Relevant bibliographies by topics / National socialism – Austria

Academic literature on the topic 'National socialism – Austria'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "National socialism – Austria"

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Duller’s, Matthias. "Sociology and National Socialism in Austria." International Sociology 37, no. 2 (March 2022): 255–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02685809221102698a.

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Frastikova, Simona, and Miroslava Najslova. "Semantic re-evaluation in the national socialist language and its diction in the right-wing populism." XLinguae 14, no. 2 (April 2021): 320–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.18355/xl.2021.14.02.23.

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Language and its correct application is a prerequisite for successful communication, not least for political communication. The main determinant of the success of politicians in elections is, above all, persuasion. It plays an important role in both direct and indirect communication of a political party with voters, and one of the frequent accompanying phenomena in a given communication is the use of language units in accordance with the corresponding ideology of the political party, which we understand in a broader context. A typical example here is the ideology of National Socialism, where it is clear to see how certain words, through semantic re-evaluation, have lost their original meaning and acquired a new one that corresponded to the views of the ruling ideology. However, some of these words are still present in the political discourse of right-wing populists, not least in Austria. It is the right-wing populist party Freedom Party of Austria (German: Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs, FPÖ) that applies a semantic re-evaluation of language units in its election posters, which either explicitly or implicitly reflects national socialist diction in election campaigns. The aim of this study is to demonstrate the application of semantic reevaluation during the rule of the National Socialists on selected words blood, revolution and socialism and to point out the individual linguistic references of National Socialism with contemporary right-wing populists and in their election posters.
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Nolte, Claire E. "T. Mills Kelly.Without Remorse: Czech National Socialism in Late-Habsburg Austria.:Without Remorse: Czech National Socialism in Late‐Habsburg Austria.(East European Monographs, number 689.)." American Historical Review 113, no. 2 (April 2008): 608–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.608.

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Uhl, Heidemarie. "Of Heroes and Victims: World War II in Austrian Memory." Austrian History Yearbook 42 (April 2011): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000117.

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In Tony Judt's historical essay on postwar Europe's political myths, Austria serves as a paradigmatic case for national cultures of commemoration that successfully suppressed their societies’ involvement in National Socialism. According to Judt, the label of “National Socialism's First Victim” was applied to a country that after the Anschluss of March 1938 had, in fact, been a real part of Nazi Germany. “IfAustriawas guiltless, then the distinctive responsibilities of non-German nationals in other lands were assuredly not open to close inspection,” notes Judt. When the postwar Austrian myth of victimhood finally disintegrated during the Waldheim debate, critics deemed the “historical lie” of the “first victim” to have been the basis for Austria's failure to confront and deal with its own Nazi past. Yet, one of the paradoxes of Austrian memory is the fact that soon after the end of the war, the victim thesis had already lost much of its relevance for many Austrians.
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Dittrich, Marie-Agnes. "How to Split the Heritage when Inventing a Nation. Germany's Political and Musical Division." English version, no. 10 (October 22, 2018): 359–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.51515/issn.2744-1261.2018.10.359.

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After the end of the old Empire in the Napoleonic Age, the states which are now Austria and Germany have separated gradually. But due to the rivalry which had emerged between Prussia and Austria in the decades before the new German Empire excluded Austria, the concept of “Germany” had to be redefined by differentiation not only from France, but from Austria too. Promoting the idea of an inherently “German” culture without admitting the superiority of practically all European cultural centres and especially of Vienna’s rich cultural and musical heritage required a redrawing of the map of Europe`s musical memory with the help of great dividers like religion or gender roles. Germans liked to believe that they were, as predominantly Protestants, more intellectual, progressive, and masculine, as opposed to the decadent, traditionalist Catholics in Austria. This “othering” of Austria affected the reception of composers like Beethoven, whom Prussia appropriated as German, or Schubert as typically Austrian. Similar differences were constructed with the shifting relationships between Germany and Austria after the WWI and after National Socialism, and when Germany itself was divided once more.
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Kapferer, Benedikt. "„Wo bleibt der demokratische Geschichtsunterricht?“ Der Umgang mit der NS-Vergangenheit in Schulbildung und Gesellschaft am Beispiel von Taras Borodajkewycz und Hans-Ulrich Rudel." historia.scribere, no. 12 (June 15, 2020): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.12.621.

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“Where are the democratic history lessons?” Dealing with the Nazi past in education and society in Austria with the examples of Taras Borodajkewycz and Hans-Ulrich RudelIn post-WWII Austria, the way the Nazi past was dealt with was far from frictionless or consensual. As opposed to the preceding ideologies of Fascism and National Socialism, a new democratic mentality had yet to be formed. In this regard, history lessons at universities and at schools are central spaces for analysing the processes of de-Nazification and democratization. Therefore, the following paper discusses two examples of highly controversial teachings that reflect the larger level of Austrian history after 1945: Taras Borodajkewycz (1960s) and Hans-Ulrich Rudel (1983).
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LENAERTS, Mariken. "The influence of National Socialism on divorce law in Austria and the Netherlands." Beiträge zur Rechtsgeschichte Österreichs 1 (2018): 102–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/brgoe2018-1s102.

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Uhl, Heidemarie. "Transformations of Austrian Memory:Politics of History and Monument Culture in the Second Republic." Austrian History Yearbook 32 (January 2001): 149–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800011206.

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On what was the first visit of an Austrian president to Israel, Thomas Klestil spoke before the Knesset in November 1994 of “repression,” of a lack of “admission to the whole truth,” stating, “We know that we have too often spoken of the fact that Austria was the first state to lose its freedom and independence to National Socialism—but we have spoken far too rarely of the fact that some of the worst henchmen of the NS dictatorship were in fact Austrians.” With this, Klestil was reacting to the fundamental questioning of the victim theory in the Waldheim debate as had Chancellor Franz Vranitzky in his often cited declaration to the Austrian Parliament on July 8,1991, to the effect that Austria “must admit to the good and bad … sides” of its history: “We must [admit] … to our share of the responsibility for the suffering that Austria did not cause as a state but that was brought upon other people and other peoples by the citizens of this country” and “apologize to the survivors and the descendants of the dead”.
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Reiter, Margit, and Sinéad Crowe. "National Socialism in Austria before and after 1945: Nazi Minister Anton Reinthaller and the Origins of the Austrian Freedom Party." German Yearbook of Contemporary History 5, no. 1 (2021): 115–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gych.2021.0011.

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Finney, Gail. "Performing Vienna: Theatricality in Jelinek's 'Burgtheater' and Bernhard's 'Heldenplatz'." German Politics and Society 23, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 24–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889110.

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Where better to begin talking about Viennese identity in the late twentieth century than in the work of Elfriede Jelinek and Thomas Bernhard—specifically, in two plays whose titles immediately evoke the city as well as pregnant moments in its history: Jelinek's Burgtheater (published 1982; premiered 1985 in Bonn) and Bernhard's Heldenplatz (premiered 1988 in Vienna's Burgtheater). Insofar as the two plays dramatize the extent to which National Socialism took hold and persisted in Austria, they epitomize both authors' perennial roles as keen observers and harsh critics of Austrian society. Burgtheater and the scandal it generated established Jelinek's function as "Nestbeschmutzerin," whereas Heldenplatz, appearing the year before Bernhard's death, can be regarded as the capstone of his career as a critic of Austrian mores and politics.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National socialism – Austria"

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Bent, George R. "Austrian National Socialism and the Anschluss." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1357673930.

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Higham, Jon. "The politics of memory in the Austrian province of Carinthia how distinctive are the collective memories of the three main political parties of Carinthia? /." Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=26086.

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Kropiunigg, Rafael Milan. "The lives and afterlives of the Mauthausen subcamp communities." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/263563.

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Concentration camp scholarship has been impacted by an ‘island syndrome’: most research limits itself to one site, focuses either on its life or afterlife, and overlooks interactions among functionaries, inmates, and local people. Central themes connected to the camps thus remain shrouded in popular misconceptions. This study breaks with historiographical orthodoxies and addresses common confusions through a new framework. Drawing on Ebensee and the Loiblpass, two forced labour outposts of the Mauthausen complex, it presents the first integrated account of the divergent factors that shaped the legacies of these sites and the fates of their subjects. A focus on Ebensee shows how gravely the local bureaucracy, relief workers, and US Army impacted on the early postwar lives of former camp inmates. Victim groups were marginalised by local and Allied actors precisely because of a broad awareness and continued survivor presence. The Loiblpass figured less prominently in the postwar lives of its surrounding communities. At the core of postwar views lay pre-1945 experiences. Living in an epicentre of territorial struggles, Loibl Valley inhabitants did not externalise a strong political agenda and instead communicated a binary ‘selective association process’. The memory of the camp prompted a positive association in socioeconomic terms; political allusions provoked a relativizing of brutality and a claim to personal victimhood. The local context and postwar dimension constitute a missing link in our understanding of these sites, their neighbouring communities, and the early postwar period more broadly. While the causal relationship between a social reintegration of Nazis and a re-marginalisation of genuine victims has thus far been viewed chiefly through the lens of federal politics, this development was already long under way—aided by all local actors—when amnesty laws encouraging the rehabilitation of former National Socialists came into effect; national and Allied policy decisions in the wake of the burgeoning Cold War only further catalysed this development from 1947 onwards.
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Kirk, Timothy. "The Austrian working class under National Socialist rule : industrial unrest and political dissent in the 'people's community'." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.257201.

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Dedryvère, Laurent. "Culture politique du nationalisme allemand en Autriche. Les associations de défense nationale et leurs almanachs illustrés [1880 -1918 ]." Thesis, Paris 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA030042.

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En analysant les almanachs illustrés et les autres publications associatives [1880-1918], on tente de cerner la culture politique propre au milieu national-allemand d'Autriche. On étudie tout d'abord les lieux de mémoire mis en avant par les intellectuels et les leaders nationalistes, tels qu'ils se manifestent dans la liturgie politique et dans les grandes narrations historiques. On s'emploie à montrer que suivant leur degré de radicalité, les militants ne leur donnent pas le même éclairage et n'établissent pas la même hiérarchie entre les référents historiques. On montre également que les activistes observent très attentivement les organisations rivales [tchèques, slovènes, italiennes] et s'approprient leurs lieux de mémoire, tout en leur donnant une interprétation radicalement di é- rente. On montre ensuite que les leaders associatifs cherchent à mettre le sentiment d'appartenance locale au service du sentiment national. Pour ce faire, la jeune discipline de la Volkskunde [ethnologie nationaliste] leur apparaît comme un instrument adéquat, parce qu'elle théorise l'insertion des individus dans des cercles concentriques [famille, lignée, communauté linguistique, etc.]. On s'intéresse donc aux collections des petits musées locaux créés par les antennes locales des associations, au catalogue de leurs bibliothèques, qui ont toujours pour mission de sensibiliser les visiteurs aux spécificités de leur environnement géographique immédiat, et de leur montrer que ce dernier s'insère harmonieusement dans la grande nation allemande
Working from an analysis of illustrated almanacs and other publications by nationalist organizations established in Austria between 1880 and 1918, this study attempts to outline the political culture of the German-national milieu in Austria. It focuses first on the significant landmarks of historical memory which nationalist intellectuals and leaders called attention to and which were highlighted in the political commemorations and the grand historical narratives which they upheld. Our work shows that depending on their degree of radicalization, activists did not regard these landmarks in the same way, and they didn't establish the same hierarchy between them. It also reveals that activists observed rival [czech, solvene or italian] organizations very closely, and that they appropriated their signi cant "realms of memory", albeit with radically different interpretations. This study then attempts to explore how organization leaders sought to make the sentiment of local belonging serve the feeling of national belonging. With this aim in view, the new discipline known as Volkskunde [nationalist ethnology] was perceived as an adequate tool, because it provided a theoretical frame inserting individuals into a series of concentric circles [family, genealogical line, linguistic community, etc.]. This work looks at the collections of small local museums created by local branches of organizations, and at their library catalogues, whose mission was always to make visitors aware of the specificities of their immediate geographical surroundings and to show them how these surroundings were a part of the overall harmony of the great German nation
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Holt, Lee Wallace. "Mountains, mountaineering and modernity : a cultural history of German and Austrian mountaineering, 1900-1945 /." 2008. http://www.lib.utexas.edu/etd/d/2008/holtd18442/holtd18442.pdf#page=3.

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Pražáková, Hana. "Periodický tisk na Kutnohorsku v období 1918-1948." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-352647.

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The master thesis Periodical Press in the Kutná Hora Region during the period 1918 - 1948 focuses on the changes of the structure of periodical press in the Kutná Hora region in the specified time range. First, the definition of the Kutná Hora region with its demographic and geographic characteristics is provided. As the structure of the periodical press in the Kutná Hora region during the era of the First Republic was based on the situation before the First World War, the landscape of the media of the Kutná Hora region before 1918 is described. Kutná Hora region had been already rich in periodical press of political parties as well as the press of non-political organizations in that time and the same situation applies also for the interwar period. After the Munich agreement until the beginning of the occupation of Czechoslovakia the structure of the political press was changing at first and finally all the periodicals of political parties ceased to exist. By the march 1943, also the press of the non-political organization disappeared. In 1945 the richness of the prewar periodical press situation was not renewed. Most of the political parties shifted their weekly newspapers away from the Kutná Hora region and the non-political organizations were not allowed to publish their magazine due to the lack of...
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Zikmund, Michal. "Politické programy české reprezentace ve druhé polovině 19. století." Master's thesis, 2016. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-352516.

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The thesis Political Programmes of the Czech Representation in the Second Halve of the 19th Century focuses on both programme documents and actual work of Czech political parties, whether more or less institutionalized, between the years 1848 (March Revolution) and 1918 (the downfall of Austria-Hungary). At first it summarizes the historical development in the respective period (Chapter 1), next, it analyses programmes of political parties in three broadly defined topics: 1) Organisation of the empire, question of the Czech State Right (Chapter 2); 2) Constitutionalism, civil rights and role of a citizen (Chapter 3) and 3) National matters (Chapter 4). The attitudes about each of these areas of the following political parties are defined: Bohemian nobility, National Party (till 1874) or Old Czechs (since then), Young Czechs, Social Democrats, Agrarians, Catholic parties, National Socialists, Progress parties and parties of the Radical State Right, Realists and Anarchists. For the conclusion, the author of the thesis attempts to characterise and evaluating the Czech political representation, as well as its importance for the development since 1918.
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Books on the topic "National socialism – Austria"

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National Socialism and Gypsies in Austria. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1998.

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Feichtlbauer, Hubert. The Austrian dilemma: An inquiry into national socialism and racism in Austria. Wien: Holzhausen, 2001.

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Benziger, Marguerite. Austria Nazified: Years of terror, 1938-1955. Pittsburgh, Penn: Dorrance Publ., 1999.

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Herschy, Reginald W. Freedom at midnight: Austria, 1938-55, a story of the traumatic years of occupation. Upton upon Severn, Worcestershire: R. Herschy in association with the Self Pub. Association, 1989.

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Pelinka, Anton. Austria: Out of the shadow of the past. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1998.

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Bukey, Evan Burr. Hitler's hometown: Society and politics in Linz, Austria, 1908-1945. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986.

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Remembering and forgetting Nazism: Education, national identity, and the victim myth in postwar Austria. New York: Berghahn Books, 2003.

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Thomas Bernhard: The making of an Austrian. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001.

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Des Führers heimliche Vasallen: Die Putschisten des Juli 1934 im Kärntner Lavanttal. Wien: Czernin, 2007.

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Hitler's hometown: Linz, Austria, 1908-1945. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "National socialism – Austria"

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Mizuno, Hiroko. "Between Liberalism and National Socialism: The Historical Role of Volunteer Firemen Associations in Austria as a Public Sphere." In Mass Dictatorship and Modernity, 143–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137304339_8.

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Ebbrecht-Hartmann, Tobias. "Blind spots, in the Present. The National Socialist Past in Recent Austrian Films." In Gedenkjahr 2018, 535–56. Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14220/9783737010092.535.

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Mettauer, Philipp. "Survivors, Victims, and Perpetrators at the Lower Austrian Psychiatric Hospital Mauer-Öhling During the National Socialist Era." In Beyond Camps and Forced Labour, 31–47. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-56391-2_3.

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Mittnik, Philipp. "Holocaust Education in Austrian Primary Schools: A Plea for Teaching the History of National Socialism to 9- and 10-Year-Olds." In Holocaust Education in Primary Schools in the Twenty-First Century, 95–108. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73099-8_6.

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Caplan, Jane. "2. National Socialism." In Nazi Germany: A Very Short Introduction, 12–20. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198706953.003.0002.

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‘National Socialism’ argues that the roots of Nazi ideology and politics can be traced to Germany and Austria between 1890 and 1914, the era when Hitler and other leading Nazis came of age. It highlights the emergence of radical visions of identity and community in imperial Germany, and their disruption by the unexpected outcome of the First World War. Defeat, revolution, and republic changed the rules of German politics, splitting the country and amplifying the political ambitions, ideological belligerence, and antisemitism of the radical right.
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Gödl, Doris. "Women’s Contributions to the Political Policies of National Socialism." In Women in Austria, 15–27. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351299084-3.

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Zeidman, Lawrence A. "Austrian and Czech neuroscience becomes “coordinated” under National Socialism." In Brain Science under the Swastika, 279–318. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198728634.003.0007.

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The Austrian neuroscience consolidation came swiftly and terribly on “non-Aryans.” Austrian anti-Semitism was arguably even more virulent than in Germany. And laws had already escalated in Nazi Germany to the point that Jewish physicians at most could only treat other Jews as derogatorily called “sick treaters”; these laws were instantly applicable in “annexed” Austria, with no stepwise progressive disfranchisement. Even “Aryan” neurologists who were thought to be unsympathetic to the Nazi movement were dismissed shortly after the “annexation.” The Vienna university neurology clinic was taken over primarily by SS neurologists who had been “illegal” Nazis before the annexation and were extremely dedicated to the Nazi cause. At least one, Walther Birkmayer, spoke of expanding the sterilization law to other hereditary conditions not stipulated already by the law. At least nine racial or political neuroscientist replacements, including directors of institutes, led to racial hygiene consequences, including execution of sterilization and euthanasia programs.
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Klösch, Christian. "Spaltung und Radikalisierung. Deutschliberale und Deutschnationale 1850–1918." In Niederösterreich im 19. Jahrhundert, Band 1: Herrschaft und Wirtschaft. Eine Regionalgeschichte sozialer Macht, 391–418. NÖ Institut für Landeskunde, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52035/noil.2021.19jh01.18.

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Division and Radicalisation. German Liberals and German Nationals 1850–1918. The developments in the 19th century laid the foundation for the spectrum of political parties that have determined the political landscape of Austria to the present day. Initially, German nationalism was shaped by a “liberal-thinking upper bourgeoisie”, but when the German National bloc broke up in the 1880s, an “aristocratically thinking petty bourgeoisie” took the lead. The political biography of Georg von Schönerer (1842–1921) reflects this development. From the remains of the German liberal ideology arose not only social democracy and Christian socialism but a German national “right wing”, economically liberal and state-supporting, and a “left wing”, ethnic, racist and anti-Semitic. These wings overlapped in many ways and their proponents often changed positions. Ultimately, Austrian German nationalist parties laid the ideological foundation upon which in the 20th century National Socialism built its ideology.
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Eder, Franz X. "‘The Nationalists’ ‘Healthy Sensuality’ was followed by America’s Influence’: Sexuality and Media from National Socialism to the Sexual Revolution." In Sexuality in Austria, 102–30. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315129273-6.

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Hochman, Erin R. "Representative Democracy." In Imagining a Greater Germany. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501704444.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the efforts to create a republican holiday in each state. Although republicans in Germany were never able to declare an official state holiday, they managed to stage a de facto republican celebration that included Germans from different political, social, and religious backgrounds. In Austria, the situation regarding a holiday presented the opposite scenario. The Austrian National Assembly easily passed a law creating a holiday to commemorate the founding of the republic, but the yearly commemoration only served to reinforce the divisions between the socialist and Catholic parties in Austria. These different political contexts also explain why the Austro-German republican partnership included socialists, left liberals, and Catholics in Germany and only socialists in Austria.
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