Journal articles on the topic 'National socialism in mass media'
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1
Laurien, I. "Germany: facing the Nazi past today." Literator 30, no. 3 (July 16, 2009): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v30i3.89.
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This article gives an overview of the changing debate on National Socialism and the question of guilt in German society. Memory had a different meaning in different generations, shaping distinct phases of dealing with the past, from silence and avoidance to sceptical debate, from painful “Vergangenheitsbewältigung” to a general memory of suffering. In present-day Germany, memory as collective personal memory has faded away. At the same time, literature has lost its role as a main medium to mass media like cinema and television. Furthermore, memory has become fragmented. Large groups of members of the German society, like immigrants, see the past from a different perspective altogether. Although the remembrance of the time of National Socialism is still a distinctive part of Germany’s political culture, it has become more generalised, with “Holocaust memory” as a globalised symbol for a fundamental “break” in Western culture.
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Artz, Lee. "Political Power and Political Economy of Media: Nicaragua and Bolivia." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 1-2 (January 14, 2016): 166–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341382.
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The apparent democratic shift unfolding in Latin America, from Venezuela and Bolivia to Ecuador and Nicaragua has been quite uneven. Public access to media provides one measurement of the extent to which social movements have been able to alter the relations of power. In nations where working classes, indigenous peoples, women, youth, and diverse ethnic groups have mobilized and organized constituent assemblies and other social and political organizations, political economies of radical democratic media have been introduced, communicating other progressive national policies for a new cultural hegemony of solidarity. Moments of rupture caused by social movements have introduced new social and political norms challenging capitalist cultural hegemony across the continent, with deep connections between media communication and social power revealed in every case. Public access to media production and distribution is a key indicator of democratic citizen participation and social transformation. Those societies that have advanced the farthest towards 21st century socialism and participatory democracy have also established the most extensive democratic and participatory media systems. These media reach far beyond community and alternative media forms to become central to an emerging hegemonic discourse advocating social transformation and working class power. Community media in Nicaragua, Bolivia, and Ecuador demonstrate how radical political power can encourage mass working class participation, including acquiring and using mass communication for social change and social justice.
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Muradian, Lusine Ovakimovna, Abbas Mohammadovich Dzhuma, Ntentie Mari Nzhipuakuyu, and Khussein Madzhid Kasem Salekh. "The Inevitability of the USSR Collapse and the Emergence of New Russia in the Mass Media." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 69 (July 17, 2021): 335–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3969.20.
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From a documentary perspective the article addresses issues such as the collapse of the Soviet Union, separatism in the USSR and the existence of similar destructive processes in modern Russia. Special attention is paid to the role of the media in the collapse of the USSR. The goal was to find out whether the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of New Russia were inevitable. Consequently, the additional objectives of the article are to identify the main reasons for the collapse of the USSR, to draw an analogy with the situation in modern Russia, to analyze propaganda techniques by examining the Moscow News newspaper, and to study and generalize the main problems of inter-ethnic dialogue in the Soviet and post-Soviet space. The relevance of the topic is justified by the lack of a unified view in the community of experts on the causes and consequences of the collapse of the USSR, as well as by the lack of a unified assessment of the period of Perestroika and the inevitability of the transition from socialism to capitalism in Russia. It is concluded that in the geopolitical phenomenon of the collapse of the USSR occupies a special role the national and international media dimension.
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Bidzilya, Yuriy. "Transcarpathian print media of the mid and second half of the 20th cс. as a process of deepening the Sovietization of the mass media space of the region." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 10(28) (January 2020): 180–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2020-10(28)-12.
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Against the background of the socio-political events of the time, the article analyzes the process of deepening the totalitarian ways of managing the media in Transcarpathia, the region most recently annexed to the Soviet Union. Communists liquidate newspapers and magazines of other parties, cultural and public associations in the region, and communist government bodies purposefully turn the newly created print media and survivors into a means of destroying dissent. Through custom newspaper publications, the communist administrative-command system not only launches repression against active local cultural and public figures, scholars, writers, clergy, but also uses a titanic effort to ideologically re-educate the population of Transcarpathia through the print media The main function of the media is to promote the communist way of life and class struggle. The author examines the main stages of the transformation of the Transcarpathian print media into communist print media, draws attention to the way in which the Soviet authorities in Transcarpathia fought dissent through the print media, rigidly implemented anti-religious propaganda in the media. Those public and religious figures who did not agree to move to the side of communist power were ruthlessly physically destroyed. Such was the fate of the famous and authoritative among the population of Transcarpathian Greek-Catholic bishop Theodore Romzha. Transcarpathian press of the second half of the 20th century becomes an era of strengthening and deepening of Sovietization. The media actively promoted the idea that the country had entered the era of advanced socialism, and that all peoples in the Soviet Union formed a single historical community – the «Soviet people». In this way, the idea that the national issue was finally resolved was entrenched. At the same time, self-publishing books, which proved quite differently, had a significant impact on Ukrainian society. During these years, Transcarpathia became the base for the transfer of selfpublishing and dissident works to Western Europe for printing. Anti-Communist appearances in neighboring Czechoslovakia, known as the «Prague Spring», have had a major impact on the information space of this region. Keywords: periodicals, journalism, mass media, media space, propaganda, agitation, party press.
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Rutovic, Zeljko. "The Financial-Economic Aspect of the Media and the Public Service in the Globalization Era (Budget and Ownership Framework)." Journal of Central Banking Theory and Practice 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 127–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jcbtp-2017-0007.
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Abstract This study deals with influence of globalization on the economic aspect of the media. Financing the media and the issue of ownership over them represents the fundamental framework on which basis the media work and direct their editorial policy. Principle position implies that owners of the media use power of media to promote their economic, political, cultural and other stances. A particular issue, especially in European countries in transition, represents the financing of public service, as a socially beneficial good. Many commercial media, on the basis of their financial and political power, are trying to diminish or discredit the power and role of the public service. Former socialist countries, now countries in transition, seek from their national budgets to maintain this kind of informing, that is, the public interest, education and promoting cultural values. The era of globalization brought, as one of its negative traits, the domination of profit over culture, education, and even over the right to have quality informing. So the mass media have become a sort of hostage of confrontation of different political and economic interests, which reflects on the quality of media content that strive towards sensationalism, advertocracy, tabloidization. Based on the case study of Montenegro, as a country in transition, the development of mass media is shown, including their financing, ownership structure, and profit.
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Gapeeva, Marina S. "SOME ISSUES OF THE SOVIET NATIONAL PRESS FORMATION IN AUTONOMIES OF THE NORTHERN CAUCASUS IN THE 1920S’." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 15, no. 1 (March 19, 2019): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch15128-36.
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The article discusses the formation and development of the Soviet national press in the autonomies of the North Caucasus in the first post-revolutionary decade. The national press became one of the primary tasks in building socialist culture and socialist ideology. The article reflects the role of the media as a tool for the formation of public consciousness and the most powerful method of mass education and the fight against illiteracy. The process of Latinization of the alphabets of mountaineers is considered, the reasons for this process are explained, the advantages of national alphabets on a Latin graphic basis are revealed as compared to the majority of the highlanders, using the Arab one. The author notes that Latinization was a kind of catalyst for the development of the print. The range of issues that the first Soviet newspapers were supposed to cover as ideas and principles of the Soviet state is defined. The article describes the structure of an extensive media system aimed at all sectors of society. There are groups of newspapers of regional significance, published in Russian, as well as newspapers, published in the local languages of the mountaineers. The role of local newspapers in the process of emergence and development of national artistic culture is shown. The first newspapers became the focus of the development of the national literature of the highlanders, since it was on the pages of the newspapers that the representatives of the mountain national artistic intelligentsia published their first works. The process of creating associations of proletarian writers, which took place by rallying local authors of the artistic word around major printed publications of the region, is revealed.
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Almaev, Rustam Z. "The Fate of Educators in the Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic During the Struggle Against “Bourgeois Nationalism” (1937-1938)." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-1-95-118.
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This article discusses the political repressions of 1937-1938 in the fi eld of public education, with the Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic as its case study. The author assembles new archival documents, mass media materials and memoirs of contemporaries to illuminate the regional specifi cs of repression in the broader context of the Stalinist era. Particular attention is paid to how “enemies of the people” were identifi ed. The author argues that the Bashkir Regional Party Committee, the media, and the party committees of educational institutions, as well as the organs of the NKVD worked in unison to expose “hostile elements” and Trotskyists among directors of educational institutions, specialists in higher education, and public school teachers. The media, as well as the decisions of closed party meetings, were imbued with the spirit of ideological intolerance; they provided the moral and ideological justifi cation for the arrests. This article traces a trend that was characteristic of national autonomous republics in general: the persecution of regional leaders and members of the national intelligentsia on charges of “local bourgeois nationalism.” The author also examines how purges in the party, state and educational bodies of the republic targeted “nationalists” directly or indirectly associated with “national and local deviationists” of the revolutionary years. The article also discusses the fate of Bashkortostan’s People’s Commissars of Education who were subjected to repression. Reconstructing the complex social and political situation in the educational sphere of the BASSR allows us to draw important conclusions, and better understand contemporary social and political processes.
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Kotovskaya, Mariya G., and Elina G. Shvets. "Painting-report as visual document of an event (based on graphic sketches of F. Reshetnikov’s polar expeditions)." Vestnik slavianskikh kul’tur [Bulletin of Slavic Cultures] 61 (2021): 333–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.37816/2073-9567-2021-61-333-344.
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The exploration of the Russian north at the end of 19th – the beginning of the 20th centuries went along with the emergence of the topic “the conquest of the Arctic” in visual arts. The artists would travel as part of research polar expeditions to the North again and again. Picturesque images of Arkhangelsk, Karelia, Northern Dvina, Novaya Zemlya, the northern sea passage would appear in mass media in front of the viewer in artistically perfect images. Fyodor Reshetnikov took part in an expedition to the North in the 1930s. The artist was young; the desire to perform a feat for his country propelled him to take part in polar expeditions led by O. Yu. Schmidt. It was the time when the materials would be documented by means of photo- and movie camera. During the expedition the artist presented his own way of depicting the work of the expedition and its everyday life. Polar expeditions, the feat of “Chelyuskin,” northern landscapes would become an essential part of artistic exhibitions in the 1930s (such as “20 anniversary of Red Army” and “Socialism Industry”). Viewers’ interest in the topic and a general popularity of the topic made the exploration of the North one of the most prominent, sincere and significant moments in the national art of the 20th century before the war.
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Juhl, Carsten. "Et manifest på dansk må omhandle modersmålet og angribe fædrelandet: Litteraturhistoriske forstudier om kunst og sprog." K&K - Kultur og Klasse 37, no. 107 (May 22, 2009): 138–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/kok.v37i107.22015.
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A Manifesto in Danish has to deal with the Mother tongue and attack the Fatherland: Some preliminary studies about art and language presented from the point of view of the history of literature:The study follows five lines of reasoning: The first deals with the impossibility of formulating a manifesto in general; the impossibility of advocating the use of violence and on the other hand the impossibility of using dialogue. So the system of prescriptions and promises normally used in a manifesto no longer have sense.The next line of reasoning concerns the impossibility of presenting fictional preoccupations in the mass media and explaining why literature in Danish has to deal with its contents and form outside the current commentary and celebration hosted by the mass media. In this second line the Vico legacy is introduced to explain a conflict in Danish literature concerning its lack of an epic centre of historical and aesthetical understanding. Benjamin’s defence of the epicity in the work of Brecht is similarly discussed in this second part of the study. The third line of reasoning is presenting some older investigations on Danish prose into this question of what an epic dimension in the residual Danish culture might have been about in the last century. But all the investigations presented failed to get to the point. The point of dissidence was too weak and the point of national-socialism too clever to be manifest: It could easily hide behind the general cover up of theological aesthetics dominating Lutheran Denmark.So the fourth line of reasoning deals with political theology as a sort of interiorised state of mind in Denmark.The fifth line of reasoning presents two examples of something radically different and rather excluded in the political culture of Denmark: The Danish Council of Freedom (Danmarks Frihedsråd) during WWII which failed when it came to attacking the collaboration between Danish democracy and the Third Reich; and the Danish School of Writing (Forfatterskolen) which has been attacked by the local establishment since it was born 25 years ago.
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Holzberger, Helena. "National in Front of the Camera, Soviet Behind It: Central Asia in Press Photography, 1925–1937." Journal of Modern European History 16, no. 4 (November 2018): 487–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2018-4-487.
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National in front of the Camera, Soviet behind it: Central Asia in Press Photography, 1925–1937 While photography in early Soviet Union is a well-researched field, researchers addressed hitherto mostly Soviet Russia. The history of photography in the Central Asian Soviet Republics, though, lacks research. This article focuses on the means of production and distribution of photographs taken in Uzbekistan 1926–1937. With Roland Barthes theory of «connotation», it interprets the visual invention of the Soviet Orient. Photographs by Georgij Zel'ma and Maks Penson of Uzbekistan that were published in Soviet mass media are analyzed, determining style, content and function. Through additional textual analysis, I discuss the network of photographers on the periphery and image agents on the centre. Socialist connotations are derived from appropriations of pre-revolutionary photographs accompanied by false textual framing, innovative compositions of ethnographic images and combinations of local cultural symbols with Soviet modernity. As photographers, primarily from Moscow, travelled to Central Asia, they greatly dominated its visual depiction. Although they emphasized Soviet modernity, they also reproduced older stereotypes about the Orient. Besides offering a history on photography, this article also discusses the establishment of Soviet cultural structures between the centre and the periphery as well as the subordinated agency of local actors at the periphery.
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Zhuk, Sergei. "“National Cultural Elements” and Advertising the International Tourism in the Soviet Tourist Agencies During the Brezhnev Era, 1964–1984." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 36 (February 18, 2022): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2010.001.
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“National Cultural Elements” and Advertising the International Tourism in the Soviet Tourist Agencies During the Brezhnev Era, 1964–1984Using the archival documents and personal interviews as historical sources, this essay analyzes the ideological problems of advertising international tourism in the main travel agencies of the Soviet Union during the Brezhnev era, 1964–1984. These agencies, Inturist, a Tourist Department of the Soviet Trade Unions and a Communist Youth League’s organization Sputnik, encountered problems with advertising from the very beginning of their history. In the 1960s and 70s they created special departments responsible for propaganda and advertising or advertising and mass media in Inturist. On the one hand, these tourist agencies had to provide interesting information to attract more Soviet and foreign tourists and more financial sources. On the other hand, the most attractive elements in advertising Soviet tourism were various national elements of different Soviet nationalities, including their costumes, music and handicrafts. As a result, such efforts exposed the limits of Soviet cultural homogenization project during the stage of developed socialism. In practice, this led to serious problems for the representatives of the Soviet tourist agencies in foreign countries. The most dangerous problem was nationalism.The essay explores how the problems of national identity were tied to advertising Soviet Union travel to foreign tourists as a new strategy of the Soviet tourist agencies during late socialism before perestroika. Despite strict KGB and ideological regulations, new “national” forms of advertising such as folk music survived after 1984 and contributed to expansion of tourism, which brought increased profits and influence to the leaders of the local tourist agencies. „Elementy kultury narodowej” a reklama turystyki zagranicznej w radzieckich biurach podróży w epoce Breżniewa, 1964–1984W oparciu o dokumenty archiwalne i wywiady osobiste jako materiały do badań historycznych autor artykułu analizuje zagadnienia ideologii reklamowania turystyki zagranicznej przez czołowe radzieckie biura podróży za czasów Leonida Breżniewa, tj. w latach 1964–1984. Owe biura podróży, Inturist, Wydział Turystyki Związków Zawodowych ZSSR oraz organizacja Ligi Młodzieży Komunistycznej „Sputnik” od samego początku swej działalności napotykały trudności w reklamowaniu swoich usług. W latach sześćdziesiątych i siedemdziesiątych XX wieku powstały specjalne wydziały odpowiedzialne za propagandę i reklamę bądź, jak w Inturiście, za reklamę i środki masowego przekazu. Z jednej strony biura podróży zobligowane były do podawania interesujących informacji, aby zwrócić uwagę większej liczby turystów krajowych i zagranicznych, jak też zwiększyć wpływy finansowe z turystyki. Z drugiej strony te najatrakcyjniejsze elementy w materiałach reklamujących podróże do ZSRR to były rozmaite elementy kultury poszczególnych narodowości zamieszkujących ZSRR, takie jak strój, muzyka i rzemiosło ludowe. W rezultacie podejmowane w zakresie reklamy wysiłki obnażały granice kulturowej homogenizacji dokonującej się na sposób sowiecki na etapie rozwiniętego socjalizmu. Stąd też w swej codziennej praktyce przedstawiciele radzieckich biur podróży za granicą borykali się z poważnymi trudnościami. Najbardziej niebezpieczny stał się problem nacjonalizmu.Autor artykułu docieka, w jaki sposób kwestia tożsamości narodowej została powiązana z reklamowaniem podróży do ZSRR jako nowa strategia radzieckich biur podróży w schyłkowym okresie socjalizmu, przed pierestrojką. Pomimo ścisłych wymogów ideologicznych i działań podejmowanych przez KGB, nowe formy reklamy o treściach „narodowych”, takie jak muzyka ludowa, przetrwały w okresie po roku 1984, przyczyniając się do rozwoju turystyki i przynosząc szefom lokalnych biur podróży coraz większe dochody i wpływy.
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Burdiuh, M. "POPULISM AS A CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRATIC PROCESSES IN THE EUROPEAN UNION." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(57) (May 31, 2023): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2023.1(57).280788.
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The article examines the problems of the cause and manifestations of modern populism in the countries of the European Union, which has intensified over the past two decades. The growth of radical ideas, the ideas of multiculturalism and globalization, and migration processes in Europe intensify the complex processes of arranging a single political, economic and cultural space. Populist activity underlines the increasing mistrust of the electorate towards classical parties, which cannot solve urgent public demands. The current populist activism results from a structural transformation that involves: the growth of undemocratic liberalism; changing relations between ruling politicians and those under control; democratization of mass media, which appear to be interconnected, which enhances their collective effect. Individual populist parties act as contenders in national elections; in some countries (Hungary, Poland), they have obtained a leadership role. The populism of parties in the European Union is often tangential to other ideological directions (liberalism, socialism, etc.). Europe is choosing between carrying out the necessary reforms, strengthening liberal democracy and human rights, supporting diversity and equality, and an economic nationalist federation of states that dismantles the concept of liberal democracy. Liberal ideology, based on undemocratic principles, gradually strengthened populist sentiments, and European society's existing problems and crises accelerated the promotion of populism among the broad electoral masses. Gender issues, antiimmigrant sentiments, anti-European rhetoric, and nationalist movements are on the agenda. The growing number of populist parties means it is necessary to rethink the characteristics of institutional structures and the role of individual players in political activity. Ignoring the above may increase the pressure on liberal democracy, which ensures the protection of human rights and freedoms, supports the rule of law, and implements pan-European progressive values.
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Jin, Ying, Min He, and Yazheng Li. "Improve Netizens' Perception of The Image of Anhui-Based on The Research of Zhihu-Related Anhui Review." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 10, no. 4 (April 8, 2023): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.103.14277.
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Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee, with Comrade Xi Jinping as its core, has attached great importance to Anhui development and has visited the six provinces of Shanxi, Henan, Anhui, Hubei, Hunan, and Jiangxi in the central region. The central region has accelerated the rise of the rise. At the two conferences of the country in 2022, General Secretary Xi Jinping proposed the "five musts," emphasizing the important position of image construction in urban development. The construction of the urban image is an important part of developing economic and cultural undertakings and the prosperity of socialist culture. The image of the city is a portrayal of multiple appearances and rich connotations in a city. It is the product of subjective blending. Whether it is a local person who feels about the city or the foreign people who know through the TV network, the mass media will affect their right impression of the city. In the new era of communication, the audience has a new opportunity to define the image of the city.
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Yu, Lin, Joshua Newman, Hanhan Xue, and Haozhou Pu. "The transition game: Toward a cultural economy of football in post-socialist China." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 54, no. 6 (November 21, 2017): 711–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690217740114.
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Following decades of significant economic and political reform, a once-closed China has emerged as the world’s fastest growing and arguably most interconnected political economic system. In the context of what has been termed a “post-socialist” transition, China’s sport system has similarly undergone rapid marketization (bringing in market actors and action). In this article, we examine the changing state and function of football (soccer) within this period of post-socialist transition. We provide a critical analysis of recent (c. 2010–2017) private and state-based initiatives to develop the commercial viability, international interconnectivity, and cultural significance of football (soccer). Drawing upon theories of cultural economy as developed by the globalization theorist Arjun Appadurai, we provide an historical and conceptual investigation of the strategic efforts to nationally imagine football culture as, and within, transitioning China. To do this, we examine how state actors and private intermediaries have leveraged increases in high-profile player transfers, domestic franchise valuations, investment in foreign teams, development of player academies, overall youth and adult participation, and expanded media rights agreements to simultaneously economize Chinese football culture and culturalize the logics of commercial sport and free market capitalism more generally. In so doing, we map the various “scapes” through which people, capital, images, technologies, and ideologies have been set aflow and thereby frame new imaginings of mass privatization, mediation, and consumerism for a national football consuming public.
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Focardi, Filippo. "Italy’s fascist past: A difficult reckoning." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 40, no. 3 (December 28, 2018): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.40.3.4.
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ITALY’S FASCIST PAST: A DIFFICULT RECKONINGIn January 2002, a survey conducted by a popular television program revealed that 25 percent of young Italians held a favorable opinion of Fascism and Dictator Benito Mussolini. Shortly thereafter, Italy’s most prominent scholar of Fascism, Emilio Gentile, warned of a “retroactive de-fascistization” in Italian society: the widespread tendency to cast fascism in a benevolent light forgetting, or softening, its repressive and brutal features. For many Italians, Fascism was very diff erent from Nazism and Communist Totalitarianism — it might have been an authoritarian regime but it was not a bloody one. This assessment was no doubt further conditioned by the politics of memory promoted at that time by Silvio Berlusconi’s center-right government. However the origins of this watered-down interpretation go back much further. The idea that Italian Fascism was not on a par with other totalitarian regimes took root in the collective conscience following the end of World War II, as Italy attempted to rehabilitate its reputation in the eyes of the world, hoping to be spared harsh judgment and punishment on the international stage. Its cornerstone was the contrast between Italian Fascism and German National Socialism. On one side, the brutality and ideological fanaticism of the Nazis and on the other, the Italian Fascists, who according to the narrative were over-bearing but not so criminal This distinction between Fascism and Nazism has permeated Italian public opinion throughout the history of the Italian Republic. It was shared by historian Renzo De Felice and pervasive from the 1980s onward in mass media which were inspired by the new wave of revisionism.Over the last twenty years, the ‘dark pages’ of Italian Fascism — from the regime’s anti-Semitic policies to crimes committed in the colonies and Balkan territories occupied during the Second World War — have been thoroughly investigated in the historiography. Broad sectors of the public still however consider Fascism a mild dictatorship not without its merits. The country that invented Fascism, therefore, is still struggling to come to terms with the legacy of its Fascist past.
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Chen, Xia. "The Dissemination, Influence, and Efficiency of Jameson’s Cultural Theory Combined with Chinese Mass Culture and Mass Sports Culture in the Sustainable Development of China." Journal of Environmental and Public Health 2022 (August 31, 2022): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/6510147.
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Fredric Jameson’s cultural theory forms a crucial part of the Western Marxist theory. Jameson’s postmodern cultural theory includes cultural expansion, cultural history, cultural hyperspace, cultural ideology, and so on. The cultural expansion includes the outline of popular sports culture. (1) Content: In order to further understand the acceptance of Jameson’s cultural theory in China, this paper explores the communication of Jameson’s cultural theory in different cultural groups, different regions, and different communication channels in China based on the questionnaire survey in a larger span of social groups. Meanwhile, based on Jameson’s theory, it also reveals that sports is an effective way to achieve national stability and rejuvenation. Mainstream culture not only leads fashion, educates the people, serves society, and promotes development but also has the common characteristics of mass culture, commerce, entertainment, popularity, and media dependence. Sports is both mainstream culture and mass culture, which is the positive energy shared by both. (2) Methods: In order to understand the special meaning of Jameson’s cultural theory and its influence on Chinese mass culture and sports, this paper systematically explains Jameson’s cultural theory and gives a critical explanation to Jameson’s cultural theory, different regions, and different communication channels in China based on the questionnaire survey in a large span of mass culture and sports groups. (3) Results: the majority of readers who buy and read Jameson’s cultural works are mainly 25–35 years old with high educational background. The top three regions for the number of consumers who buy his papers and books are Zhejiang, Hubei, and Guangzhou; the top three regions in the number of understanding Jameson’s cultural theory are Beijing, Shanghai, and Shenzhen; 41.62% of the respondents only know Jameson’s name but have not been exposed to his work; and 34.59% of the respondents have learned about his work through news feeds. (4) Conclusion: the influence of Jameson’s cultural theory on Chinese mass culture and sports community is on the rise. Systematic sorting and interpretation of Jameson’s cultural knowledge can provide support for Chinese mass culture and mass sports culture to carry forward socialist cultural thoughts.
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Grgov, Aleksandra. "REPREZENTACIJA ŽENA NA RAZGLEDNICAMA PRVE POLOVINE 20. VEKA." Lipar XXIV, no. 80 (2023): 61–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lipar80.061g.
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/ The paper deals with the postcards of the first half of the 20th century. The history of visual culture testifies to gender differences, the subordination of a woman, whose activities are mostly placed within the framework of “private”, closed, shaped by the virtues of love, intimacy and care for the family. Since visual media are powerful means of the social construction of reality, they are also indicators of prevailing social values. The creation and development of postcards coincides with the weakening of civil society, as a dominant social group, due to the penetration of socialist ideas. Accordingly, the averse of the maps show the cultural and moral values of the patriarchy, where man is the main figure in the family. These postcards belong to the collection of the National Museum in Leskovac and were chosen as one of the examples of simplicity and efficiency of circulating the meaning of Western European culture and analyzed in the context of the feminist theory in the era of the first wave of feminist activism (between 1848 and 1920) and its impact on a decade later. In southern Serbia, which was on the road to liberation from oriental cultural values at the time, torn between tradition and modernization, the products of mass culture from Western Europe could seem like something new and progressive, but in fact they were only another form of representation of gender differences through the constitution of stereotypes.
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Khrishkevich, Tatiana. ""NS-documentation centers” in Germany as a historical experience of overcoming the past." Metamorphoses of history, no. 25 (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/s230861810023096-5.
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The article analyzes the activities of the centers of National Socialist documentation in Germany. They introduce the German public to the history of the Nazi regime. They are engaged in preserving the memory of his victims and are conducting research in this area. Leading centers NS-documentation centers are located in Munich, Cologne, Dresden. In addition to the centers, numerous memorials and museums are engaged in preserving historical memory. They contain information about prisoners of concentration camps. Red Army soldiers who were captured by the Germans, about the graves of Soviet citizens in Germany. With the help of photographs, documents and texts, as well as film projections, mass media, the Centers demonstrate how the Nazi state functioned, its policy of isolation and persecution, as well as what measures it used to ensure broad support of the population. Museum expositions and exhibitions tell about selected biographies of criminals, their accomplices and victims, as well as people who resisted the regime, shed light on their motives and opportunities for action. A special place in the educational activities of the modern memorial space in Germany is occupied by Grafeneck Castle, where the center of the forced euthanasia program "T-4", named after "Operation Tiergartenstrasse 4", was located.
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Kim, Jeong Hwan. "Politics, Economy and Social Culture in Romania during the Transition." East European and Balkan Institute 46, no. 2 (May 31, 2022): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.2.101.
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After the 1989 revolution, new politicians in the transition period who had to adapt to unfamiliar political atmosphere shared three visions for the future of the country. The first was the restoration of pre-communist history and politics, the second was the declaration of liberalism, and the last was the realization of a social project and political design for this purpose.
However, the political situation in the 1990s was grim due to the deterioration of the National Salvation Front (Frontul Salvării Naţionale) and the unrest in the university square, and the new world was slowly approaching because of the old communists. On one hand, Romania in transition had the dual goal of creating representative democracy systems and practices, and establishing a free market economy system on the other hand. This double transformation was premised on the introduction and settlement of neoliberal ideology according to policy decisions between ‘representative democracy’ and ‘market economy’, and social consensus on democratization and transition to a market economy.
A successful transition was a task given to president Ion Iliescu, who had to lead at a major turning point in 1990~1996, but the historical reality was far more complex and difficult than could have been anticipated and programmed. From president Emil Constantinescu, who made the first democratic transfer of power in 1996, to Prime Minister Adrian Năstase in 2002, the political declarations and experiments of ‘the end of the transition’ and ‘the beginning of a new era’ were repeated over and over again.
Society in the transition had to abandon the paternalistic and authoritarian mindset left behind by the communist ideology and dictatorship of the past. The most important change is the transition from a monolithic system such as a dictatorship to a plural system. Free access to mass media, the opening of the free movement right, and the promise of restoration to Europe have led to a radical acceleration of social change.
In that sense, EU accession in 2007 can be regarded as the end of the transition to the post-communist regime. Romania was officially linked with Europe again politically and economically, as it had been before socialism. This long historical process suggests how the experience of communism affected Romanians’ worldview and how real their integration into Europe was.
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Monolatii, Ivan. "«The November Breakdown» («November Action») 1918: a Revolution or a Military Coup?" Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 8, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 28–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.8.2.28-33.
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The purpose of the study is to analyze peculiarities of the historical event «The November Breakdown» («November Action») – the national democratic revolution in the Western Ukrainian lands – not as a revolution in its classical version, but a military coup with the elements of the national liberation struggle of Western Ukrainians in the autumn of 1918. On the basis of the historical and political analysis of the historiographical heritage concerning the preconditions and creation of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, the events of October 31 – November 1, 1918, are described as discrepancies and generalizations of their direct participants; the research also clarifies the factors of political and ideological «explanations» of the revolutionary «November Breakdown» in historiography of the Ukrainian diaspora of the 20th Century. The Soviet and contemporary Ukrainian historiography statements about the «revolutionary nature» of the events in Eastern Halychyna in 1918, and hence the November 1918 national democratic revolution, are still debatable. Halychyna Ukrainians made a legal proclaimation of the Ukrainian state within the framework of the Austrian-Hungarian state, they were waiting for a peaceful transfer of power in Eastern Halychyna, and the armed uprising of October 31 – November 1, 1918, became a military coup in the geopolitical realities of the rising tension in the Polish-Ukrainian relations. Therefore, on November 1, the Austro-Hungarian government authorized an act of transfer of the state power in Eastern Halychyna to the Ukrainian National Council, and on November 13, 1918, the Council proclaimed Western Ukrainian People’s Republic. The origins of the myth about the «revolutionary character», or «revolution» in Eastern Halychyna in 1918, are rooted in attempts to «inject» the non-existent in reality class struggle of the region population into the broader context of the Bolshevik and socialist revolution. During the Khrushchev Thaw, in 1957 this myth underwent certain modification in the famous article of historian O.Karpenko, and later on, in 1993, this myth transformation turned into a «national-democratic revolution» in Western Ukrainian lands. In fact, the memoirs of the participants and creators of the «November Action», the external sources, as well as the mass media of that, do not interpret the events under study just as “a revolution”, but only as “a coup”, “disarmament”, etc., which testifies to the militaristic nature of events.
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Datsyshina, M. V. "National socialism in mass consciousness of united Gernany." Alma mater. Vestnik Vysshey Shkoly, no. 7 (July 2019): 116–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/am.07-19.116.
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Bobeshko, Artem V. "Causes of Central-Eastern European and Baltic Countries Citizens Emigration to Great Britain (1990–2004)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 5 (2023): 1316–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2023-28-5-1316-1328.
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Importance. In recent years, historiography, mass media, and representatives of the political elite show a growing interest in the causes of Brexit, which led to Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union. In this context, research into the Central-Eastern European and Baltic Countries Citizens Emigration to Great Britain, which contributed to the growth of anti-emigrant sentiment in the United Kingdom, is of particular importance. An important place in the study of emigration problems is occupied by analyzing the reasons for emigration and its perception by citizens of the region countries Research Methods. The historical and genetic method is used, which allowed to consider emigration in dynamics, reveal its causes, the main characteristics of migration flows and the perception of this process by different social groups. Results and Discussion. The socialist system collapse in Central-Eastern Europe and the Baltic States required the new governments to destroy the planned socialist economy and create new national economy organization principles. Its liberalization and integration into the world economy led at first to a decline in Gross Domestic Product, inflation, structural changes in the labor market and an increase in unemployment, especially in the difficult situation of young people. The gap in the level and quality of life between the Western Europe and Central-Eastern Europe and the Baltic states made the Eastern Europeans departure to the Great Britain attractive. Most potential emigrants according to sociological surveys and analytical research, including the commission of K. Dastman considered short-term emigration as a behavioral strategy. Conclusions. Difficulties in the Central-Eastern Europe and the Baltic States transition to a market economy result to an increase in migration attitudes among citizens. The main reason for emigration from Central-Eastern Europe and the Baltic states to Great Britain, as well as to other Western European countries, is economic reasons; the political factor did not play a significant role in all region countries.
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Zimmermann, Clemens. "From Propaganda to Modernization: Media Policy and Media Audiences under National Socialism." German History 24, no. 3 (August 1, 2006): 431–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0266355406gh382oa.
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Mihelj, Sabina. "Memory, post-socialism and the media: Nostalgia and beyond." European Journal of Cultural Studies 20, no. 3 (December 27, 2016): 235–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549416682260.
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While research on the mediation of post-socialist memory has gained momentum in recent years, the field remains fragmented and limited to small-scale case studies, with little attempt to develop a more general reflection on the nature of the processes investigated. Engagement with the wider literature on the mediatisation of memory has been limited as well, with research typically applying established conceptual frameworks rather than using post-socialist materials to generate new theoretical insights. Given the state of the field, this article has a double aim. First, it offers a critical review of the main trends in existing research, focussing on four key issues: the fascination with nostalgic modes of remembering, the dominance of national frames of analysis, the lack of research on the mediation of personal and vernacular remembering, and the privileging of descriptive over explanatory modes of analysis. Second, this article outlines a new agenda for the field and proposes three main research trajectories. The first pays attention to how mediated memories at local and national levels interact with transnational processes of remembering the Cold War, the second focusses on the intersections between personal and public modes of mediated remembering, and the last moves the discussion from description to explanation, using comparative approaches to advance explanations of different modes of mediated post-socialist memories.
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Schwarz, Egon. "Mass Emigration and Intellectual Exile from National Socialism: The Austrian Case." Austrian History Yearbook 27 (January 1996): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005798.
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History is made up of continuities and discontinuities. To do it justice it is necessary to take both of these ordering principles into account. Exile and banishment have always existed—mass expulsions and mass deportations have been recorded since Nebuchadnezzar's rule in the sixth century B.C. But, because of their power of expression and criticism, writers, intellectuals, and artists have been favorite targets for tyrants' wrath, and for those same reasons writers and intellectuals are the prime witnesses of the exile experience. Ovid's elegiac lament, Dante's bitter pride, Heine's poisoned homesickness, and Unamuno's scornful hatred are famous manifestations of the exile's state of mind.
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Verbeten, Sharon. "Wilder, the Mass Media, and Social Media." Children and Libraries 16, no. 3 (September 24, 2018): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/cal.16.3.2.
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It’s a big deal when the library world gets in the national news. I mean, it doesn’t happen every day. And usually, when it does, the news is not positive.This summer, the children’s library world burst into the national news—and into swift social media discussion—with the ALSC board’s unanimous decision to change the name of the Laura Ingalls Wilder Award to the Children’s Literature Legacy Award.
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Hübscher, Monika. "Likes for Antisemitism: The Alternative für Deutschland and its Posts on Facebook." Spring 2020 3, no. 3.1 (June 12, 2020): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.26613/jca/3.1.41.
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The Alternative für Deutschland ’s (AfD) entry into the German Bundestagin September 2017 represented a shift in post-1945 German political tradition and the social acceptance of a party from the far right. During the election campaign, the AfD relied heavily on the social media mostly using Facebook to spread its agenda. This research on the AfD's attitude toward National Socialism, the Holocaust and antisemitism on Facebook shows that the party utilizes antisemitic stereotypes to defame political opponents and that further, the AfD instrumentalizes events from the Third Reich to elevate perceived positive aspects and strives to rehabilitate certain facets of National Socialism. The article first shows how the AfD uses Facebook to spread its unfiltered political views. Then, three case studies posted by the AfD will be analyzed. Additionally, Keywords: antisemitism, social media, alternative for Germany, German politics
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Čamprag, Nebojša. "International Media and Tourism Industry as the Facilitators of Socialist Legacy Heritagization in the CEE Region." Urban Science 2, no. 4 (November 27, 2018): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/urbansci2040110.
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After the fall of state socialism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), the socialist legacy became a matter of contested discourses, coming from the new national governments. However, with the recently awakening nostalgia for socialism and growing international interest for the socialist pasts, the approaches to its legacies began gradually to change. In this paper, the focus is on some recent international trends with regards to the socialist heritage for evaluating the share of their influences in the process of de-contestation occurring at the local/national levels. There are two processes standing in juxtaposition to be observed; on the one hand, official nation branding distances the state from socialist pasts to emphasize, often contrasting, post-socialist national identity. On the other hand, the development of communist heritage tourism attempts to reconsider and appropriate socialist legacies in the national frameworks for identity construction. Using the examples from Hungary, Romania, and the former Yugoslavia, the author demonstrates the role of international media and the tourism industry for meeting the objectives of economic development while maintaining post-socialist national identity senses, but also their potentials in reconsiderations of the contested history chapters.
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Askanius, Tina. "“I just want to be the friendly face of national socialism”." Nordicom Review 42, s1 (March 1, 2021): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2021-0004.
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Abstract This article is based on a case study of the media narratives of the neo-Nazi organisation Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) and situates this particular actor within the broader landscape of violent extremism in Sweden today. Drawing on a qualitative content analysis informed by narrative inquiry, I examine various cultural expressions of neo-Nazi ideology in NRM's extensive repertoire of online media. Theoretically, I turn to cultural perspectives on violent extremism to bring to centre stage the role of popular culture and entertainment in the construction of a meaningful narrative of community and belonging built around neo-Nazism in Sweden today. The analysis explores the convergence between different genres, styles, and content into new cultural expressions of national socialism which bleed into mainstream Internet culture and political discourse in new ways. In the online universe of NRM, the extreme blends with the mainstream, the mundane and ordinary with the spectacular and provocative, and the serious with the silly. In this manner, the analysis lays bare the strategies through which NRM seeks to soften, trivialise, and normalise neo-Nazi discourse using the power and appeal of culture and entertainment.
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Artz, Lee. "21st Century Socialism: Making a State for Revolution." tripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique. Open Access Journal for a Global Sustainable Information Society 10, no. 2 (May 25, 2012): 537–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31269/triplec.v10i2.405.
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The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela has built mass organizations of workers and communities that have erratically challenged class and market relations—verifying that taking political power is difficult but essential to fundamental social change and that capitalist cultural practices complicate the revolutionary process. This work identifies components of state power, separating state apparatus (government) as a crucial site for instituting social change. The case of democratic, participatory communication and public media access is presented as central to the successes and problems of Venezuelan 21st century socialism. Drawing on field research in community media in Caracas, the essay highlights some of the politico-cultural challenges and class contradictions in producing and distributing cultural values and social practices for a new socialist hegemony necessary for fundamental social change.
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Szumski, Jerzy. "Fear of Crime, Social Rigorism and Mass Media in Poland." International Review of Victimology 2, no. 3 (January 1993): 209–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026975809300200303.
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The article presents the results of the few victimisation surveys carried out in Poland. They reveal relatively low levels of crime in Poland, but which are not correlated with the official criminal statistics. The article criticises the method for compiling criminal statistics adopted by the Polish police, a method which enables enforcement agencies to manipulate the statistics on the dynamics of crime. Despite the low fear of being victimised, the results of socio-logical and legal empirical studies show that Polish society is rigorous as far as controlling crime is concerned. The article argues that the main cause of this stems from a mass media information policy which is not based on objective facts nor on scientific findings, and which did not change following the destruction of so-called ‘real socialism’.
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Atanasovski, Srđan. "Socialism or Art: Yugoslav Mass Song and Its Institutionalizations." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies, no. 13 (September 15, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25038/am.v0i13.185.
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The genre of the mass song is one of the fundamental phenomena in aesthetics and practice of socialist realism. Mass songs are supposed not only to be accessible to the lay audience, but also to be composed in a way that invites the participation of amateurs. Importantly, the institutions which have been disseminating the mass song under state socialism, such as various institutions of education, culture and art, have also served as mechanisms for the normalization of its ideological content. This article summarizes important aspects of the concept of the mass song in general and offers a multifaceted exemplification, before proceeding to discuss the history of mass songs in socialist Yugoslavia (including, by and large, what is usually referred to as partisan songs), with emphasis on the institutional framework through which they were practiced and disseminated, and on specificities that the genre had accrued within the Yugoslav framework. This historical framework of practicing mass songs in Yugoslavia provides a platform for opening the question of intrinsic incompatibility between the project of a classless society and the institution of art. In regards to this, article discusses contemporary practice of Yugoslav mass songs as practiced by self-organized choirs and their new political potential. Article received: May 6, 2017; Article accepted: May 14, 2017; Published online: September 15, 2017Original scholarly paperHow to cite this article: Atanasovski, Srđan. "Socialism or Art: Yugoslav Mass Song and Its Institutionalizations." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 13 (2017): 31-42. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i13.185
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Stempel, Guido H., and Thomas Hargrove. "Mass Media Audiences in a Changing Media Environment." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 73, no. 3 (September 1996): 549–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909607300304.
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A national survey of 1,006 respondents found that 70.3% used local TV news as their primary source of news, followed by network TV news, newspapers, and radio news in that order. Use of talk radio, TV magazines, and grocery store tabloids was far less. A factor analysis showed five factors — TV news, radio, print media, computer media, and tabloids.
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Tubalova, Inna, and Julia Emer. "THE CONCEPT “NATIONAL LANGUAGE” IN BELARUSIAN MASS MEDIA." Rusin, no. 46(4) (December 1, 2016): 276–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/46/18.
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Stratford, Will. "Rediscovering Revolutionary Socialism in America:." Moving the Social 68 (December 20, 2022): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.68.2022.33-65.
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This article examines the pre-World War I editorials of America’s first Socialist con- gressman, Victor Berger, in order to recover the lost history of early twentieth-century American socialism from the obscuring lenses of Progressivism, Populism, anarchism, scientism, Soviet Communism, and American Exceptionalism. As I argue, talk of a Second Gilded Age today overlooks the vastly different roles “socialism” has played in the respective discourses. Rather than fighting for a stronger national welfare state, even the most conservative Socialists like Wisconsin Representative Victor Berger campaigned for the abolition of wage labour and the overthrow of global capitalism. Recognizing Populism’s failure to preserve its political independence as a working-class movement, Berger, like Debs, proposed that the working class should organize itself under the banner of a socialist party to take state power. In order to link the forma- tion of mass parties like the Socialist Party of America to a totalizing philosophy of history and international political revolution, Berger drew from Second-International Marxist dialogue in which it was enmeshed, not indigenous American traditions. The prolific editorial career of Victor Berger, head of the largest English-language socialist daily in the country, demonstrates how pre-war American Socialists did not merely “translate” Second-International Marxism but rather made up a constitutive part of its transatlantic development.
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Dreier, Werner. "Holocaust und NS-Massengewalt zwischen Schulbuchwissen und heisser Geschichte." Didactica Historica 5, no. 1 (2019): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2019.005.01.29.
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In Austria, the time of National Socialism is a “hot”, controversial history, in which ideological-political positions and various groups of actors of memory politics are struggling for interpretative dominance. The history textbooks reflect this debate in the society – albeit with a time lag. Only in recent years, history textbooks have increasingly turned to the urgent and relevant issues raised when examining mass violence.
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Dreier, Werner. "Holocaust und NS-Massengewalt zwischen Schulbuchwissen und heisser Geschichte." Didactica Historica 5, no. 1 (2019): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2019.005.01.29.
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In Austria, the time of National Socialism is a “hot”, controversial history, in which ideological-political positions and various groups of actors of memory politics are struggling for interpretative dominance. The history textbooks reflect this debate in the society – albeit with a time lag. Only in recent years, history textbooks have increasingly turned to the urgent and relevant issues raised when examining mass violence.
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Ovcharenko, Elena F. "Media Regionalism as a Historical Feature of Quebec Mass Media." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 26, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2021-26-1-107-114.
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The current issue of information access for different nations within one state is examined. The media of Quebec, the only francophone province of Canada, give us a clear example. However, Russian scholars almost disregard this domain. Therefore, the research is based on the Canadian works (M. Brunet, A. Beaulieu and J. Hamelin, W.H. Kesterton) in French and in English. The Royal Commission on Newspapers Report (1981), which described two separate media systems (French media and English media), was used as well. The focus is on the Franco-Canadian national problem and its influence on Quebec media historic evolution. This process moves from bilingual editions (two first newspapers were published in French and in English simultaneously) to modern monolingual media system. Through comparative analysis, the relationship between media bilingualism and media monolingualism in Quebec of 18-21st centuries is examined. Quebecs modern information politics can be defined as media regionalism (French language and specific Quebec content). Media regionalisms object is to resist federal doctrine one country - one nation with two languages, the base of Official Language Act (1969). As a result, the absence of traditional federal official media bilingualism in Quebec, which tries to save its national heritage by media regionalism, was discovered.
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Bachl, Marko, and Frank Brettschneider. "The German National Election Campaign and the Mass Media." German Politics 20, no. 1 (March 2011): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644008.2011.554100.
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FIDELIS, MALGORZATA. "Pleasures and Perils of Socialist Modernity: New Scholarship on Post-War Eastern Europe." Contemporary European History 26, no. 3 (October 19, 2016): 533–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731600031x.
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What role did consumption, the mass media and popular culture play in post-war Eastern Europe? Did they help ‘normalise’ state socialism or rather inspire outlooks and desires incongruent with communist regimes’ goals? These questions are central to recent scholarship which has departed from conventional Cold War studies centred on narrowly-conceived political elites and modes of Soviet domination. Instead, using the lens of social and cultural history, scholars have turned to exploring Eastern European societies as independent subjects in their own right. Looking at workers, middle classes, women, tourists, hippies, shoppers, television audiences and other groups, this new body of work has questioned the impenetrability of the Iron Curtain and has highlighted Eastern European participation in broader European and global trends. Instead of enumerating failures of the socialist system from ‘economics of shortage’ to the depressing ‘greyness’ of apartment blocks, scholars now explore ‘pleasures in socialism’, including leisure, fashion and consumer culture. In place of preponderant societal resistance against the controlling state, they expose complex ways of appropriation, accommodation and identification with elements of state socialism by individuals and groups.
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Papadopoulus, Elias. "Mass Media and International Relations." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (April 30, 2009): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.15.1.2.
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In the modern theories in the science of International Relations, the traditional pillar of the school of Realism that considered the state as the only actor in the international scene, actor who took every decision in a monolithic and rational way, taking into consideration only the national interest, has now been rejected. The metaphor of the "black box", indicative of this monolithic way of operation and the rejection of every non-state, but also intra-state and out-of-state actor, even if it was valid once, has definitely been weakened by the events of the post-cold war era, and especially with the advent of globalization. New parameters have been inserted in the process of foreign policy formulation and politicians (and all those responsible for a country‘s foreign policy) have to take them into consideration.
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Grin, Nadezhda. "MASS COMMUNICATION MEDIA IN THE MODERN WORLD." Modern Technologies and Scientific and Technological Progress 2022, no. 1 (May 16, 2022): 299–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.36629/2686-9896-2022-1-299-300.
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The national wealth of any society is its intellectual resources. In this regard, in the information society it is impossible not to take into account the influence of mass media on the development of personality
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Jian, Xu. "Grassroots Party Organizations Practice the Mass Line in the New Era: Predicament and Outlet." International Journal of Education and Humanities 3, no. 2 (June 24, 2022): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ijeh.v3i2.597.
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The mass line is the lifeline and the fundamental work line of the Communist Party of China. Since the 18th NATIONAL Congress of the CPC, socialism with Chinese characteristics has entered a new era, and the practice of the mass line by primary-level Party organizations for the new era has new connotation and practical requirements. Therefore, grassroots Party organizations should adhere to the idea of "people-centered", strengthen the construction of party-mass communication system, take the "integration of the new three social organizations" as the starting point, and scientifically use information technology to actively explore and practice the optimization path of the mass line in the new era, and fully transform the mass line system into grass-roots governance efficiency.
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Crețu, Ioana-Narcisa. "Mass-Media Communication in Romania." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 23, no. 2 (June 25, 2017): 270–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2017-0126.
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Abstract Over 1200 new publications have appeared in Romania since the fall of communism. Some of them don’t exist anymore, but there always appear new ones. The Romanian newspaper market comprises about 1500 publications most of which appear on a weekly basis and 200 daily newspapers. Television is the most familiar source of information. The radio landscape has changed considerably - similar to the television - since 1990. Besides the public broadcaster offering several programs, there are over 150 private local radio stations and various other channels. Despite the diversity of the Romanian press, we cannot yet speak of a completely free press (see the report of the Freedom House organization). The limitations of media freedom and freedom of speech are related to media ownership, but also with gaps in the national legislation. This study aims to contribute to the advancement in the conceptualization of qualitative journalism by proposing to analyze different situations of failure in investigative journalism and identifying factors that conduct to limitation of media freedom.
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Mamyrova, M. "Electronic Press Role in Mass Media." Bulletin of Science and Practice 7, no. 12 (December 15, 2021): 427–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/73/54.
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Research relevance: the article examines the features of the role of the electronic press in the mass media. Research objectives: analysis of definitions and types of various newspapers in Kyrgyzstan, the role of the electronic press in the media. Materials and research methods: the article is based on historical facts and decrees about the mass media in Kyrgyzstan. Research results: in the Kyrgyz Encyclopedia of Journalism (published in 2017), information is limited to national newspapers. Conclusions: regional newspapers occupy the most important place in the history of printing in the southern region.
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Piotrowski, Ryszard. "Metody analizy wkładu Sejmu w uchwalenie ustawy." Studia Prawnicze / The Legal Studies, no. 1 (59) (April 30, 2023): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.37232/sp.1979.1.4.
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The notion of the contribution of the Sejm to enacting laws indicates that particular participants of the legislative process get committed into the adoption of socio-political resolutions which appear in the form of normative acts, ranking as laws. It seems therefore to be worthwhile to point out the criteria behind the legislative work — both with regard to the actions taken by deputies individually or as a group, within the framework of the legislative procedure provided for by the regulations of the Sejm, or the actions of either the organs of the Sejm or other parliamentary agencies which participate in the legislative process. In order to establish the regularities of the legislative behaviour and interpret the Sejm legislation, the statistical methods become useful, particularly that they are propitious to disclose the characteristic attitudes of the deputies, establish ideological qualities and orientations which can be assumed as the motivating factors. This particularly regards the analysis of the amendments to acts. The analysed procedures of submitting amendments allow to make a distinction into typical political functions they perform. Accordingly, the amendments are to: safeguard law and order, protect the rights and interests of citizens, improve the provisions of the law (delete contradictions, improve the legibility of acts and complexity of regulations), make the functioning of the state apparatus more democratic, protect national economy,ensure a social factor in administration, consolidate and expand socialist democracy, accelerate socio-economic and technological progress. The quantitative indices make it easier to understand the process and outcome of the legislative work. They cannot replace interpretation and assessment, however. The indices should not be applied apart from the functions of institutions of the socialist parliamentarianism, since this is what they reflect, or the sociolegal reality at the period of which they are a fragment. A questionaire and interview can be availed of when attempting to determine the individual contribution of the deputies to the work on a resolution. The data from questionaires are of auxiliary importance. The examination of various documents, press information, statistical data, questionaires in the legislative work in a particular sphere provides the basic sources for generalization as to the contribution of the Sejm into the legislative process. The following classification of sources and auxiliary materials can be made:1. formal information (legal acts, parliamentary prints, formal documentation of the legislative work, the resolutions of the party and political fractions, social and political organizations). 2. Informal information (political information on the legislative work and socio-political foundations of bills, informal documents relating to the legislative work, informations covering discussions and consultations, opinions disseminated by mass-media, specialized studies in particular domains of law, reports by scholars, results of questionaires and polls). The socialist parliament, being a central state body passing resolutions, has an impact on the political contents of the latter. The all-national party programme is formulated in co-operation with the groups of society outside the party, which differ in terms of political organization. It is in the Sejm that this colaboratin can take place. The Sejm holds an exceptional position in our system, for beside co-operating in passing state resolutions, also with regard to their political contents, it participates in optimizing decisions, which finally appear in the form of acts, and the very process of adopting resolutions. The role the Sejm plays in enacting laws cannot be separated from the structure of passing resolutions in parliament. Since it is an ’’open” structure, it is possible to incorporate various subjects in the process of passing resolutions through polls, consultations, discussions on intended resolutions. The procedure of passing resolutions in the Sejm consists of several stages and therefore it is possible to call the structure of the said processes the “structure of a dialogue”, where different opinions and standpoints can be confronted when a measure is being searched. Collective resolutions are favourable to avail of the knowledge, experience and abillities of individuals, thus to enrich the contents of the respective measures. The structure of the process of passing resolutions in the Sejm facilitates self-control and enables to apply the optimizing criteria in a complex manner.
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Martin, Fran, Tania Lewis, and John Sinclair. "Lifestyle Media and Social Transformation in Asia." Media International Australia 147, no. 1 (May 2013): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1314700107.
Full textAbstract:
Across Asia, the past three decades have been marked by shared experiences of hyper-accelerated social, cultural and economic transformation. Consumer culture plays an increasing role in countries once dominated by socialism, and neo-liberal economic and social policies increasingly are being adopted by authoritarian statist regimes. More and more, governments address their citizens as individualised, sovereign consumers with reflexive ‘choices' about their lifestyles and identities. One of the correlates of these processes of (neo-) liberalisation has been the emergence of new formations of consumption-oriented middle classes with lifestyle aspirations that are shaped by national, regional and global influences. How are everyday conceptions and experiences of identity and citizenship being transformed by rearticulated cultures of modernity across the region? This article draws upon the insights of existing Euro-American research on lifestyle culture and consumption, but extends its focus by relocating such concerns within the context of Asia and within a trans-national comparative frame. Examining how the rise of lifestyle media and culture is involved in a series of complex, local-level ideological contestations around emergent forms of sociality and identity across a range of geo-cultural sites, including India, China, Singapore and Taiwan, the authors challenge reductive assumptions about the global translatability and mobility of ‘Euro-modernity’.
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Dombrowsky, Wolf R., and John K. Schorr. "Angst and the Masses: Collective Behavior Research in Germany." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 4, no. 2 (August 1986): 61–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072708600400205.
Full textAbstract:
This article reviews the study of mass behavior (known as collective behavior in America) in Germany. The historical scope of this review is approximately one hundred years beginning with a discussion of the works of Marx, Weber, Tönnies and Simmel. This discussion is followed by an analysis of how the study of mass behavior dealt with the rise and aftermatch of National Socialism. Finally the collective behavior research which has been done in the post war period is reviewed ending with a brief description of the work being done in the subspeciality of the Sociology of Disasters.
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Matvіienkіv, Svіtlana, and Iuliia Shmalenko. "Mass media of national minorities as a means of national reconciliation in society." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia 24, no. 24 (December 27, 2022): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2022.24.2.
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This paper examines how the presence the media of national minorities aligns itself with the principles of civil society principles and fosters tolerance and stability in the Ukrainian multi-ethnic society. It follows from the analysis that the existence of periodicals published by national minorities increases social awareness, contributes to national reconciliation, mutual understanding between people, and promotes social development. It was found that ongoing publication of national periodicals approved by the state enables representatives of national minorities to feel equal citizens of Ukraine, whose high social status and cultural needs are acknowledged and recognized. The registered periodicals and radio broadcasts of the Polish national minorities in the Carpathian region evince the existence of free non-governmental organizations that reflect the interests of social groups and their values. It is emphasized that the Polish community of Prykarpattia is dispersed, therefore the development trend of its social media reflects the nationwide progress of ethnic integration of particular national communities into society. Also, the authors show that Polish-language and bilingual newspapers and magazines of the Ivano-Frankivsk region are important factors in the preservation and public expression of the identity of national minorities, reflect their unique culture, traditions and the degree of their assimilation.
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Kerc, Olga. "Roman Catholic periodicals in the national media space of Ukraine." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 66 (February 26, 2013): 292–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2013.66.276.
Full textAbstract:
The Second Vatican Council became a prerequisite for the functioning of the mass media of the Roman Catholic Church, defining mass media as a strategic object for spreading the ideas of the Church, Christian upbringing. Due to the actualization of religious freedom with the independence of Ukraine, national confessional media (including the Roman Catholic) received an impetus for the deployment of active activities, as well as the chance for an impartial scientific analysis. Today, Ukrainian Roman Catholic media are a significant component of the system of national religious editions, which, in turn, is one of the media segments of the state. Therefore, studying in the context of the mass media of Ukraine periodicals of the Roman Catholic Church is necessary to create a holistic image of the national information space. This is due to the relevance of the topic.