Exclusive Economic Zone, Indonesia is increasing its national vigilance. China is playing smart by pursuing a grey zone strategy. China�s strategy requires Indonesia to strengthen its deterrence strategy. This research uses a qualitative approach. Desk research is conducted as the collection data method. The results of this study indicate that it is necessary to strengthen Indonesia�s deterrence strategy, both military and non-military approaches.
Keywords: coercion, deterrence, North Natuna Sea, South China Sea, Strategy
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Zhao, Lijie. "Discussion on the relationship between power generation output of intermittent offshore energy and Marine Climate and Environment -- Taking wave energy and solar energy as examples." E3S Web of Conferences 248 (2021): 02049. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202124802049.
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In recent years, with the continuous promotion of China’s marine power strategy, the comprehensive development and application of marine resources in many aspects and in depth has become a trend. China’s South China Sea is vast and rich in resources, which has important national defense, economic and environmental significance for its comprehensive development and construction. The South China Sea is a vast sea area with abundant wave energy and solar energy. The pilot development and application of natural energy in this area is of great strategic and environmental significance for the decentralized power supply of deep-sea islands. Therefore, based on the actual application of the wave energy-solar power generation platform on YX Island, a comprehensive analysis is carried out based on the characteristics of the marine climate and environmental elements of the South China Sea, exploring the apparent efficiency of intermittent energy such as wave energy and solar energy under specific environmental conditions and putting forward relevant suggestions. The forecast will provide relevant theoretical basis and data support for the subsequent in-depth development, application and system optimization of renewable energy in the South my country Sea.
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Tan, Yoppy. "THE GROWTH IN ENERGY ACTIVITIES IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA – ARE WE TRULY PREPARED?" International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2014, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 825–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2014.1.825.
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ABSTRACT Stretching from Singapore and the Strait of Malacca chokepoint in the southwest to the Strait of Taiwan in the northeast, the South China Sea is one of the most important energy trade routes in the world. Almost a third of global crude oil and over half of global liquefied natural gas (LNG) passes through the South China Sea each year. Coupled with the significant economy growth from China, that is the world's largest oil importer, protecting the flow of oil becomes a prime consideration of the South East and East Asia governments. All of these factors make the South China Sea to hold one of the highest potential for oil spill, be it by quantity of oil or frequency of energy activities. In the region, our industry faces increasing political challenge due to the disputed territorial waters and hence if an incident affecting multiple countries such as an oil spill occurs, the response may be chaotic if not adequately prepared for. The duty is on industry to work with regional governmental groups to promote joined-up response that is sufficiently robust and flexible to deal with both marine and well-control incidents. Other factors that could pose a major challenge are the understanding of response tool kits and prioritization given to national environmental laws and regulations which will vary amongst the affected administrations. Has there been sufficient investigation into the range of national laws which could help/hinder inter-regional approach? What about each of the area contingency plan along the South China Sea? Is there sufficient data on the crude oil characteristics in this region and the availability of Stockpile of equipment along this stretch of the trade route? This paper provides an overview of the oil industry's response to the growing energy activities in the South China Sea using case studies to illustrate the situations that are still occurring in practice.
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Zuhri, Ahmad Syaifuddin, and Hanifa Hanifa. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE STRATEGIC POSITION OF INDONESIA IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA TOWARD THE MILITARY PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN INDONESIA AND CHINA IN 2010-2015." Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 7, no. 1 (July 31, 2017): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v7i1.75.
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This article aims to analyze the strategic position of Indonesia in South China Sea (SCS) towards the military partnership of Indonesia and China from 2010-2015. The aim of this research is to analyze how the strategic position of Indonesia influences the military relationship between Indonesia and China.The South China Sea is one of the most strategic and influential regions; it has the capability to threaten the stability of Southeast Asia. Indonesia as one of the most significant countries in ASEAN geographically, has a strategic but conflicted position. This research will analyze how the strategic position of Indonesia in theSCS influences their military partnership with China.This research formulates questions as to how the Indonesian strategic position in the South China Sea influences the China-Indonesia military relationship in 2010-2015? This article a neo-realist theory, a national security concept and a geo-strategic concept to accomplish this. It also uses a qualitative method of analysis through research papers and holding interviews. Through the three concepts and school of thought, this research has found that there is an influence on the strategic position of Indonesia in the militaristic relationshipbetween Indonesia and China. The strategic location of Indonesia in the South China Sea and the significant role Indonesia plays in ASEAN can positively affect the relationship between Indonesia and China.
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Zhu, Xueming, Ziqing Zu, Shihe Ren, Miaoyin Zhang, Yunfei Zhang, Hui Wang, and Ang Li. "Improvements in the regional South China Sea Operational Oceanography Forecasting System (SCSOFSv2)." Geoscientific Model Development 15, no. 3 (February 3, 2022): 995–1015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gmd-15-995-2022.
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Abstract. The South China Sea Operational Oceanography Forecasting System (SCSOFS), constructed and operated by the National Marine Environmental Forecasting Center of China, has been providing daily updated hydrodynamic forecasting in the South China Sea (SCS) for the next 5 d since 2013. This paper presents recent comprehensive updates to the configurations of the physical model and data assimilation scheme in order to improve the forecasting skill of the SCSOFS. This paper highlights three of the most sensitive updates: the sea surface atmospheric forcing method, the discrete tracer advection scheme, and a modification of the data assimilation scheme. Intercomparison and accuracy assessment among the five sub-versions were performed during the entire upgrading process using the OceanPredict Intercomparison and Validation Task Team Class 4 metrics. The results indicate that remarkable improvements have been made to the SCSOFSv2 with respect to the original version (known as SCSOFSv1). The domain-averaged monthly mean root-mean-square errors of the sea surface temperature and sea level anomaly have decreased from 1.21 to 0.52 ∘C and from 21.6 to 8.5 cm, respectively.
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Lee, Zhao Yan. "The South China Sea Arbitration: The Decision and its Implications on the Sovereignty Claims of China and the Philippines." IIUM Law Journal 26, no. 2 (December 30, 2018): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/iiumlj.v26i2.379.
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The South China Sea Arbitration which has taken place recently with its final decision published in July 2016 was an action initiated by the Philippines against the People’s Republic of China in an attempt to oppose the latter’s claims of ‘historical rights’ in various maritime features in the South China Sea. The panel was constituted under Annex VII of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The Chinese Government opposed the constitution, admissibility and ruling of the entire arbitration. It has since put forward many counter claims to refute the validity of the decision reached. China’s primary concern inevitably lies with the implications of the decision on the ‘Nine-Dash Line’, a historic graphical boundary line that has appeared in the Chinese national atlas as early as 1914. This article will qualitatively dissect the decisions made by the arbitral tribunal from a historical perspective, taking into account diplomatic correspondences and authoritative theories in public international law. Ultimately, this article aims to ascertain the implications of the arbitral rulings on the claims of sovereignty of both countries, which remain the terminal concern of the international community. It will be observed, that the ruling, albeit shrouded in irregularities, has posed irreversible impacts on the situation of the South China Sea saga.
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Rosyidin, Mohamad. "Mengapa tidak berperang? Norma Politik Luar Negeri Cina dan Konflik Laut Cina Selatan." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 1, no. 2 (March 9, 2015): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.1.2.137-151.2012.
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South China Sea conflict is one of the most destabilizing factors in Southeast Asia. Despite it has occured for long time period, there has not been major wars among occupants. This puzzle challenges realist particularly ofense-defense theory stating that when perception of victory is greater than defeat, it will lead to war. China’s military capability is far greater than any contry in the region. Yet, China does not intent to attack others. Assumption that China is an offensive and hegemonic nation is not in accordance with reality. Material-based explanation cannot account for China’s foreign policy. This article seeks to explain why South China Sea conflict does not lead to war between occupants. Using constructivism in international relations, this article argues that China’s domestic norms of national security plays great role which constitute its foreign policy character. Norms of cooperative security or hezuo anquan which is rooted from Confucian culture emphasize on harmony and cooperation that generate self-restraint diplomacy. As a result, China would not employ its military power to solve South China Sea conflict. This article concludes that norms held by country constitute its interest and in turn guide state’s policy.
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Perez-Alvaro, Elena, and Craig Forrest. "Maritime Archaeology and Underwater Cultural Heritage in the Disputed South China Sea." International Journal of Cultural Property 25, no. 3 (August 2018): 375–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739118000176.
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Abstract:China’s broad geopolitical strategy and positioning for global influence includes its averred legal position in relation to its sovereignty and jurisdiction in the South China Sea. A response to this legal position was the Philippines’ initiation of arbitral proceedings constituted under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Despite the non-participation of China in these proceedings, the arbitral decision of 2016 clarified a number of legal provisions pertinent to the ongoing territorial and maritime disputes in the South China Sea. This decision impacted directly on China’s assertion of sovereign and jurisdictional historical title or rights, which, in part, relies on evidence obtained from underwater cultural heritage and the associated maritime archaeology. This article critically evaluates China’s maritime archaeology program and its policy with respect to underwater cultural heritage in light of the 2016 arbitral decision and the underlying international law of the sea. While recognizing that China’s policy is not inconsistent with its broader heritage policy, and its national approach to the protection of underwater cultural heritage, this article argues that this cannot be used to support China’s South China Sea claims and is not only misplaced, such as to pose a risk to the archaeological record, but also inconstant with international developments in the form of the 2001 United Nations Convention of the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage.
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Keyuan, Zou. "Redefining the Legal I Status of the Taiwan Strait." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 15, no. 2 (2000): 245–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180800x00091.
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AbstractThe Taiwan Strait is a critical corridor connecting the East China Sea to the South China Sea. The divided status of China as a result of the civil war in 1949 has made the situation in the Taiwan Strait complicated and uncertain. After the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (LOS), the legal status of the Taiwan Strait has been changed from a strait embodying high seas waters to a strait only with waters under national jurisdiction of China. The waters within the Strait may be divided into several sea zones in accordance with the LOS Convention, i.e., the internal waters, territorial sea and EEZ/continental shelf. Due to the difference among the sea zones, the navigational waterways within the Taiwan Strait are subject to different legal rules. Thus cross-Strait co-operation between mainland China and Taiwan is necessary to manage the Taiwan Strait and human activities therein.
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Askari, Muhammad Usman, and Muhammad Tahir. "Vietnam and Philippines’ Hedging against China in the South China Sea: Economic and Security Perspectives." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 04 (December 31, 2021): 120–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i4.85.
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This article is based on the argument that despite competing for territorial claims and different military stands off, the competing states have shown considerable restraint and hedging behaviors against each other’s to not make the politics of the South China Sea on a point of no return. This assumption is correct in a way that on economic forums like Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), they have shown their consensus to resolve their disputes peacefully. But it seems wrong on the pretext that then why this economic interdependence has not provided the space to resolve their perennial territorial disputes in the South China Sea. To find out which assumption seems true, this article is based on the theoretical framework of the Strategic Hedging perspective. This study tries to find the answer to the research question of despite close economic interdependence and military stands offs, why regional states have failed to resolve the SCS dispute? China, the regional hegemon, claims the South China Sea (SCS) region as its core interest and provides the basis for its claims based on historical usage and part of the ancient Chinese dynasties. Vietnam has also shown inflexibility in its claim in the region overlapping with China and other competing states. Honai has also invoked international law to stop the Chinese territorial assertiveness in the region. The Philippines, one of the three important claimants of the SCS, has also tried to take help of the international court of arbitration and the support of global hegemon the US to extend its sovereignty in the disputed islands of the SCS. This article concludes with the findings that Vietnam and the Philippines are using constrain cum hedging to save their national interests from Beijing. Keywords: Politics, Hedging, South China Sea, Economy, Security, Spratly, Paracel
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Sandy, Kevin Ramadhan. "Solving the South China Sea Crisis: A Recommendation for Indonesia." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 3, no. 1 (March 10, 2015): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.3.1.34-50.2014.
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The main purpose of this paper is to recommend to Indonesia to maintain its national interest of a unified ASEAN on the South China Sea disputes with four policy recommendations. The failure of the 2012 ASEAN Ministerial Meeting was observed as many analysts as the start of a crack in ASEAN as a regional group. With Cambodia’s acting as China’s proxy in the meeting, ASEAN failed to address the issue and to put it in the Joint Communique, although Vietnam and Philippines have insisted the chair to do so. This event led to the rise of suspicions from ASEAN claimant states towards Cambodia and China’s intention. Furthermore, this becomes a proof that ASEAN could no longer be independent as a regional group as China has increased its economic leverage on Cambodia. At the same time, Philippines and Vietnam have increased their bilateral ties with the United States, hoping to increase their leverage and capability vis-à-vis China. Thus, ASEAN is in an unstable state with high possibility of it to be divided into two blocs with the South China Sea still unresolved. One of Indonesia’s main foreign policy interests is a unified, centralized and independent ASEAN as a regional bloc. President Yudhoyono and Foreign Minister Natalegawa reflected this by underscoring the importance of ASEAN and the need to resolve the dispute as soon as possible before further tension occurred. In this case, Indonesia should try to act as the mediator to solve this issue as a neutral player.
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Wirth, Christian. "Emotions, international hierarchy, and the problem of solipsism in Sino-US South China Sea politics." International Relations 34, no. 1 (September 15, 2019): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117819875995.
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This study offers an explanation for Beijing’s seemingly self-defeating approach to the South China Sea that distances China ever more from the regional and international communities which it wants to lead and join while drawing in the foreign military presence that it seeks to keep at a distance. Combining recent research on the role of emotions and on hierarchy in international politics, this article shows how the powerful narrative of national ‘humiliation’ and ‘rejuvenation’ has informed Chinese maritime politics. As the South China Sea became incorporated in the linear timeline of China’s 5000 year civilizational history, the US’ and its allies’ push-back against Beijing’s territorial claims deepened China’s ideational isolation. The ensuing state of solipsism increases the risk of violent confrontations.
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Wiranto, Surya, Hikmahanto Juwana, Sobar Sutisna, and Kresno Buntoro. "The Disputes of South China Sea From International Law Perspective." Southeast Asia Law Journal 1, no. 1 (August 19, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.31479/salj.v1i1.1.
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<p align="justify">Disputes in the South China Sea (SCS) occur due to the seizure of mari- time regions of Spratly and Paracel islands, the regions which are rich in natural resources of oil and gas. Indonesia is not a claimant state to the features in SCS, but Indonesia has a vital national interest to the jurisdiction of waters of the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and the continental shelf which overlaps with claims 9 dashed lines of PRC. In analyzing and resolving these disputes, the writer uses theory of law- based state as a grand theory, the theory of international law as a middle range theory, and theory of conflict resolution as an applied theory. The method is a normative legal research. The legal materials are collected based on the identifted list of problems/issues and are assessed according to the classiftcation of the problems. The legal materials are deductively managed to draw conclusions from the problems encountered, and are further analyzed to solve these problems. Conflict resolution to maritime territorial dispute can be achieved by legal means. The dispute settlement by legal means can be done through bilateral, multilateral, arbitration, to the International Court of Justice, while the dispute resolution through CBMs can be achieved through dialogue in international fora by applying the formula 6 + 4 + 2 or 6 + 4 + 1 + 1, and by conducting survey and research cooperation in the fteld of maritime.</p>
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Wiranto, Surya, Hikmahanto Juwana, Sobar Sutisna, and Kresno Buntoro. "The Disputes of South China Sea From International Law Perspective." Southeast Asia Law Journal 1, no. 1 (December 9, 2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.31479/salj.v1i1.2.
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<p align="justify">Disputes in the South China Sea (SCS) occur due to the seizure of mari- time regions of Spratly and Paracel islands, the regions which are rich in natural resources of oil and gas. Indonesia is not a claimant state to the features in SCS, but Indonesia has a vital national interest to the jurisdiction of waters of the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and the continental shelf which overlaps with claims 9 dashed lines of PRC. In analyzing and resolving these disputes, the writer uses theory of law- based state as a grand theory, the theory of international law as a middle range theory, and theory of conflict resolution as an applied theory. The method is a normative legal research. The legal materials are collected based on the identifted list of problems/issues and are assessed according to the classiftcation of the problems. The legal materials are deductively managed to draw conclusions from the problems encountered, and are further analyzed to solve these problems. Conflict resolution to maritime territorial dispute can be achieved by legal means. The dispute settlement by legal means can be done through bilateral, multilateral, arbitration, to the International Court of Justice, while the dispute resolution through CBMs can be achieved through dialogue in international fora by applying the formula 6 + 4 + 2 or 6 + 4 + 1 + 1, and by conducting survey and research cooperation in the fteld of maritime.</p>
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COOK, Alistair D. B. "Unpacking the Scarborough Shoal Dispute." East Asian Policy 04, no. 03 (July 2012): 46–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930512000256.
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In April 2012, another territorial dispute broke out in the South China Sea highlighting challenges to regional peace and security in East Asia. While China and the Philippines sought to resolve the Scarborough Shoal dispute peacefully, domestic concerns coupled with greater US involvement in the region illustrated the multifaceted nature of these issues. Future attempts at managing and resolving disputes will need to balance interests between actors at the sub-national, national and international levels.
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Yu, Lei. "Contending Chinese Perspectives on China-Russia Military Partnership." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 240–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2020.53.4.240.
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China has worked with Russia to formulate a strategic partnership in the post–Cold War era to counter US containment and make the world order “more reasonable” and “fairer.” China has synchronized its military collaboration with Russia to modernize the once obsolete People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in pursuit of these objectives. The partnership and the modernization of the PLA reveal China’s preparedness for US military intervention in Taiwan and the South China Sea and for the power transition triggered by China’s ascent at the systemic (global) level. This reflects China’s intention to attain two goals: the first, to safeguard its territorial sovereignty particularly over the South China Sea, which has been in escalating disputes since US adoption of the strategies of “pivot to Asia” and “free navigation operations”; and the second, to protect China’s dream of national rejuvenation and reemergence as a great power from being interrupted by foreign intervention.
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Gubin, A. V. "WILL THE SOUTH-CHINESE SEA BECOME THE CHINESE MARE NOSTRUM? MILITARY STRATEGIC AND FOREIGN POLICY ASPECT OF THE TERRITORIAL CLAIMS OF CHINA IN THE SOUTH-CHINESE SEA." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, no. 5 (December 20, 2017): 116–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-5-116-134.
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South-China Sea has been gradually becoming a place of collision of the USA as an acting global hegemon and growing China. Beijing is strongly interested in controlling this area for the purposes of national security as Washington intends to enhance its influence and containing Chinese expansionism. Both parties freely manipulate with the International law and simultaneuosly raise miltary activity within the South-Easat Asia that can cause a seruos conflict. Nevertheless, two contemporary centers of power likely to sustain complex interdependence relationship than start a global confrontation. Brand new vision of coercion is inspired by messian Belt and Road Initiative backing mostly on sealanes control. South-China Sea has been becoming vitally importatnt for China as it is a hub of international communications. The better Beijing controls mare nostrum the more stable its political system is. Respectively, Washington benefits from unstability in SCS for preventing sinization of the entire East Asia. Moreover, in the case of deteriorating bilateral ties America should be ready for implementation “geo-economic stranglehold“ strategy aimed to destroy the rival. South-East Asian nations do not tend to participate in the Great Game directly and choose ad hoc ally strategy as they are totally unable to form an Anti-China coalition. An attempt to resolve the dispute on the principle of international law factually failed – China doesn’t acknowledge Tribunal decision and recommendations but continues expansionist policy as well. The only positive moment can be found in introducing new negotiation positions among pretending ASEAN members – all the tensions are to be mitigated by investments and priveleges. This “smart power” instrument is able gradually to bring China a victory.
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Wang, Yuanlin, and Aiyun Ye. "Evolution of the Sacrificial Ritual to the South Sea God in Song China." Religions 13, no. 10 (October 9, 2022): 939. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13100939.
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Previous studies on the Nanhaishen Temple 南海神廟 (Temple of the South Sea God) in Guangzhou in the Song dynasty focus mainly on its state sacrificial ritual and local temple fairs, without fully discussing the differences of the sacrificial ritual between the Southern and Northern Song dynasties or the changes of the sacrificial ritual in Lingnan after the Song dynasty. This paper aims to illuminate the following five points. First, after the reunification of the Northern Song dynasty, the sacrificial ritual to the South Sea God in Guangzhou was advanced. Second, when the South Sea God and his temple were conferred with the holy titles for the fourth time, the god’s role to bless local stability was further manifested, which means the imperial power gradually permeated into the Lingnan culture. Third, the blessing of the South Sea God was more prominent than ever before because of its geographical location in the southeast of the state during the Southern Song dynasty, and thus the Nanhaishen Temple Fair was the largest of its kind in Lingnan. Fourth, the stele inscription of Liuhou Zhi Ji 六侯之記 (Records of the Six Lords) shows that local people attempted to incorporate their folk beliefs into the canonized sacrifice to the South Sea God, and thus many religious spots were built in other places in Lingnan as detached palaces (ligong 離宮) of the god who was generally endorsed by the local officialdom. Fifth, the sacrifice to the South Sea God in Guangzhou in the Song dynasty had a far-reaching influence, as the god was worshipped by the later generations in the temples which also accommodated the worship of Buddhism and Daoism. In summary, the lengthy process for the South Sea God to evolve from a national god to a local patron is the result of the country’s long-term implementation of the ritual system as far as the ritual culture is concerned.
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Hong, Fei, and Qi Zhang. "Time Series Analysis of Evaporation Duct Height over South China Sea: A Stochastic Modeling Approach." Atmosphere 12, no. 12 (December 11, 2021): 1663. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/atmos12121663.
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The evaporation duct could significantly affect the work status of maritime microwave communication systems in the South China Sea. Therefore, the exact forecasting of the evaporation duct is vital for the normal operation of the systems. This study presents a stochastic modeling approach to predict the future trends of the evaporation duct over the South China Sea. The autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) model has been used for modeling the monthly evaporation duct height estimated from the Climate Forecast System Reanalysis dataset released by the National Centers for Environment Prediction. The long-term evaporation duct height data were collected for a period of 10 years from 2008 to 2017. The analysis of correlation function reveals the existence of seasonality in the time series. Therefore, a seasonal ARIMA model with the form as ARIMA (0,0,1) × (0,1,2)12 is proposed by fitting the monthly data optimally. The fitted model is further used to forecast the evaporation duct variation for the year 2018 at 95% level of confidence, and high-accuracy results are obtained. Our study demonstrates the feasibility of the proposed stochastic modeling technique to predict the future variations of the evaporation duct over South China Sea.
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Simbolon, Putu George Matthew, and Manotar Tampubolon. "ASEAN Collective Responsibility in Upholding Sovereignty in South China Sea Exclusive Economic Zone." European Journal of Economics, Law and Politics 9, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/elp.v9no3a1.
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The purpose of this article is to explain the urgencies of ASEAN Regional Cooperation in upholding the South China Sea Exclusive Economic Zone. Furthermore, this article also explains how such regional cooperation can effectively be applied by ASEAN according to international law rules and principles. This article is legal research based on the theoretical framework by gathering legal scholars' opinions and normative framework by gathering related articles in international treaties. By applying these frameworks, the authors gathered the data for this article through secondary data collection in a form of primary sources, secondary sources, and tertiary sources. In discussing the urgency of the article herein, the authors found out that ASEAN as an international organization consisting of sovereign states shall exercise its primary obligations under UNCLOS 1982 and ASEAN Charter in a good faith, ASEAN shall exercise its sovereign rights on the South China Sea EEZ according to the coastal state rights entitled by UNCLOS 1982, and ASEAN shall prevent the potential armed conflict due to the tension of China, Taiwan and the AUKUS Pact in this region. Meanwhile, the mechanism applied by ASEAN is through interdependent national law enforcement, based on each member state’s law regarding maritime resources conservation and environmental protection. Through this measure, ASEAN may conduct their cooperation despite each of their responses to China’s Hegemony and AUKUS Existence. In presenting the outcome of this article, the authors emphasized the three urgencies described above and the framework of the regional cooperation regarding the interdependent national law enforcement with the respect to the second analysis herein. Such collective consent is indeed significant, to uphold each ASEAN Member States EEZ’s political sovereignty and territorial integrity.
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Ma'ruf, Faridh, Tri Legionosuko, and Helda Risman. "The Rationality of Indonesia Free-Active Politics Facing Chinese Aggressiveness in the Claims of the North Natuna Sea." Technium Social Sciences Journal 8 (May 15, 2020): 583–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v8i1.496.
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China's claim to the North Natuna Sea is a manifestation of the South China Sea conflict. For this action, Indonesia responded with diplomatic rebuff either through political means or the presence of national defense and security stakeholders in the North Natuna Sea. The Chinese government responded that the claim of the Nine-dash Line that intersects with the North Natuna Sea EEZ is legal. This aggressive action of China is a threat to Indonesia's sovereign rights over the North Natuna Sea. This paper analyzes foreign policy as the political position of Indonesian interaction in responding to Chinese aggressiveness. The author uses descriptive analytical qualitative research methods using the Hedging Strategy and Dependency theory. The Chinese claim is a potential challenge to the interests and sovereignty of Indonesia, which is contested with the principle of a free and active foreign policy based on soft diplomacy and independent approach. The approach and steps of Indonesian politics become relevant if faced with conditions of asymmetrical power and Indonesia's National interest in China. So that Indonesia needs to build a more flexible foreign policy by maneuvering to emphasize China's aggressive attitude either directly or indirectly through hedging strategies.
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Guilfoyle, Douglas. "The rule of law and maritime security: understanding lawfare in the South China Sea." International Affairs 95, no. 5 (September 1, 2019): 999–1017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz141.
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Abstract Does the rule of law matter to maritime security? One way into the question is to examine whether states show a discursive commitment that maritime security practices must comply with international law. International law thus provides tools for argument for or against the validity of certain practices. The proposition is thus not only that international law matters to maritime security, but legal argument does too. In this article, these claims will be explored in relation to the South China Sea dispute. The dispute involves Chinese claims to enjoy special rights within the ‘nine-dash line’ on official maps which appears to lay claim to much of the South China Sea. Within this area sovereignty remains disputed over numerous islands and other maritime features. Many of the claimant states have engaged in island-building activities, although none on the scale of China. Ideas matter in such contests, affecting perceptions of reality and of what is possible. International law provides one such set of ideas. Law may be a useful tool in consolidating gains or defeating a rival's claims. For China, law is a key domain in which it is seeking to consolidate control over the South China Sea. The article places the relevant Chinese legal arguments in the context of China's historic engagement with the law of the sea. It argues that the flaw in China's approach has been to underestimate the extent to which it impinges on other states' national interests in the maritime domain, interests they conceptualize in legal terms.
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-, Heriawan. "The Ever-growing China’s Maritime Rise and South China Sea Dispute: A Literature Review." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 15, no. 1 (June 29, 2022): 74–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v15i1.33644.
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This article explores the implication of China’s increasing maritime capability and what its means for the world peace. Is China’s maritime expansion a threat or a peaceful one? In this article, the author scrutinies the recent debates and its problematic interpretation of China’s maritime rise through the perspective of integrative review and neoclassical realism approach. First, this article describes the concept of rising power in International Relations and provide an overview of South China Sea (SCS) dispute state-of-the-conflict. Second, it would provide a thorough discussion of the China’s behaviour and intention in the disputed sea. The discussion extends over several prominent concepts: Rising Power, Global & Regional Order, Strategic Orientation, and National Conception. To conclude, this article argues the ever-expanding China maritime strength has given advantages to China’s claim in the disputed sea. China’s strategy pushing the limit of aggressiveness under the threshold of war. At the same time reassuring other countries through various cooperative and economical means.
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Imanuddin, Ahmad Fauzi, and Sugito Sugito. "The Strategy of Power Politics of the Philippines in Facing China in the South China Sea Conflict." Nation State: Journal of International Studies 4, no. 2 (December 24, 2021): 204–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.526.
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The South China Sea conflict has involved many parties, including the Philippines. In defending one of the most strategic islands, the Spratly Islands, the Philippines has exerted its hard power by increasing its military power strategy. By engaging the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and working with the U.S., the Philippines can increase its military power. The prior studies have only explored how the dispute in SCS is caused by maritime growth, and some have found the effective way to solve the issue is from the liberal perspective. This study uses a power politics approach to the Philippines' strategy to defend the Spratly Islands and its surroundings in the South China Sea dispute. It analyzes the Philippines' interests in the Spratly islands. The research was conducted using qualitative methods through literature study, and the data were analyzed, then described to obtain a complete picture of the answers to the problems studied. This finding explores how the Philippines' defense strategy works and how it is generated. The results of this study indicate that the defense strategy in the Spratly Islands is generated by the national interests of the Philippines, especially in the economic field.
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Tim, Summers. "The UK’s China Policy under U.S.-China Strategic Rivalry." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no. 02 (January 2019): 177–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500106.
Full textAbstract:
This paper looks at issues in the formation of the United Kingdom’s policy toward China during a period of growing strategic rivalry between the United States and China, focusing particularly on the relationship between policy debates and the output of UK-based think tanks on China. By analyzing the policy debate and think tank output on three current key themes, including maritime politics in the South China Sea, whether to allow Chinese companies to participate or invest in “critical national infrastructure,” and China’s suspected “interference” in other countries’ domestic politics, this paper shows that UK-based think tanks tend to prioritize security concerns more than economic opportunities with regard to the UK’s China policy. Nevertheless, the impact of U.S.-China tensions and of policy advocacy and research on the UK is issue-dependent.