Journal articles: 'National socialism – Austria'

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Duller’s, Matthias. "Sociology and National Socialism in Austria." International Sociology 37, no. 2 (March 2022): 255–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02685809221102698a.

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Frastikova, Simona, and Miroslava Najslova. "Semantic re-evaluation in the national socialist language and its diction in the right-wing populism." XLinguae 14, no. 2 (April 2021): 320–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18355/xl.2021.14.02.23.

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Language and its correct application is a prerequisite for successful communication, not least for political communication. The main determinant of the success of politicians in elections is, above all, persuasion. It plays an important role in both direct and indirect communication of a political party with voters, and one of the frequent accompanying phenomena in a given communication is the use of language units in accordance with the corresponding ideology of the political party, which we understand in a broader context. A typical example here is the ideology of National Socialism, where it is clear to see how certain words, through semantic re-evaluation, have lost their original meaning and acquired a new one that corresponded to the views of the ruling ideology. However, some of these words are still present in the political discourse of right-wing populists, not least in Austria. It is the right-wing populist party Freedom Party of Austria (German: Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ) that applies a semantic re-evaluation of language units in its election posters, which either explicitly or implicitly reflects national socialist diction in election campaigns. The aim of this study is to demonstrate the application of semantic reevaluation during the rule of the National Socialists on selected words blood, revolution and socialism and to point out the individual linguistic references of National Socialism with contemporary right-wing populists and in their election posters.

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Nolte, Claire E. "T. Mills Kelly.Without Remorse: Czech National Socialism in Late-Habsburg Austria.:Without Remorse: Czech National Socialism in Late‐Habsburg Austria.(East European Monographs, number 689.)." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 608–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.608.

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Uhl, Heidemarie. "Of Heroes and Victims: World War II in Austrian Memory." Austrian History Yearbook 42 (April 2011): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000117.

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In Tony Judt's historical essay on postwar Europe's political myths, Austria serves as a paradigmatic case for national cultures of commemoration that successfully suppressed their societies’ involvement in National Socialism. According to Judt, the label of “National Socialism's First Victim” was applied to a country that after the Anschluss of March 1938 had, in fact, been a real part of Nazi Germany. “IfAustriawas guiltless, then the distinctive responsibilities of non-German nationals in other lands were assuredly not open to close inspection,” notes Judt. When the postwar Austrian myth of victimhood finally disintegrated during the Waldheim debate, critics deemed the “historical lie” of the “first victim” to have been the basis for Austria's failure to confront and deal with its own Nazi past. Yet, one of the paradoxes of Austrian memory is the fact that soon after the end of the war, the victim thesis had already lost much of its relevance for many Austrians.

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Dittrich, Marie-Agnes. "How to Split the Heritage when Inventing a Nation. Germany's Political and Musical Division." English version, no. 10 (October 22, 2018): 359–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.51515/issn.2744-1261.2018.10.359.

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After the end of the old Empire in the Napoleonic Age, the states which are now Austria and Germany have separated gradually. But due to the rivalry which had emerged between Prussia and Austria in the decades before the new German Empire excluded Austria, the concept of “Germany” had to be redefined by differentiation not only from France, but from Austria too. Promoting the idea of an inherently “German” culture without admitting the superiority of practically all European cultural centres and especially of Vienna’s rich cultural and musical heritage required a redrawing of the map of Europe`s musical memory with the help of great dividers like religion or gender roles. Germans liked to believe that they were, as predominantly Protestants, more intellectual, progressive, and masculine, as opposed to the decadent, traditionalist Catholics in Austria. This “othering” of Austria affected the reception of composers like Beethoven, whom Prussia appropriated as German, or Schubert as typically Austrian. Similar differences were constructed with the shifting relationships between Germany and Austria after the WWI and after National Socialism, and when Germany itself was divided once more.

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Kapferer, Benedikt. "„Wo bleibt der demokratische Geschichtsunterricht?“ Der Umgang mit der NS-Vergangenheit in Schulbildung und Gesellschaft am Beispiel von Taras Borodajkewycz und Hans-Ulrich Rudel." historia.scribere, no. 12 (June 15, 2020): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.12.621.

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“Where are the democratic history lessons?” Dealing with the Nazi past in education and society in Austria with the examples of Taras Borodajkewycz and Hans-Ulrich RudelIn post-WWII Austria, the way the Nazi past was dealt with was far from frictionless or consensual. As opposed to the preceding ideologies of Fascism and National Socialism, a new democratic mentality had yet to be formed. In this regard, history lessons at universities and at schools are central spaces for analysing the processes of de-Nazification and democratization. Therefore, the following paper discusses two examples of highly controversial teachings that reflect the larger level of Austrian history after 1945: Taras Borodajkewycz (1960s) and Hans-Ulrich Rudel (1983).

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LENAERTS, Mariken. "The influence of National Socialism on divorce law in Austria and the Netherlands." Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte Österreichs 1 (2018): 102–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/brgoe2018-1s102.

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Uhl, Heidemarie. "Transformations of Austrian Memory:Politics of History and Monument Culture in the Second Republic." Austrian History Yearbook 32 (January 2001): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800011206.

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On what was the first visit of an Austrian president to Israel, Thomas Klestil spoke before the Knesset in November 1994 of “repression,” of a lack of “admission to the whole truth,” stating, “We know that we have too often spoken of the fact that Austria was the first state to lose its freedom and independence to National Socialism—but we have spoken far too rarely of the fact that some of the worst henchmen of the NS dictatorship were in fact Austrians.” With this, Klestil was reacting to the fundamental questioning of the victim theory in the Waldheim debate as had Chancellor Franz Vranitzky in his often cited declaration to the Austrian Parliament on July 8,1991, to the effect that Austria “must admit to the good and bad … sides” of its history: “We must [admit] … to our share of the responsibility for the suffering that Austria did not cause as a state but that was brought upon other people and other peoples by the citizens of this country” and “apologize to the survivors and the descendants of the dead”.

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Reiter, Margit, and Sinéad Crowe. "National Socialism in Austria before and after 1945: Nazi Minister Anton Reinthaller and the Origins of the Austrian Freedom Party." German Yearbook of Contemporary History 5, no. 1 (2021): 115–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gych.2021.0011.

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Finney, Gail. "Performing Vienna: Theatricality in Jelinek's 'Burgtheater' and Bernhard's 'Heldenplatz'." German Politics and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 24–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889110.

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Where better to begin talking about Viennese identity in the late twentieth century than in the work of Elfriede Jelinek and Thomas Bernhard—specifically, in two plays whose titles immediately evoke the city as well as pregnant moments in its history: Jelinek's Burgtheater (published 1982; premiered 1985 in Bonn) and Bernhard's Heldenplatz (premiered 1988 in Vienna's Burgtheater). Insofar as the two plays dramatize the extent to which National Socialism took hold and persisted in Austria, they epitomize both authors' perennial roles as keen observers and harsh critics of Austrian society. Burgtheater and the scandal it generated established Jelinek's function as "Nestbeschmutzerin," whereas Heldenplatz, appearing the year before Bernhard's death, can be regarded as the capstone of his career as a critic of Austrian mores and politics.

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Dreier, Werner. "Holocaust und NS-Massengewalt zwischen Schulbuchwissen und heisser Geschichte." Didactica Historica 5, no. 1 (2019): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2019.005.01.29.

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In Austria, the time of National Socialism is a “hot”, controversial history, in which ideological-political positions and various groups of actors of memory politics are struggling for interpretative dominance. The history textbooks reflect this debate in the society – albeit with a time lag. Only in recent years, history textbooks have increasingly turned to the urgent and relevant issues raised when examining mass violence.

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Dreier, Werner. "Holocaust und NS-Massengewalt zwischen Schulbuchwissen und heisser Geschichte." Didactica Historica 5, no. 1 (2019): 29–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2019.005.01.29.

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In Austria, the time of National Socialism is a “hot”, controversial history, in which ideological-political positions and various groups of actors of memory politics are struggling for interpretative dominance. The history textbooks reflect this debate in the society – albeit with a time lag. Only in recent years, history textbooks have increasingly turned to the urgent and relevant issues raised when examining mass violence.

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Benedik, Stefan. "Non-committal memory: The ambivalent inclusion of Romani suffering under National Socialism in hegemonic cultural memory." Memory Studies 13, no. 6 (December 17, 2018): 1097–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698018818220.

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This article compares the place of Romani migrants in contemporary Austrian society to their position in memory debates. It analyses official forms of commemoration which had the intentions not only to remember the victims of past atrocities, but also included a normative, moral aspect – namely, the promise that memory of past injustice would somehow be a useful device against racism, injustice and discrimination in the present day. In this understanding, history, especially the history of National Socialism would ideally teach societies valuable lessons about the treatment of minorities, thus also the Romani communities, in the present. While this still is the predominant political discourse about these forms of memory, the author suggests that memory culture can by contrast be described by what he refers to as non-committal memory. He argues, that when looking at Central European examples, it immediately becomes transparent that memory is only applied in abstract discussions while all immediate connections between contemporary discrimination and historical suffering are neglected. Thus, non-committal memory disconnects present and past policies, and delegitimises a comparison between the persecution of past victim groups and the criminalisation of present-day migrants. The author contends that this is visible by the fact that the majority of memorials that honour Romani victims of National Socialism (in Austria, but also across much of Europe) fail to include or contribute to an understanding of the plight of contemporary Romani people, especially Romani migrants. Arguably, this resulted from the strategies by which activists decided to copy memory politics related to Jewish victims of National Socialism as a ‘successful’ model of integration.

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Zeidman, Lawrence A. "Haven or Limbo? Neuroscientist Refugees From National Socialism Escape to Illinois." Journal of Child Neurology 35, no. 6 (February 27, 2020): 398–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0883073820902884.

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At least 9 neuroscientists immigrated from Nazi Europe to Illinois to escape tyranny and attempt to re-establish their careers. Some work has been published in print on eponymous neuroscientist Adolf Wallenberg, as well as 2 others but not on Ernst Haase, Frederick Hiller, Erich Liebert, Bruno Volk, Heinz (Henry) von Witzleben, or Gerhard Pisk. Before leaving Germany or Austria, these downtrodden specialists were dismissed from long-held posts sometimes for trumped-up charges, stripped of their financial security, and forced to leave relatives behind. At least 1 left only for personal and political, but not because of racial, reasons. Illinois, in exemplary fashion, welcomed these unfortunate survivors more than many other states because of limited licensing requirements, numerous opportunities at state hospitals, and special internship programs. Some of them successfully continued their research agendas and published, taught neurology students and trainees, and added to the expansion of neurologic care in Illinois or elsewhere, but most of them took years to reacquire the academic rank they lost and never regained their career momentum. These refugees survived and passed on some of their extensive training and expertise to a new generation of neuroscientists in America, but not without significant cost.

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Williams, Maurice. "Friedrich Rainer, National Socialism, and Postwar Europe: The Historical World of an Austrian Nazi." Austrian History Yearbook 30 (January 1999): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800015976.

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Friedrich Rainer (1903-50?) personified the semiautonomous chieftain who served the Third Reich so well. Born in Carinthia, he worked his way into major party positions in Austria and then, after the Anschluss, moved into crucial posts in the Ostmark. After leading the party in Salzburg, he highlighted his Nazi career by serving as Gauleiter of his native province. Simultaneously he governed the occupied regions in northern Slovenia (Carniola) and later added a role as Hitler's deputy on the Adriatic coast (Istria, Trieste, and environs). He was extremely ambitious, well connected in party circles, a capable administrator, a pronounced Pan-German, and a Hitler loyalist to the end. He also revealed himself as a keen observer of his surroundings, an active propagandist, and an able politician. In short, as a leader of consequence in the Third Reich, he did not differ much from other key Nazi lieutenants.

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Kühberger, Christoph. "Teaching the Holocaust and National Socialism in Austria: politics of memory, history classes, and empirical insights." Holocaust Studies 23, no. 3 (March 30, 2017): 396–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17504902.2017.1296085.

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Olha, Romanchuk. "PROFESSIONAL TRAINING OF FUTURE TEACHERS OF PHYSICAL EDUCATION IN AUSTRIA DURING THE PERIOD OF NATIONAL SOCIALISM." Scientific Issues of Vinnytsia State M. Kotsyubynskyi Pedagogical University. Section: Pedagogics and Psychology 216, no. 58 (2019): 178–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2415-7872-2019-58-178-182.

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Huber, Andreas. "The Authoritarian Institution." Serendipities. Journal for the Sociology and History of the Social Sciences 7, no. 1-2 (January 10, 2023): 13–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/serendipities.v7i1-2.129575.

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Else Frenkel was associated with the University of Vienna for more than five years in total. She was studying eight semesters, from 1926 to 1930 at Austria’s biggest university, reached the position of a research assistant in the study year 1931/32 and worked a second time as temporary employee in 1936. The political climate in these years was characterized by racist Antisemitism and attacks against the parliamentarian democracy, by violence against “Jewish” and left-wing students and discrimination against scientists who did not fit into the “Aryan” and German national template. Fascism and National Socialism had a huge backing especially in the student body, many years before Austria became a part of Nazi Germany. This article wants to draw an atmospheric picture of the University of Vienna in these years, especially from 1926 to 1932, when Frenkel was almost continuously connected with the institution.

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Healy, Maureen. "1883 Vienna in the Turkish Mirror." Austrian History Yearbook 40 (April 2009): 101–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809000095.

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In his 1883 playDie Türken vor Wien, Richard von Kralik, the Catholic writer and later doyen of Christian Socialism, recounts the story of the 1683 siege of Vienna. Habsburg military heroes, ordinary Viennese Bürger, and the Ottoman grand vizier Kara Mustafa appear on stage in Kralik's retelling of what had become a foundational moment in Austrian historiography. The defeat of the Turks at Vienna in 1683 has been hailed as Austria's finest hour, the Habsburgs' greatest service to Europe, and as the moment when Austria defended all of Western civilization from, among other things, the East, Asian barbarism, and Muslim infidels. Kralik may be the playwright here; but in a preface to the play, he introduces the two figures who are the true sources for his tale of 1683: Lady History and Lady Legend. They work together, each playing her part. Lady History and Lady Legend, he explains, sing in beautiful duet, “both accurate and truthful, neither lying nor inventing.” Kralik's juxtaposition of history and legend was astute. Any historian looking back to the events of 1683 and the stories that have since accumulated about Austria's “saving the occident” encounters a multi-century work in progress, a story under revision, a tale in which “legends” about coffee (said to be introduced to Europe by Turks fleeing Vienna) and croissants (a bun shaped, suspiciously, like a crescent) persist alongside themes more properly in the domain of “history”: class tensions, national conflict, and church-state relations.

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Pavlenko, Olga. "Multivariate Analysis and Historiographic Approaches in the Study of the “Anschluss” of Austria, 1938." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017583-0.

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The article is devoted to the comparison of the Soviet and Russian historiography of the Anschluss of Austria in 1938. In the approaches of Soviet and Russian historians, there are significant differences in the study of the Anschluss. The article examines in detail not only the works of Soviet historians, but also the main publications of the archival documents prepared in the second half of the 1940s — 1950s by the NKID / USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs (the principle of selecting documents, analyzing published materials, etc.). At the heart of the Soviet interpretation there was the thesis of the diplomatic isolation of the USSR in the pre-war period, which prevented the Anschluss from being averted. In addition, it was stressed that Austria was the victim of German National Socialism. But, of course, the fact of supporting the Anschluss by the majority of the Austrians was not denied. The study of the Austrian Resistance movement was important. However, based on the research of Russian historians in the 1990s — 2000s it becomes obvious that one can not unequivocally speak of the diplomatic isolation of Moscow in the late 1930s. The situation was much more complicated. The key to further research was the declassification by the Russian Foreign Intelligence Service of the archival material concerning the events of 1938—1939. More attention in recent years’ studies has been given to the role of the Polish factor, to the interests and ambitions of Warsaw.

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MOMBAUER, ANNIKA. "FROM IMPERIAL ARMY TO BUNDESWEHR: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN THE ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN GERMAN HISTORY Willensmenschen: über deutsche Offiziere. Edited by Ursula Breymayer, Bernd Ulrich and Karin Wieland. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1999. Pp. 239. ISBN 3-596-14438-8. DM 28.80. Die anderen Soldaten: Wehrkraftzersetzung, Gehorsamsverweigerung und Fahnenflucht im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Edited by Norbert Haase and Gerhard Paul. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1995. Pp. 240. ISBN 3-596-12769-6. DM 19.90. Das Nationalkomitee ‘Freies Deutschland’ und der Bund Deutscher Offiziere. Edited by Gerd R. Ueberschär. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1995. Pp. 304. ISBN 3-596-12633-9. DM 24.90." Historical Journal 47, no. 1 (March 2004): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003571.

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Twentieth-century Germany's (military) history has been the subject of heated, sometimes acrimonious controversies in the Federal Republic. In recent years, historians and the German public have been engaged, for example, in debates over the relative merit of different kinds of German resistance against National Socialism, and over the place of deserters in German history of the Second World War. Such soul-searching has culminated in angry debates over the role of the Wehrmacht in crimes against humanity which followed in the wake of the exhibition ‘Verbrechen der Wehrmacht’ (crimes of the Wehrmacht) in Austria and Germany. The books under consideration here all have a contribution to make to our understanding of this troubled and contested past, and in particular to the question of the role of the military in German history.

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Szabó, Miloslav. "From Protests to the Ban: Demonstrations against the ‘Jewish’ Films in Interwar Vienna and Bratislava." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 1 (November 17, 2017): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417712112.

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Taking the example of the protests against the films All Quiet on the Western Front (1930–1) and Le Golem (1936) in interwar Austria and Slovakia, this study addresses the links between antisemitism, nationalism and cinema in Central Europe that historical research has so far overlooked. Unlike other demonstrations against the talkies, campaigns against so-called ‘Jewish’ films were not an expression of linguistic nationalism, as they pointed to the ‘destructive’ impact of capitalism, socialism or modern art, which in the ideology of antisemitism were allegedly personified by ‘Jews’. The conservatives and radicals who called for a ban of those ‘Jewish’ films considered it a first step towards the creation of a national community without ‘Jews’. In Austria the moderate and radical opponents of A ll Quiet on the Western Front ultimately reached their goal through a joint effort. In Slovakia they only managed to get the film Le Golem completely banned when the geopolitical conditions changed after the mutilation of Czechoslovakia on the eve of the Second World War. The fact is that in both cases, moderate nationalists placed themselves in the ambivalent position of pioneers of antisemitism and ultimately facilitated fascist and Nazi radicals in the practical implementation of their postulates.

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Huneke, Samuel Clowes. "Heterogeneous Persecution: Lesbianism and the Nazi State." Central European History 54, no. 2 (June 2021): 297–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000795.

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AbstractIn recent years scholars have shown increasing interest in lesbianism under National Socialism. But because female homosexuality was never criminalized in Nazi Germany, excluding Austria, historians have few archival sources through which to recount this past. That lack of evidence has led to strikingly different interpretations in the scholarly literature, with some historians claiming lesbians were a persecuted group and others insisting they were not. This article presents three archival case studies, each of which epitomizes a different mode in the relationship between lesbians and the Nazi state. In presenting these cases, the article contextualizes them with twenty-seven other cases from the literature, arguing that these different modes illustrate why different women met with such radically different fates. In so doing, it attempts to bridge the divide in the scholarship, putting persecution and tolerance into a single frame of reference for understanding the lives of lesbians in the Third Reich.

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Buchner, Maximiliane. "Wiederaufbau aus dem Glauben." Architectura 46, no. 1 (December 30, 2016): 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/atc-2016-0006.

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AbstractEuropean architecture in the second-half of the 20th century had many different roles to fulfil. Initially it sought to reconnect to what had been the ›modern style‹ before the outbreak of World War II, or rather, before the rise of National Socialism in Germany and Austria. This is true in a very special way for sacral architecture. After the human catastrophe of the Nazi regime with its destruction and desperation, all eyes were on the Church awaiting a statement. This was made not only through the erection of newly-built churches – in a density unique in the history of church building – but also in their contextual placement. The thesis of this article claims that the embedding of sacred rooms within newly-built architecture, such as in residential buildings, universities and student accommodation, is an ideal way of creating new – and hopefully better – societies based on a foundation of religious values

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ČORNOVOL, Ihor. "Fathers, Sons, and Identity in the Galicia. Mykola Hankevyč and Henryk Wereszycki." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 11 (2018): 73–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2018-11-73-77.

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The author approached the problem of national identity – the most popular topic among Ukrainian scholars still – in the terms of relativism. Despite the ancestry, a person might choose other identity in Ukraine. The article focuses on biography of Henryk Wereszycki (1898–1990), a Polish historian. His natural father Mykola Hankevyč was a leader of the Ukrainian Social-Democratic Party, mother was Rosa Altenberg, a daughter of a Jewish book trader. Contrary to his parents, Henryk became neither Ukrainian, nor Jewish but a prominent Polish historian. After graduating from the Faculty of History of Lviv University, H. Vereshytskyi taught history at Lviv gymnasiums. In 1930 was published his first book «Austria and the 1863 Uprising». For the last four pre-war summers he worked as a librarian at the Pilsudski Institute in Warsaw. In September 1939, H. Vereshytskyi participated in the fighting for Warsaw, was captured and spent five years in fascist concentration camps. His mother, brother and sister were died in captivity. In the postwar period G. Vereshytsky continued his career as a historian.From 1945 to 1947 he worked in the Institute of National Memory, 1947–1956 – docent of Wroclaw University, 1956–1969 – Professor, later is a Doctor of Jagiellonian University. The entire edition of his first book «The Political History of Poland. 1864–1918» (1948) was destroyed by censorship. This book (first reprinted in Poland in 1990), as well as his «History of Austria» and «Under the Habsburgs» were included in the gold fund of Polish historiography. Keywords socialism in Galicia, Polish historiography, Rozalia Altenberg, Mykola Hankevych, Henryk Vereshytskyi.

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Martynov, Andrii. "Bifurcation in the Process of European Integration under the Influence of a Pandemic." European Historical Studies, no. 16 (2020): 19–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.16.2.

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The coronavirus pandemic has become the most serious challenge since the European Union’s existence. The challenge is complex. The first blow was struck on four freedoms: movement of capital, goods, labor and services. Discontinuing production under the influence of a pandemic will mean both insufficient supply and too low demand. Quarantine measures have split the Common Market into “national containers”. The monetary union is also facing a serious crisis before the pandemic. The next blow to European solidarity was the crisis with illegal migrants. The humanitarian crisis has benefited populists to intensify xenophobic sentiment and terrorist movements to send their killers to the EU. The pretext of left and right populism is wandering Europe. Security threats are real. The UK’s exit from the EU has created a deficit in the EU budget. Germany and France should increase their contributions proportionally. The Visegrad bloc countries oppose their greater financial responsibility. Austria does not agree with the single Eurozone budget. Polls in the spring of 2016 showed an increase in the position of European skeptics in France, Italy, Austria, the Netherlands, Germany, the Greek part of Cyprus, the Czech Republic and Hungary. Contemporary political discourse offers European optimistic and European pessimistic scenarios. The European Republic is decentralized (European regions), post-national, parliamentary-democratic and social. This concerns a possible shift from the United States of Europe project to the European Republic. The concept of republic is a common ideological and political heritage of Europe. A New Europe Demands New Political Thinking without Populism and Nationalism. The European Republic should be at the center of the triangle: liberalism (liberty), socialism (equality) and nationalism (brotherhood). The pessimistic scenario focuses on the fragmentation of the European Union. The basis of such fragmentation can be the project of European integration of different speeds.

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Crowe, David M. "Erika Thurner. National Socialism and Gypsies in Austria. Ed. and trans. Gilya Gerda Schmidt. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1998. Pp. 218, illus., map, tables. $34.95." Austrian History Yearbook 32 (January 2001): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800011644.

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Leigh, Jeffrey T. "T. Mills Kelly. Without Remorse: Czech National Socialism in Late-Habsburg Austria. East European Monographs 689. Boulder, CO: East European Monographs, 2006. Pp. 235, illus., maps, tables." Austrian History Yearbook 41 (April 2010): 277–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237809990361.

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Janik, Allan. "National Socialism and the Gypsies in Austria. By Erika Thurner. Edited and translated by Gilya Gerda Schmidt. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. 1998. Pp. 216. $34.95. ISBN 0-8137-0924-1." Central European History 32, no. 4 (December 1999): 487–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021920.

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Clarke, David. "Tourists as post-witnesses in documentary film: Sergei Loznitsa’s Austerlitz (2016) and Rex Bloomstein’s KZ (2006)." Oñati Socio-legal Series 10, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 642–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1045.

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This article compares two documentary films that address an apparent crisis of post-witnessing at memorials that commemorate the victims of National Socialism. In the context of contemporary debates about appropriate behaviour for tourists at sites of “dark” or “difficult” heritage, Sergei Loznitsa’s Austerlitz (2016) and Rex Bloomstein’s KZ (2006) take very different approaches to observing the act of visiting concentration camp memorials. Whereas Loznitsa adopts an observational documentary mode, constructing a cultural hierarchy between the touristic observer and the cinematic observer at memorials in Germany, Bloomstein’s film uses a participatory mode to prompt the viewer to consider the complexities of the affective-discursive practice of tourists engaging with the suffering of victims at the Mauthausen memorial in Austria. The article argues that Bloomstein’s decision to adopt a participatory approach is more productive in allowing us to think about the significance of responses to victims’ suffering at such sites. Este artículo compara dos documentales que giran en torno a una aparente crisis del post-testimonio en monumentos a las víctimas del nacionalsocialismo. En el contexto del debate actual sobre cómo deben comportarse los turistas en lugares de herencia “oscura” o “difícil”, Austerlitz (2016), de Sergei Loznitsa, y KZ (2006), de Rex Bloomstein, observan de forma muy diferente el acto de visitar antiguos campos de concentración. Mientras Loznitsa adopta un modo de observación documental, construyendo una jerarquía cultural entre el observador turístico y el cinemático, Bloomstein opta por un modo participativo para exhortar al espectador a considerar las complejidades de las prácticas afectivo-discursivas de los turistas que se comprometen con el sufrimiento de las víctimas. El artículo argumenta que la decisión de Bloomstein de adoptar un enfoque participativo es más productivo a la hora de propiciar nuestra reflexión sobre el significado de las respuestas al sufrimiento de las víctimas en esos lugares.

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Rath, R. John. "The DollfuΒ Ministry: The Demise of the Nationalrat." Austrian History Yearbook 32 (January 2001): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001119x.

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The demise of Parliament in March 1933 was the most significant single act in the march to semifascism in Austria, which began with the formation of the Heimwehr in the early days of the First Republic and was well under way when significant changes were made in the government on September 21,1933, and a concentration camp was established at Wöllersdorf a few days later. Traditional democratic means were employed to abolish Parliament. Dollfuβ, the Heimwehr, and the Christian Social Party only did what parties in power in democracies do when under attack. They used all the means at their disposal to protect their government from being overthrown. The Social Democrats and Greater Germans, likewise, employed only democratic means in their effort to overthrow the Dollfuβ regime and to preserve a democratically elected Parliament. Dollfuβ and the leaders of all but the National Socialist Party in Austria were well aware of the great danger to Austria that stemmed from the intensification of National Socialist efforts to overthrow a democratic form of government in Austria after Hitler came to power in Germany and knew that the German National Socialists were providing financial support to the Austrian Greater German Party to support them in their efforts to take control of Austria.

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Markova, Ina. "Balancing Victimhood and Complicity in Austrian History Textbooks." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 3, no. 2 (September 1, 2011): 58–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2011.030204.

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This article focuses on the impact of images on reconstructions of the past. In order to analyze the function of images in history textbooks, image-discourse analysis is applied to a case study of Austrian postwar memory. The analysis of recent Austrian history textbooks provides insight into strategies by which notions of Austria as both "victim" and "perpetrator" of the National Socialist regime are held in balance. The article also focuses on the intentional framing of iconic depictions of two central Austrian sites of memory, Heroes' Square (Heldenplatz) and the State Treaty (Staatsvertrag).

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Schoiswohl, Michael. "Austrian Measures for Victims of National Socialism—An Overview." Austrian Review of International and European Law Online 8, no. 1 (2005): 327–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157365103x00306.

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Schoiswohl, Michael. "Documents on Austrian Measures for Victims of National Socialism National Fund 1995." Austrian Review of International and European Law Online 8, no. 1 (2005): 343–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157365103x00315.

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Zacek, Joseph Frederick. "Without Remorse: Czech National Socialism in Late-Habsburg Austria. By T. Mills Kelly. East European Monographs, no. 689. Boulder, Colo.: East European Monographs, 2006. Dist. Columbia University Press, vii, 235 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Illustrations. Tables. Maps. $40.00, hard bound." Slavic Review 67, no. 2 (2008): 461–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900023780.

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Vansant, Jacqueline. "Challenging Austria's Victim Status: National Socialism and Austrian Personal Narratives." German Quarterly 67, no. 1 (1994): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/408117.

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Carsten, F. L. "Austrian Exodus. The Creative Achievements of Refugees from National Socialism." German History 14, no. 3 (July 1, 1996): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/14.3.416.

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Bassok, Or. "The mysterious meeting between Carl Schmitt and Josef Redlich." International Journal of Constitutional Law 19, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 694–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moab061.

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Abstract In 1934, Carl Schmitt, then the crown jurist of the Third Reich, wrote in an essay titled “National Socialist Legal Thought” about “[a] conversation with a world-famous, world travelled, experienced scholar of more than seventy years of age from the United States [which] belongs to the major experiences and encounters which led me as a jurist to National Socialism.” Schmitt never disclosed the identity of the scholar whom he met. Based on Schmitt’s diaries, I reveal that the scholar was Josef Redlich. Born to a Jewish family in 1869, Redlich was the Fairchild Professor of Comparative Public Law at Harvard Law School at the time he met Schmitt in 1931. According to Schmitt’s 1934 essay, the conversation focused on the indeterminacy of legal norms and on a nihilist understanding of the era. Even after discovering the identity of the scholar to whom Schmitt refers in his essay and analyzing the ideas discussed in their meeting, the story of the encounter between Schmitt and Redlich remains mysterious. For some reason, the ideas of a scholar of Jewish descent, who believed in an Austrian multi-national, federal state, inspired and played a profound role in the formulation of a blatantly antisemitic essay promoting National Socialist legal thought by the crown jurist of the Nazi regime. Schmitt repeated the tale of his meeting with an American scholar—without disclosing his identity—in a lecture he gave in Italian, two years after publishing his essay. Based on an analysis of this obscure lecture, his 1934 essay, and various other materials written both by Schmitt and Redlich, I offer three possible explanations for why Schmitt viewed his encounter with Redlich as so influential on his road to National Socialism.

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BARKER, ANDREW. "Marie Frischauf's "Der graue Mann": National Socialism and the Austrian Novel." Austrian Studies 11, no. 1 (2003): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aus.2003.0003.

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Schwarz, Egon. "Mass Emigration and Intellectual Exile from National Socialism: The Austrian Case." Austrian History Yearbook 27 (January 1996): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005798.

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History is made up of continuities and discontinuities. To do it justice it is necessary to take both of these ordering principles into account. Exile and banishment have always existed—mass expulsions and mass deportations have been recorded since Nebuchadnezzar's rule in the sixth century B.C. But, because of their power of expression and criticism, writers, intellectuals, and artists have been favorite targets for tyrants' wrath, and for those same reasons writers and intellectuals are the prime witnesses of the exile experience. Ovid's elegiac lament, Dante's bitter pride, Heine's poisoned homesickness, and Unamuno's scornful hatred are famous manifestations of the exile's state of mind.

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Rath, R. John. "The Deterioration of Democracy in Austria, 1927–1932." Austrian History Yearbook 27 (January 1996): 213–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800005890.

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By the spring of 1927 democratic institutions seemed to have secured a relatively firm footing in Austria. That appearance was deceptive. The same year saw the beginning of the deterioration of Austrian democracy.The achievement of a secure democratic political environment by 1927 appeared grounded in reality. Within eight years after the Austrian Social Democrats had quashed the threat of a Communist-inspired Soviet republic in Austria, the bourgeois-dominated democratic government had succeeded in building up a reliable police force, gendarmerie, and army adequate to protect it against any internal threats. Rent as it was by the endless power struggles of its leaders, the Heimwehr was still only a relatively weak force on the political horizon. The National Socialist Party, split into quarreling factions, amounted to little more than a noisy opposition group. With the marked improvement in the Austrian economy by the mid-1920s, Austrian anti-Semitism had noticeably declined by the end of 1926. Perhaps most important of all, the foreign financial assistance assured by the Geneva Protocol of 1922 and the subsequent economic stabilization measures under-taken by the government did much to put the country's financial house in good order.

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Weidinger, Bernhard. "“... in order to Keep German Soil German”: Austrian Burschenschaften, Nationalist Ethnopolitics and the South Tirol Conflict after 1945." Austrian History Yearbook 45 (April 2014): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237813000684.

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Burschenschaften, as a particular type of German-nationalist (völkisch) student fraternity, have partaken in shaping Austrian politics in numerous ways since the nineteenth century. Acting as the standard-bearers of German nationalism in Austria after 1945 and being strongly represented in the ranks of the Freedomite Party of Austria (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs/FPÖ), they have been able to maintain a degree of political relevance up until the present day—their intimate ideological, personal, and institutional entanglement with the National Socialist regime notwithstanding. Nonetheless, their history has so far almost exclusively been written by fraternity members themselves, and mostly in an affirmative, if not apologetic fashion; critical assessments for the post-1945 era in particular are limited to a small number of articles that, for the most part, are based on secondary literature rather than on primary sources.

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McFall, Kelly. "Gau, Volk and Reich: Friedrich Rainer and the Paradox of Austrian National Socialism." History: Reviews of New Books 34, no. 3 (March 2006): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2006.10526882.

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Noakes, Jeremy. "Gau, Volk, and Reich: Friedrich Rainer and the Paradox of Austrian National Socialism." Central European History 40, no. 1 (February 27, 2007): 169–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000441.

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Pohn-Lauggas, Maria. "Biography and discourse: A biography and discourse analysis combining case study on women’s involvement in National Socialism." Current Sociology 65, no. 7 (August 5, 2016): 1094–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392116660856.

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The article is based on a case study that combines biography research with discourse analysis. The research question is: How, post-1945, might Austrian women who were involved in National Socialism use a gendered victim discourse as a pattern of interpretation to deal with their biographical experiences during National Socialism. As a first step, the article outlines the methodological approach employed. The use of a combination of biographical and discourse analysis takes into account the fact that biographies are structured by discourses and prepares the ground for the analysis of biographical accounts as everyday discourses. In this specific case, the discourse analysis reveals that a particular discourse called a gendered victim discourse allows National Socialism to be forgotten. At the same time, however, the case reconstruction of three biographies shows that the women do not use the gendered victim discourse as a discursive interpretation of National Socialism in their biographical accounts. Concerning this result the article argues that biographical significant experiences of events during National Socialism that remained meaningful after 1945 cannot simply be ‘forgotten’. The appropriation of a discursive pattern of interpretation is selective and depends on biographical structures.

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Strutz, A. "The Austrian Second Republic's Treatment of Victims of National Socialism and the Austrian "Standestaat" from 1945 to 1964." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 49, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/49.1.268a.

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Larkey, Edward. "Austropop: popular music and national identity in Austria." Popular Music 11, no. 2 (May 1992): 151–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000004980.

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The diffusion of rock and popular music from the US and British mass entertainment industries since the 1950s has had a profound impact on the music traditions world-wide. Several generations of youth have been socialised to the musical accompaniment of rock and roll music of the 1950s, the ‘beat music’ of the 1960s, the so-called ‘psychedelic’ or ‘underground’ rock music of the 1970s, disco, punk and new wave music in the 1970s and 1980s. It has resulted in the transplantation of these ‘foreign’ styles into music cultures with small groups of fan communities for rock and roll, country and western, blues, punk, reggae and others which were previously unheard of there before their introduction. In addition, domestic traditions have been profoundly affected by the diffusion of these new music styles and have integrated some of their musical, technical and other components into their own repertoires. The Schlager music in the German-speaking countries has been one of the most prominent in this respect, adapting syncopated rhythm but modifying its harmonic attributes in order to maintain its own prominence and cultural legitimacy in the music culture. Even the volkstümliche or folk-like music, a commercialised genre of traditional folk music, has undergone changes as a result of the diffusion of the newer forms of popular music. A third type of impact upon music tradition is that of ‘transnational’ or ‘transcultural’ styles. When imported musical and cultural innovations are mixed with domestic styles and traditions, these new styles and conventions are ultimately created. These, in turn, form a primary thrust in the cultivation and development of innovations in musical traditions, which eventually evolve into changes in the cultural identity of the particular country.

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Lindemann, Albert S. "The Rise of National Socialism and the Working Classes in Weimar Germany. Edited by Conan Fischer. Providence: Berghahn Books. 1996. Pp. vii + 248. $45.00. ISBN 1-57181-915-0. - Nazism and the Working Class in Austria: Industrial Unrest and Political Dissent in the National Community. By Timothy Kirk. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1996. Pp. xiv + 190. $44.95. ISBN 0-521-47501-5." Central European History 31, no. 1-2 (March 1998): 148–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900016186.

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Ebbrecht-Hartmann, Tobias. "Blind spots, in the Present. The National Socialist Past in Recent Austrian Films." zeitgeschichte 46, no. 4 (December 31, 2019): 535–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/zsch.2019.46.4.535.

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Benedik, Stefan. "Shifting the agency of remembering: Inventing the loyal Romani victim in the context of Austrian memory debates." Ethnicities 20, no. 1 (October 31, 2018): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796818807327.

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Many paradoxes characterise the case of Romani communities, who have been dubbed one of Europe’s most eminent ‘problems’. On the one hand, European states are increasingly acknowledging Romani people as a victim group of National Socialism and the Second World War while, on the other hand, politics and public debate continue to discriminate against contemporary Romani communities. As part of identity politics, Romani organisations have been highlighting their history of persecution, a process initiated at the time when the memory of National Socialism has become established as the core of European collective memory. This paper examines how narratives of a violent past have been integrated into Austrian ‘national memory’ and how this intersects with the construction of Romani victimhood history – often as a consequence of Romani organisation’s own efforts of telling their community’s history. I argue that the mainstreaming of Romani suffering is first due to a successful integration of Romani victims into the framework of a new understanding of ‘racially’ diverse Austrian victimhood. Second, I trace the role of individual protagonists within these processes of acknowledgment and highlight the relevance of gendered positions in developing a new racialised history of persecution.

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Journal articles on the topic 'National socialism – Austria'

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