Journal articles on the topic 'National Socialism And Medicine'
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1
Benecke, Jakob, and Jörg-W. Link. "Education under National Socialism: Ideology, Programs and Practice." Locus: Revista de História 28, no. 2 (December 20, 2022): 64–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2594-8296.2022.v28.38589.
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The article provides a condensed, introductory overview of National Socialist formation education in the Hitler Youth and school. It is based on the author’s own research and relevant presentations. Education under National Socialism was characterized by the interplay of a racist worldview and the regime’s totalitarian will to rule. For Nazi education, this meant that the political took precedence over all social issues, including all issues relevant from the perspective of educational theory. In our analysis, we distinguish between two levels: the level of standardization and the level of educational practices in the Hitler Youth and school. Particularly during World War II, political demands were increasingly rigidly enforced, and adolescents were increasingly instrumentalized for their purposes. The National Socialists’ aspirations for total control compared to the educational reality exhibited correspondences as well as discrepancies and contradictions. Against the background of traditional tasks of education, the verdict on Nazi education from a normative point of view is clearly negative. However, if one also looks at National Socialist educational practices, one notices numerous characteristic ambivalences – between the partly contradictory demands of the National Socialist regime, but also between its educational practices and its attempts at realization. On the one hand, National Socialists achieved comprehensive formative successes, while on the other hand they often failed because of their totalitarian objectives.
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Shalvey, Aisling. "Little’s Disease During National Socialism." Medizinhistorisches Journal 57, no. 3 (2022): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/mhj-2022-0009.
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Ryu, Seung-Ju. "Socialist Construction and National Culture Inheritance: North Korea in the 1950s." Korea Association of World History and Culture 64 (September 30, 2022): 53–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2022.09.64.53.
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The policy of inheritance and development of national cultural heritage has been a consistent policy of North Korea after the Liberation. In the early 1950s, North Korea needed internal integration and mobilization of internal resources in order to reorganize the Workers’ Party and the state system and to carry out post war reconstruction projects. Accordingly, the importance of national cultural heritage was further emphasized in terms of both ideology and practical use. In 1955, Kim Il-sung directed the establishment of ‘Juche’ based on the National Cultural Tradition and the Anti-Japanese Revolutionary Tradition. After the policy of socialist construction was fixed at the 3rd Congress of the Workers’Party of Korea in 1956, the project to inherit national cultural heritage was carried out with the goal of socialist construction. In particular, the advanced and reforming aspects were rediscovered in Silhak ideology. North Korea justified its radical socialization path through the ideology of Silhak. On the other hand, national cultural heritage in each sector, such as traditional science, architecture, weaponry, medicine, crafts, musical instruments, and clothing, was directly utilized and applied to the construction of socialism in North Korea as socio-economic resources, and it was closely related to the lives of the residents. Inheriting the tradition and realizing it in the present era was the realization of Juche, and it contained the orientation of the people's sovereignty in the sense that the people enjoy the nation’s treasures. Through the inheritance of national cultural heritage, North Korea’s socialist construction was ideologically reversed and utilized practically. In this way, North Korean socialism and national cultural traditions were closely related, and thus the nationalistic character took root in the North Korean socialist system.(University of North Korean Studies)
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Massis, Henri. "Spengler – the Harbinger of National Socialism." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 65 (March 1, 2020): 246–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-4-246-252.
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Henri Massis devoted special attention in his publicism to the issues of Germany and Russia as enemies of France and “the West” and he analyzed Oswald Spengler’s book “The Decline of Europe” as the philosophy that served, according to the author, as the basis for further coming into power of national socialists in Germany. While considering all the simplifications of the concept of O.Spengler (who was a recognized adversary of national socialism), the article gives the idea of how it was received by the conservative circles in France of the day.
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Fambrini, Alessandro. "Impotenza, fuga e controidilllio: Schwiebus di Arno Lubos." Caietele Echinox 44 (June 1, 2023): 248–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/cechinox.2023.44.17.
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"In the nineties, a debate on the “impossible” hypothesis of a victory for the Third Reich in the Second World War and what would happen after it ran through German historiography. According to this interpretation, National Socialism would have been an extreme and unrepeatable phenomenon. After its definitive affirmation, a process of progressive moderation would have started. “If Hitler had won, National Socialism would be stifled in its radicalism, or it would have become bourgeois,” writes Alexander Demandt in Wenn Hitler gewonnen hätte (1995). Arne Lubos’ novel Schwiebus (1980) anticipates this debate by a decade and develops the motif of “Nazism after Nazism” in an all-historical key. It denies “normalizing” perspectives and outlines scenarios in which National Socialist hegemony has given rise to a regime in which repression and terror are not entirely evident but no less widespread and frightening. Our paper aims to explain its narrative strategies."
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Schmidt, Alexander. "The Nazi Party Rally Grounds in Nuremberg." Ex Novo: Journal of Archaeology 5 (May 24, 2021): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/exnovo.v5i.412.
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The former Nazi Party Rally Grounds in Nuremberg reflect politics and public debates in Germany between suppression, non-observance and direct reference to the National Socialist Past since 1945. Within this debate, various ways of dealing with the architectural heritage of the National Socialism exist. Those approaches are often contradictory. Since 1945 (and until today), the former Nazi Party Rally Grounds have been perceived as an important heritage. However, despite innumerable tourists visiting the area, parts of the buildings were removed and through ignoring the historic past of the Nazi Party Rally Grounds, an everyday usage of the area was established. As of the public representation of the city, Nuremberg’s Nazi Past was played down and hidden. Simultaneously, considerable efforts were made to maintain and renovate areas of the Party Rally Grounds, partly out of a pragmatic manner as well as to document and educate about history. The special role Nuremberg played under National Socialism, led to a particularly prominent culture of remembrance (Erinnerungskultur). However, this isn’t the outcome of a simple success story coming from initial public suppression to a conscious examination of the National Socialist Past. It has been a rather contradictory non – linear process, continuing until today.
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Stratford, Will. "Rediscovering Revolutionary Socialism in America:." Moving the Social 68 (December 20, 2022): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.68.2022.33-65.
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This article examines the pre-World War I editorials of America’s first Socialist con- gressman, Victor Berger, in order to recover the lost history of early twentieth-century American socialism from the obscuring lenses of Progressivism, Populism, anarchism, scientism, Soviet Communism, and American Exceptionalism. As I argue, talk of a Second Gilded Age today overlooks the vastly different roles “socialism” has played in the respective discourses. Rather than fighting for a stronger national welfare state, even the most conservative Socialists like Wisconsin Representative Victor Berger campaigned for the abolition of wage labour and the overthrow of global capitalism. Recognizing Populism’s failure to preserve its political independence as a working-class movement, Berger, like Debs, proposed that the working class should organize itself under the banner of a socialist party to take state power. In order to link the forma- tion of mass parties like the Socialist Party of America to a totalizing philosophy of history and international political revolution, Berger drew from Second-International Marxist dialogue in which it was enmeshed, not indigenous American traditions. The prolific editorial career of Victor Berger, head of the largest English-language socialist daily in the country, demonstrates how pre-war American Socialists did not merely “translate” Second-International Marxism but rather made up a constitutive part of its transatlantic development.
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Pross, C. "The Attitude of German Emigre Doctors Towards Medicine under National Socialism." Social History of Medicine 22, no. 3 (October 23, 2009): 531–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hkp064.
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Todd, Edmund M. "Book Review: Science, Technology, and National Socialism." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 70, no. 4 (1996): 738–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.1996.0160.
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Begić, Martina Sr Ana. "The Principle of Solidarity and Fraternity/Brotherhood in Socialist Yugoslavia in the Light of the Catholic Social Teaching." Bogoslovska smotra 93, no. 5 (2024): 957–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.53745/bs.93.5.4.
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The paper is divided into two parts. The first part explains the concept of solidarity and fraternity on a theoretical level, especially in the light of Catholic social teaching. The second part analyzes the principles of solidarity and fraternity in Croatian society during the National Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In addition to solving the national question under a specific aspect of brotherhood, this term was understood in the spirit of the communist ideology of brotherhood and unity of the Yugoslav peoples, and the ideology of solidarity was present predominantly in the form of self-governing socialism. The paper, therefore, shows how socialist Yugoslavia had many characteristics of a totalitarian system defined by communist ideology.
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Lee, Hee-eul. "Kwon Oh-seol’s Acceptance of National Revolutionary Move- ment Discourse and Tactics of National Liberation Movement." Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History 44, no. 2 (February 28, 2023): 173–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.173.
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Kwon Oh-seol, who participated in the national liberation movement led by the communist group in Colonial Joseon in the 1920s, participated in the enlightenment movement before accepting socialism. Previous studies have identified his activities as influenced by the national independence movement in the 1910s, but did not to elaborate on his acceptance of socialism and the development of the national liberation movement centered on the popular movement. this paper tried to clarify the relationship between his activities and the national liberation movement by specifically reviewing his growth background and acceptance of socialism, and the theory of national revolutionary movement. Kwon Oh-seol was able to forming an enlightened consciousness of life improvement and a revolutionary class consciousness and possible to participate in the national liberation movement based on the national revolutionary movement. he planned The 6·10 National Movement in 1926 and tried to embrace the Old faction of Cheondogyo and the student class while attempting to raise the public’s consciousness of national liberation. Kwon Oh-seol’s national liberation movement were formed based on the consciousness of life improvement and Comintern’s theory of the National Revolutionary Movement.
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Krischel, Matthis. "Zahnärzte und Dentisten im Nationalsozialismus." Medizinhistorisches Journal 51, no. 1 (2016): 2–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/medhist-2016-0001.
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Kolcheva, E. M. "100 years of Mari fine art: socialist realism (late 1930s – 1980s)." Finno-Ugric World 14, no. 1 (April 22, 2022): 100–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2076-2577.014.2022.01.100-115.
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Introduction. The article continues a series of publications dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the Mari autonomy and the emergence of professional fine art among the Mari people. It characterizes the period of socialist realism. From the point of view of the development of the national fine arts of the Mari, socialist realism needs to be comprehended using new methodological paradigms. Materials and Methods. The fine arts of the Mari Region have been analyzed using the author’s cultural and archetypal approach and the methods of historical research. The research materials include works of fine art from the museums of the Republic of Mari El, documents from the State Archives of the Republic of Mari El, media publications, newsletters and catalogs. Results and Discussion. In the history of the Mari art of socialist realism, two stages have been defined. The first one is the period of recovery after repressions and the Great Patriotic War in the late 1930s – 1950s. The second one is the heyday of the fine arts of the Mari ASSR in the 1960–1980s. Socialist realism as an artistic method is indirectly representative of the process of ethno-cultural reflection as the essence of national fine arts, it is focused on showing the achievements of ethnic cultures in the modernization of the economy and culture. V. I. Lenin is represented as a teacher close to the people (by analogy with Kugu Yumo) in the pantheon of political leaders. The cultural hero is typified through the image of a national cultural figure, a machine operator, and historical personifications. The semantics of the image of a war veteran is supplemented by the function of the world tree on the social field. The female archetype is represented by the type of a collective farmer and milkmaid, less often it is represented by a woman engaged in creative or intellectual work. Conclusion. The era of socialist realism is the most important period in the formation of professional fine arts in the Mari Region, also being a national and ethnic phenomenon. The ambivalence of socialist realist artistic practice lies in the fact that, on the one hand, reflection boils down to the use of national ethnographic signs for visual agitation for socialism, to ignoring real mental processes, and on the other hand, a real process of modernization of national culture emerges through an ideologically idealized form. The ambivalence of socialist realistic artistic practice lies in the fact that, on the one hand, reflection boils down to the use of national ethnographic signs for visual agitation for socialism, to ignoring real mental processes, and on the other hand, a real process of modernization of national culture emerges through an ideologically idealized form.
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Vakhitov, R. R. "Alexander Shchipkov’s So- cial Traditionalism." Orthodoxia, no. 2 (September 28, 2023): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2022-2-93-103.
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Alexander Vladimirovich Shchipkov is a famous Russian Orthodox philosopher and public fi gure. A few years ago, his keynote monograph The Social Tradition was published. It is focused on the presentation of his concept of the social traditionalism. In it, Shchipkov notes that liberalism has ceased to be one of modernist ideologies. It actually has turned into the language of the modern Western world and absorbed the ideologies that were previously considered as its alternatives: socialism and rightwing conservatism. Guided by the ideas of Wallerstein’s world-system analysis, Shchipkov refutes the theory of two totalitarianisms. Shchipkov sees the Christian moral economics and the conservative socialism as the alternative to liberalism. The socialism is not reduced to the Soviet-type “real socialism”. Shchipkov points to “variations on the theme of social fairness” in the “Acts of the Apostles”, among teachers and fathers of the church. He also highlights Byzantium, the traditions of the Russian peasant community, and Western “general welfare” states. Shchipkov gives weight to the presence of a socialist stream in the USSR. Not in the Soviet Marxist state, but in the Soviet society, which adopted a lot from the spirit of the peasant world. Shchipkov considers the following disadvantages of the Soviettype socialism: the isolation from the national tradition and the attempt to use the proletarian internationalism instead of Russian national values when building the core of the state of social fairness. According to Alexander Shchipkov, the turn to tradition is now taking place on a global scale. However, tradition and traditionalism can be diff erent. Alexander Shchipkov counters the right-wing, guénonian and neo-Protestant liberal traditionalism with the leftwing traditionalism resting upon the apostolic Christianity, the idea of collective salvation, morality, creativity, technological progress, moral state, solidarism, egalitarianism, and democracy. This is what he calls the social tradition. The review suggests the idea that the Christian worldview expects one speaking not only about tradition, but also about social creativity.
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Süß, Martina. "Nursing care in the period of National Socialism." Pflege 13, no. 2 (April 1, 2000): 111–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1024/1012-5302.13.2.111.
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Wiktor, Zbigniew, and Wei Xiao. "Thoughts on the Theoretical Problems in the Book of Xi Jinping , Zarządzanie Chinami I [The Governance of China I], Wydawnictwo (Publishing House) Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2019, pp. 572." Reality of Politics 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 189–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201914.
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The article includes five parts: 1. Introduction – information about the book promotion event held in Warsaw on December 19, 2019 on the Polish edition of Xi Jinping’s Governance of China vol. I. The book launch was great not only because of the editing and the contents of the book, but also because it was a political, economic, cultural and international event, since the author is the number one politician not only in China but also in the contemporary world. The introduction includes information about the book content and demonstrates its importance for the theoretical generalizations and recognition of the main problems of contemporary China. 2. According to the authors of the paper, problems mentioned in the book are especially important. The original Chinese way of building socialism and the early stages of Chinese revolution were national, anti-feudal, anti-capitalist, democratic and socialist. Mao Zedong established class-based Maoism as a Marxism-Leninism in the Chinese version, while Deng Xiaoping and his successors established and developed the socialist market economy, which is the continuation of Maoism in the new era and they created the Chinese path to the anti-capitalist revolution and the building of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The perspective of the development of China till 2021 and 2049 (as a modern and developed socialism) and its influence on the national rejuvenation is not only Chinese but also an international issue. 3. Third part of the paper is devoted to the problems of building socialism in China, the analysis of the theory of Xi Jinping, the leading role of the CPC, the economic role of the owner and foreign capital in economy and policy, and the socio-economic contradictions in the contemporary PRC. 4. Forth part concerns Confucianism and Marxism as theoretical and practical problems in China; the original Chinese culture and civilization; the continuation and discontinuation of the historical development in contemporary epoch; the original development; the policy of opening- -up; the necessity of considering human contents of Confucianism in building and developing of socialism in China. 5. Fifth part of the paper is on the future status of the Communist Party of China’s Economy. Since the emergence of state-owned economy, it has played a huge role in the economic development of all countries. However, under the way of neoliberalism, state-owned economy has gradually been associated with backwardness and inefficiency. On the forum of state-owned economy enterprise reform in China, General Secretary Xi Jinping gave out important instructions. State-owned enterprises are an important force for strengthening the comprehensive power of the country and safeguarding the common interests of the people. State-owned enterprises must be made stronger, better and bigger. Academia has had a huge disagreement on this, and some scholars believe that this is an act of favoritism toward state-owned enterprises. This paper analyzes China’s state-owned economy from the perspective of total factor productivity (TFP), Marx’s historical materialism, national productivity, and social development, clarifying that state-owned economic reform is diff erent from the system of “profit based demands” rooted in the private economic market, but a system based on national productivity and the “needs” of the people. Making state-owned enterprises “stronger, better, and bigger” is in line with the historical development of socialism and material productivity, resolving doubts on the direction of state-owned economic
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Marek, Pavel. "THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CZECHOSLOVAK SOCIALIST PARTY IN 1948." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (49) (December 5, 2023): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(49).2023.290496.
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The Czechoslovak National Socialist Party, which changed its name several times over the years and whose legacy is currently claimed by the Czech National Social Party as a successor organization, is one of the oldest traditional Czech political parties. It was established in 1897 in the period of political differentiation of Czech society with the ambition of becoming an association of Czech workers, the organization of which until then had been the focus of the international Social Democratic Party. Eventually, it profiled itself as the party of the lower middle classes, with a nationalistically formulated programme of defending the ideas of democracy, social equality and justice that was aligned with the vision of creating a reformist Czech national socialism. By tradition, it was opposed to Marxism, communism and any kind of totalitarianism, and, after 1918, participated in the building of a democratic Czechoslovak Republic. It defended these policy postulates even after the end of the Second World War, when, in a heavily reduced, centre-left party-political system identified with the concept of the National Front, it profiled itself as the most consistent opponent of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ). While the Communist policy aimed at a complete takeover of power with the objective of the revolutionary transformation of Czech and Slovak society and the building of socialism and communism, the National Socialists unequivocally rejected this concept and aimed at a vision of a national, democratic and socially just state. The clash of these contradictory ideas about the future, which was not specific only to Czechoslovakia, but was related to the formation of the bipolar order of the world and Europe after the Second World War, and the fact that Czechoslovakia found itself in the Soviet sphere of influence, was reflected in the emergence and resolution of the government crisis of Gottwald’s cabinet in February 1948. The KSČ used this case for a coup d’état. It established the dictatorship of the proletariat in Czechoslovakia, liquidated the democratic political system and replaced it with a totalitarian one, and in line with Moscow’s intentions, it began a revolutionary transformation of society with the aim of building socialism. The February Communist coup also had a major impact on political parties, particularly the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party. The Communists, with the help of turncoats and careerists covered by Communist State Security, dismantled that party and began to actually build a new political party from its ruins under the name of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party. In terms of its policy statement, the party identified itself with the visions of the Communists, who made it a shadow organization collaborating with the regime until 1989. This study reflects the circumstances behind the formation of the Czechoslovak Socialist Party in 1948, with a focus on the formation of the party leadership and party elite. People who mostly cooperated with the Communists before February 1948, along with individuals secretly authorized by the KSČ and the security structures to work among the National Socialists for the purpose of intelligence and decomposition activities, established themselves as the leaders of the organization at central level.
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Bunyod, Eshboyev. "THE ROLE OF UZBEK FOLK GAMES IN YOUTH SOCIALISM." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 05, no. 05 (May 1, 2023): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume05issue05-05.
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The main task is to honor national folk games and traditions, to pass them on to future generations, to inculcate the essence of our national games into the hearts of the young generation. Through this article, we will once again be sure of the essence of our national games and their role in our life.
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Ndoja, Davjola. "German National Socialist Black Metal: Contemporary Neo‑Nazism and the Ongoing Struggle with Antisemitism." History of Communism in Europe 10 (2019): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce2019108.
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This paper is an exploration of the ideology of National Socialism in the work and activity of the German terrorist group and Black Metal band Absurd. Historians are divided—and many have criticized how postwar Germany dealt with denazification—, but the fact is that Nazi ideology has been part of the political and social spheres in Germany since then. Neo‑Nazism saw a revival especially in the first years after unification, which coincided with the beginning of Absurd’s story and career. Today, they hold the title of the National Socialist Black Metal act par excellence, with a 28‑year music career actively supporting and promoting Nazi ideology. Absurd makes a very interesting case study, since the band has played a key role in preserving and transmitting Nazi ideology, not just in Germany, but also worldwide.
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Hanauske-Abel, H. M. "Not a slippery slope or sudden subversion: German medicine and National Socialism in 1933." BMJ 313, no. 7070 (December 7, 1996): 1453–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.313.7070.1453.
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Neuburger, Mary. "Dining in Utopia: A Taste of the Bulgarian Black Sea Coast under Socialism." Gastronomica 17, no. 4 (2017): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2017.17.4.48.
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This article explores the ways in which the Bulgarian socialist regime integrated a newly elaborated culture of food and drink into its promises for the “good life” and a utopian future. With a focus on Black Sea coast tourism, it argues that the development of more refined food and drink offerings and public dining venues played a dual role of shaping and serving a modern socialist citizenry. With tourism as a major engine of the Bulgarian economy, catering to Bulgarian, Bloc, and Western tourists meant that creating a gastronomic utopia by the sea was part and parcel of “building” and showcasing socialism. This was intimately tied to bolstering state legitimacy through the provision of leisure and abundance, but also to a newly minted Bulgarian national cuisine. By the late 1970s and 1980s, however, the Black Sea tourist phenomenon both exhibited and exacerbated the problem of growing shortages and hence the deep crisis of the system, which collapsed in 1989.
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Bezarov, Oleksandr. "The jewish question in the concept of socialist zionism by Moses Hess." History Journal of Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University, no. 57 (June 30, 2023): 150–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2023.57.150-158.
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The famous German revolutionary activist and publicist of Jewish origin Moses (Moritz) Hess (1812–1875) left a noticeable mark in the history of the formation of the ideology of Zionism, being one of the first to formulate the socialist principles of the future Jewish state.The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that the concept of socialist Zionism, which M. Hess substantiated in the 1860s, was several decades ahead of the development of the ideology of Zionism itself, and also at the beginning of the 20th century determined the emergence of the ideas of Jewish socialism, which were reflected in the activities of the relevant revolutionary parties, especially in the Russian Empire (Poalei Zion, Zionist Socialist Workers Party, Socialist Jewish Workers Party, Tseirei Zion and others). Considering the importance of the conceptual ideas of M. Hess in the further development of the ideology of Jewish nationalism and socialism, it is worth analyzing the evolution of the ideas of M. Hess and determining his views on the solution of the Jewish question in the Western European countries of that time.The conclusions state that the emancipation policy applied by Western European states to the Jewish population in the first half of the 19th century, according to Hess, could not solve the Jewish question. Emancipation only created tension in the relations between Jews and non-Jews, because the latter chose the national principle of development. The non-Jewish society of Western Europe generally excluded Jews from its ideology of national culture. Hess rightly noted the contradictions of the policy of emancipation, which was based on the civilization ideas of the Great French Revolution, but was carried out under the condition of the national elevation of the European peoples. However, in the agrarian societies of Eastern Europe, the above-mentioned phenomena did not acquire the character of an open confrontation between Jews and non-Jews due to the weakly developed national factor and the noticeable influence of traditions. It was the last circumstance that inspired Hess in his concept of socialist Zionism. The religious idea of the collective immortality of the Jewish people should soon be embodied in «earthly Jerusalem», that is, in Jewish statehood on the territory of Palestine. However, the future Jewish republic, according to Hess’s ideas, will certainly be socialist, because the traditional society of Jews, especially in Eastern Europe, was socialist, that is, collectivist. The historical significance of Hess’s ideas was that he was one of the first Western European thinkers to warn of the dangers of the policy of emancipation of the Jewish people, which hid the threat of assimilation on the one hand, and racial anti-Semitism on the other hand. In the second half of the 19th century anti-Semitism in the countries of Western Europe became a noticeable factor not only in the development of national movements, but also influenced the ideological and political debate within socialist groups and parties, whose leaders were forced to take into account the national characteristics of the revolutionary struggle for the ideals of social justice. If we evaluate the concept of Hess through the prism of the revolutionary processes in the development of the Jewish people of Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 20th century, we can state that his ideas turned out to be a true prophecy, and the creation of the Jewish state in the middle of the same century was a natural result of the complex process of the national revival of the Jewish people.
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Smith, G. D. "Feasible Socialism: The National Health Service Past, Present and Future." BMJ 310, no. 6992 (June 3, 1995): 1477. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.310.6992.1477.
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Rudenko, Sergii, and Liudmyla Yevdokymova. "MODERNISATION FEATURES OF SOCIALISM WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS DOCTRINE IN THE NEW ERA (following the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China)." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 7 (2022): 34–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2022/7-6/11.
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This article presents an analytical overview of the critical modernisation features of Socialism with Chinese characteristics doctrine in the new era, which was proposed at the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China. The authors reconstructed and systematically represented the central philosophical and political principles of the doctrine of Socialism with Chinese characteristics in the context of the fundamental principles of Chinese Marxism. The authors also analysed and presented in a systematic form the essence and basic theoretical principles of the concept of Socialism with Chinese characteristics following Xi Jinping's works and reports. The study includes a comparative analysis that concludes with the critical features of the modern concept of socialism with Chinese characteristics. These features embrace the need for constant modernisation of the very doctrine of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the state management system, as well as social and cultural practices, which are possible through the implementation of innovations and the integration of modern philosophical thought with traditional Chinese philosophy and culture. The article concludes that the main feature of the modernisation of Socialism with Chinese characteristics at the current stage reveals in the development and implementation of a system of creative practices at the level of everyday culture, high-tech sectors of social production and the practice of intercultural communication within the framework of China's Belt and Road Initiative. In the discussion, the authors argue that implementing creative practices and creative industries could become an effective tool for developing China's Belt and Road Initiative in European countries and improving mutual understanding in the intercultural communication practices between China, European countries, and Ukraine.
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von Villiez, A. "The Emigration of Women Doctors from Germany under National Socialism." Social History of Medicine 22, no. 3 (November 24, 2009): 553–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hkp101.
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Tomasiewicz, Jarosław. "Drogowskaz na rozdrożu. Życie i myśl Józefa Karola Potockiego (1854–1898)." Polish Biographical Studies 10, no. 1 (2022): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2022.05.
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Józef Karol Potocki vel Marian Bohusz (1854–1898) was very important and influential although forgotten thinker. His ideas of evolutionary socialism and ethnic nationalism were fundamental for both main Polish political formations of the 1st half of 20th century: Polish Socialist Party (and broader Piłsudski’s camp) and National Democracy. The very fundament of Potocki’s world-view was idea of any “cosmic energy” as prime mover of evolution. The evolution leads towards broader and broader, deeper and deeper integration, towards more complex societies. In opinion of Potocki socialism (as a system based on cooperation) would be natural result of this evolution. Historical and cultural heritage transform society into nation – community bonded by biological ancestry, economic cooperation and culture. This ethnic meaning of the Polish nation excluded Jewish minority. On the other hand, the real nation are the working people (especially peasants), not ruling classes. Nation needs an independent state as instrument of autonomous development, therefore Potocki was bitterly anti-Russian. Potocki tried to propagate the idea of a common front of socialists and nationalists for independence. Polarization of Polish public opinion in the end of 19th century made his efforts unsuccessful.
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Putyatina, Irina S. "Todorova M. The Lost World of Socialists at Europe’s Margins: Imagining Utopia, 1870s – 1920s. London; New York: Bloomsbury, 2020. 384 p. ISBN 978-1-3501-5033-1." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 16, no. 3-4 (2021): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2021.16.3-4.13.
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This monograph by Maria Todorova discusses the establishment and mutual acceptance of the international socialist movement in Bulgarian social democracy. The main features of the socialist movement in Bulgaria are highlighted and the penetration of socialist ideas into the socio-political environment of the country is presented. The attitude of the Bulgarian socialists to the national question and the issues of war and peace during the Balkan Wars and the First World War are considered. Bulgarian socialists are presented as consistent internationalists and pacifists who did not change their positions even under the influence of the outbreak of the First World War. The problem of the imitativeness of Bulgarian socialism is analyzed as an integral part of the issue of Russian or Western European influence upon Bulgaria. Despite the fact that Todorova does not deny the prevalence and cultural influence of the ideas of Russian populism in Bulgaria, she comes to the conclusion that both Western European and national historiography tend to exaggerate the Russian influence on the formation of the Bulgarian socialist tradition. Features of the two political generations identified by Todorova that operated in Bulgaria during the period under consideration are presented and the typical places of education of Bulgarian socialists are revealed. Analyzing a large volume of historical sources, the author uses the biographical method to acquaint readers with numerous socialists forgotten or bypassed by the national communist historiography. Considering the individual experience of socialists, Todorova demonstrates the various paths that led people to this political camp. Attention is paid to the women's socialist movement in Bulgaria and the history of women's participation in the social and political life of the country.
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Xingyu, Chen. "Historical formation of Karl Marx’s thought of state governance." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2023): 196–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202301statyi44.
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K. Marx's thought of national governance is an important part of Marxist theory and the ideological source and theoretical basis of Socialism. This study attempts to restore the overall picture of the formation of Marx's national governance thought in history, deeply and carefully discuss the theoretical basis, practical basis and historical origin of Marx's national governance thought.
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Seidametov, Eldar Kh. "Situation of Tatars and other Muslim minorities in communist Bulgaria." Crimean Historical Review, no. 2 (October 28, 2021): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/kio.2021.2.20-32.
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The article examines the situation of the Tatars and other Muslim minorities in Bulgaria during the communist period. The policy of the state in relation to Muslim minorities after the proclamation of the People`s Republic of Bulgaria and the establishment of socialism in the state according to the Soviet model, when the political, economic and social models of the USSR were imported and introduced without taking into account the national characteristics of Bulgaria, are analyzed. As in the Soviet Union (especially in the early stage of its formation, religion was banned and this applied to all confessions without exception. The Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) made every effort eradicate religious identity and, in particular, Islamic identity. It was planned to replace the religious ideological fragment with a socialist one, and then, on its platform, form and stimulate the development of the national, modernist and Soviet identity of Muslims. Moreover, the emphasis was also placed on improving the way of life and the material situation of the Muslim population, which, according to the Marxist theory of culture, should have contributed to a more effective formation of socialist consciousness. The ruling party saw in the Muslim religious consciousness and rudiments of the Ottoman past, an obstacle on the way of socialist progress and formation of socialist consciousness. Emasculating elements of the religious worldview from the mind of people, the BCP set itself the task of creating a modern, secular, socialist personality. To this end, in 1946–1989 the government implemented a number of economic, educational and cultural establishments.
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Hildebrandt, Sabine. "Insights into the Freiburg Anatomical Institute during National Socialism, 1933–1945." Annals of Anatomy - Anatomischer Anzeiger 205 (May 2016): 90–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.aanat.2016.01.011.
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Lignitz, E. "The history of forensic medicine in times of the Weimar republic and national socialism—an approach." Forensic Science International 144, no. 2-3 (September 2004): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.forsciint.2004.04.044.
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Cuerda, Esther. "Medicine and State Violence." Conatus 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/cjp.20901.
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During the last decades, in different places and under different circumstances, some physicians and other health professionals have supported state violence. The Holocaust is a prime example for how doctors can cooperate with the state to plan, give ideological support to and implement violent policies. As a consequence of the Industrial Revolution, people gained access to health promotion and health protection, not as an achievement of the welfare state, but as a tool necessary to maintain healthy and more productive workers. Gradually, all social strata, employees and their relatives gained access to health coverage. Physicians as a group increased in number and changed the structure of their profession by establishing a symbiotic relationship with the state. Between the state and the medical class, different models of cooperation can be distinguished. In general, we can affirm that with the implementation of a public health system, greater interdependence among the state and the medical class was established. In the case of authoritarian or totalitarian regimes, the support of the medical class for violent policies depends on the degree of previous cooperation. National Socialist Germany and the Soviet Union are two striking examples of totalitarian states in which strong public health systems and subsequent close cooperation between the medical class and the state can be observed. In both countries, violent state policies were quickly accepted and integrated into medical practice. Practices such as forced sterilization, murder of patients or experimentation with prisoners were prevalent under National Socialism. The abuse of psychiatry as tool for exerting power was common in the Soviet Union. South American dictatorships constitute examples of totalitarian states with weak previous cooperation between the medical class and the state, as they did not have strong public health systems. In those countries, support for state violence can be found, such as participation of health care professionals in torture or abduction of babies, but cooperation was not as strong as in Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union. In other cases in which no strong previous relationship existed between medicine and the state, authoritarian regimes were not accompanied by medical support for violence, such as in the case of the Rwandan genocide or in Cambodia, where doctors were persecuted and murdered based on their membership of the bourgeois class.
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Swales, J. D. "Book Review: Feasible Socialism: The National Health Service Past, Present and Future." Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 89, no. 2 (February 1996): 93–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014107689608900211.
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Weiss, Sheila Faith. "Review of: The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism and German National Socialism." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 70, no. 2 (1996): 333–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.1996.0060.
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Hildebrandt, Sabine. "Anatomie im Nationalsozialismus: Stufen einer ethischen Entgrenzung." Medizinhistorisches Journal 48, no. 2 (2013): 153–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/medhist-2013-0005.
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Jinghui, Zhao. "Sports Diplomacy of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics in the New Era: Opportunities and Challenge." MATEC Web of Conferences 365 (2022): 01035. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/matecconf/202236501035.
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In 2005, former Foreign Minister Qian Qichen put forward and defined the concept of "sports diplomacy" in his Dictionary of World Diplomacy. "Sports diplomacy" is defined as "the foreign sports exchanges and exchanges conducted by a country's sports authorities or sports circles for the purpose of promoting relations between countries." It is reasonable to have different understanding and cognition to sports diplomacy. Due to different historical backgrounds, national rights and interests and international environments, China's diplomacy has different strategic aspirations and specific goals. Even if there are common interests, they differ in scope and emphasis. However, there are two common points: the target of foreign participants; For the purpose of fulfilling national interests. To sum up, sports diplomacy in the new era can be defined as the sum total of all external sports activities carried out by the participants through sports and sports culture exchanges with the participants for the purpose of realizing national political or diplomatic goals, promoting inter-state relations and safeguarding national interests.
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Siregar, Sarah Nuraini, Firman Noor, and Lili Romli. "SOCIALISM AND NATIONALISM: A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE THOUGHT OF H.O.S. TJOKROAMINOTO AND ALIMIN PRAWIRODIRJO." Akademika : Jurnal Pemikiran Islam 27, no. 1 (September 15, 2022): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/akademika.v27i1.4797.
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Oemar Said Tjokroaminoto and Alimin bin Prawirodirdjo were Indonesian founding fathers who played a salient role in the national movement and represented two influential groups and ideas of their time, Islamism, and communism. Due to their significant roles in the Indonesia independent movement and the broader Indonesian political thought, exploring their ideas is important. Hence, this article aims to analyze their thoughts on nationalism and socialism. By using a qualitative approach, this study traces two sources of data. First, references that contain the statements of these two figures and other scientific references. Second, confirming them based on analysis of two key informants' interviews. The study has demonstrated that Tjokroaminoto and Alimin's views on socialism and nationalism overlap in some regards and diverge in other aspects.
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Polyakov, L. V. "Social Tradition: Theoretical Problems and Practical Implementation." Orthodoxia, no. 2 (September 28, 2023): 104–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2022-2-104-127.
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The article examines the historical, logico-conceptual and politico-pragmatic content of an ideological trend, such as “social traditionalism”. The idea of combining socialism with the core tradition of Orthodoxy can be traced back in our history to the last quarter of the nineteenth century. In Konstantin Leontiev’s statements, in particular. Later on, it appeared among the members of the “Christian Brotherhood of Struggle”: Valentin Sventsitsky, Vladimir Ern, and the Priest Pavel Florensky. Nikolai Berdyaev upgraded this idea to its logical fi nish, by describing the phenomenon of “Russian communism” as the metamorphosis of Russian religiosity: they created the Third Rome, but got the Third International instead. Alexander Shchipkov’s thesis, according to which the traditional ideological paradigm of modernity (“liberalism — conservatism — socialism”) is undergoing the reformatting stage and is being replaced by the “nationalism — socialism — traditionalism” paradigm, implies that “liberalism” is being driven out by “nationalism” as its alternative. However, in the fi eld of international relations, “nationalism” can be interpreted as a projection of liberal individualism justifying the right of a national state to freedom, that is, sovereignty. Against the background of evaluating the outcome of the Cold War, the USSR breakup can be understood as the victory of liberalism over socialism. Today, China embodies the idea of socialism, while the liberal West faces inner culture wars: liberalism is being attacked by supporters of multiculturalism and the “cancel culture”. In the course of evaluating the prospects of “social traditionalism” as a Russian state ideology, one should take into account that both the United Russia party and President Vladimir Putin defi ne their ideological position as “conservatism”. At the same time, the latest edition defi nes presidential conservatism as a political management technology. In this regard, the defi nition of traditionalism as a “set of methods” and “procedures for ethicization” proposed by Alexander Shchipkov can also be considered technological rather than ideological. But in this case, a contradiction emerges: social traditionalism claims to replace conservatism precisely as an ideology, striving to synthesize socialism and Christianity. Socialism becomes the result of an arbitrary choice procedure, while Christianity remains a tradition, but not in the sense of the basic defi nition of traditionalism.
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Sukhobokovа, O. "NATIONAL AND SOCIAL СOMPONENTS OF UKRAINIAN REVOLUTION 1917–1921 IN N. HRYHORYIV'S VISION." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 5 (January 1, 2018): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.11186.
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The paper considers the national and social aspects of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921 in the conception of the national-state construction by N. Hryhoryiv. Public figure and politician Nykyfor Hryhoryiv was one of the active participants and theorists of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, the Minister of Education of the Ukrainian People's Republic, a member of the Central Rada, one of the leaders of the Ukrainian party of Socialist-Revolutionaries. He created the original conception of national-state construction in Ukraine of that period, which is relevant today.
According to him, the Ukrainian national revolution of 1917–1921 had a pronounced social color, and simultaneous solution of national and social issues became its main task and distinctive feature. He considered the achievement of Ukraine’s national sovereignty as the goal of the Ukrainian nationalliberation movement in the national-political sphere. At the same time, as a socialist-revolutionary, one of the theorists of ethical socialism, he stressed the necessity of a social revolution and construction of the Ukrainian state on the principles of «labor democracy».
Based on these principles and the political situation in 1917, N. Hryhoryiv advocated a democratic federal republic and wide autonomy of Ukraine – its full sovereignty in internal affairs. Subsequently, when the situation changed, instead of autonomy, he demanded full independence of Ukraine from Russia.
According to his opinion, the social character of the Ukrainian state was to be realized through a political system in the form of the so-called labor democracy, which corresponded to his principle of social and political freedom of the Ukrainian people. His concept gives each citizen not only the right to vote in elections, but also gives him the tools of constant and direct influence on the solution of all issues – from production to general political.
The national and social components of N. Hryhoryiv’s conception are not only closely linked but mutually complement each other in the creation of the Ukrainian state. In his opinion, only in such a way the Ukrainians could fully create a strong independent state and a successful society.
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Uhlendahl, Hendrik, and Dominik Gross. "Victim or profiteer? Gerhard Domagk (1895–1964) and his relation to National Socialism." Pathology - Research and Practice 216, no. 6 (June 2020): 152944. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.prp.2020.152944.
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Li, Xin. "Research on the Path of Promoting the High-quality Development of State-owned Enterprises in the New Era." SHS Web of Conferences 155 (2023): 01010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202315501010.
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High quality development is an important proposition put forward at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and a new requirement for all-round economic development. As an important material and political foundation of socialism with Chinese characteristics, whether state-owned enterprises can make substantial steps in high-quality development is of great significance for building a modern economic system, promoting high-quality development of regional and national economies, promoting the transformation of growth rate and quality status, replacing scale with efficiency, and upgrading power.
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Rot, Avraham. "Expressionism and Deutsche Physik: Gottfried Benn, Hugo Dingler and »The Collapse of Science«, 1927–1933." Scientia Poetica 26, no. 1 (November 21, 2022): 83–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scipo-2022-004.
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Abstract This article demonstrates that Gottfried Benn’s critical reflections on physics and mathematics in his prose writings between 1927-1933 were substantially inspired by a 1926 book entitled Der Zusammenbruch der Wissenschaft und der Primat der Philosophie and authored by the philosopher of science Hugo Dingler, an ardent opponent of Albert Einstein’s relativity theory who came to play a leading role in the movement known as Deutsche Physik during the Third Reich. This underexplored dimension of Benn’s science critique attests to the depth of his involvement in the intellectual-ideological discourse accompanying the emergence of National Socialism. The historical unfolding of Benn’s relation to physics and mathematics after 1933, however, highlights the shared vulnerability of expressionism and these ›exact sciences‹ to being interchangeably denounced as ›abstract‹, ›degenerate‹ and ›Jewish‹ on the one hand and the divergent fates of art and natural science under National Socialism on the other. This is demonstrated by way of a new reading of the essay Bekenntnis zum Expressionismus, published in November 1933, where Benn surprisingly moved away from the critique of modern physics and mathematics and towards an identification of expressionism with these fields.
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Wielomski, Adam. "Rasowa interpretacja dziejów Alfreda Rosenberga." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 45, no. 1 (January 22, 2024): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.45.1.4.
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One of principal aims of Alfred Rosenberg’s theory of political myth was the creation of a racial interpretation of History. It was a very important issue for National Socialism, as the movement presented itself as leading force opposing Marxism and Leninism. The great strength of communist propaganda lies in its overarching teleological vision of the world, especially Marx’s singular interpretation of the aim of history as great process of human emancipation from class society to communism, which is seen as the end point of history. It was Rosenberg’s understanding that National Socialism, as the great adversary of Marxism, must produce an alternative vision of the sense and goals of history. Rosenberg himself authored one such alternative vision. His meaning of history is a great discourse of the chronology of races struggles. It’s a perpetual war between the Nordic and Semitic races, which encompassed the fabled fall of Atlantis, Antiquity, birth of Christianity, the Middle Ages, the Reformation, the French Revolution, and the beginning of the final war between Marxism and Nazism. This article is an attempt at presenting this vision, with a brief analysis and evaluation of his scientific value.
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Kubik, Damian. "Słoweński patriotyzm w okresie socjalistycznej Jugosławii." Studia Litteraria 17, no. 4 (December 29, 2022): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843933st.22.022.17188.
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Slovenian Patriotism in the Socialist Yugoslavia The article presents an analysis of the essence and form of Slovenian patriotism in the socialist Yugoslavia, with particular emphasis on the 1980s (when the crisis of the Yugoslav idea becomes evident). It deals with issues related to the forms and manifestations of the patriotism of a small nation such as the Slovenes, who for most of their history were under the domination of larger and stronger nations. The argument is divided into five parts. The first, introductory one contains a brief outline of the ideological foundations of the Yugoslav federation, which were also important for the Slovenian patriotism at that time. For this purpose, the most important ideas and values promoted by Titoism in politics and education are recalled, and the progressive national and cultural emancipation of Slovenes is indicated. The second part discusses the views and positions of Slovenian intellectuals (Edvard Kocbek, Primož Kozak and Drago Jančar) fundamental to the understanding of the discussed issue. They are an expression of a deep reflection on the condition and position of a small nation in the specific conditions of a multinational federation, but also with reference to a wider (i.e. European and American) framework. The third part shows the Yugoslav background of discussions on Slovenian patriotism, which, in the rest of Yugoslavia in the 1980s, was considered nationalism shattering the federal unity. In the fourth part, the symbolic forms of “love for the homeland” in Slovenia (including those in tourism and sports) are cited, emphasizing their importance in the process of shaping the national awareness. The last part outlines the contemporary perception of Slovenian patriotism in the period of socialist Yugoslavia. The conclusion emphasizes, above all, the departure from patriotism based on the universalist ideology of socialism in favor of patriotism understood as love for the native land.
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Ammon, Maria, and Thomas Rosky. "Psychoanalysis and Psychodynamic Psychiatry in Germany." Psychodynamic Psychiatry 50, no. 4 (December 2022): 578–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/pdps.2022.50.4.578.
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The authors relate the complex and eventful history of psychoanalysis and psychodynamic psychiatry in Germany. After highlighting Wilhelm Griesinger's pioneering efforts, they describe the founding of the first psychoanalytic associations and their evolution under National Socialism and during the post-World War II period. They discuss the contributions of Günter Ammon, the state of psychoanalysis and psychodynamic psychiatry in Germany, current trends, and future directions.
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Bąk-Pitucha, Aneta. "The policy of the Polish authorities towards national and ethnic minorities after 1989." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 3 (December 2021): 205–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.3.9.
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The aim of this article is to analyse the Polish authorities’ policy towards national and ethnic minorities after 1989, after the collapse of real socialism in Poland. The author gives an overview of the historical and sociopolitical situation of these minorities in Poland. The main point of consideration is the position and functioning of national and ethnic minorities on the basis of law, their political activity in parliamentary and local elections, as well as the attitude of leading Polish political parties towards the issues of national and ethnic minorities. National and ethnic minorities are, by definition, less numerous than the rest of the Polish population, but remain Polish citizens and at the same time are aware of their historical community. The article uses the following methods: descriptive and institutional-legal.
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Arslanov, Rafael, and Elena Linkova. "Liberal-conservative-socialist. Who was K.D. Kavelin? Historiography of the issue." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 04-1 (April 1, 2021): 278–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202104statyi25.
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Consideration of the works of Russian authors devoted to the activities of the outstanding thinker Konstantin Dmitrievich Kavelin (1818-1885) allows us not only to expand our understanding of the ideological trends that are emerging in the conditions of postreform modernization of Russia, but also to reach the problem of developing a national theory. This is what Kavelin sought to create, whose original teaching really did not fit into either Western liberalism, national conservatism, or populist socialism, although it intersected with all these trends. The study of the reflection of Kavelin’s ideological heritage in the scientific literature will allow us to track changes in society’s perception of his theory, as well as to identify what seemed relevant and in demand in a particular era.
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Ihnatenko, Mariya. "THE IDEOLOGY OF THE UKRAINIAN WOMEN'S MOVEMENT AT THE TURN OF THE NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURIES." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 13 (December 21, 2023): 85–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112058.
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Abstract
The purpose of the study is to identify the peculiarities of the ideology of the Ukrainian women's movement in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, analyze the relationship between feminism and the classical ideologies of nationalism, liberalism, and socialism.
Methodology. The study uses general scientific and special historical (historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-systemic) research methods that allowed to reveal the peculiarities of the ideology of the Ukrainian women's movement in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, to determine the influence of Western European feminist thought on the Ukrainian public space. The methodology of intellectual history and gender studies is also used.
Scientific novelty. The paper generalizes and refines the definition of the concept of «feminism» as a socio-political theory, demonstrates the interconnection between the ideology of feminism and socio-political currents of nationalism, liberalism, and socialism. It highlights the priority of national-patriotic ideals in the Ukrainian women's movement over gender issues, influenced by the colonial oppression of Ukrainian lands.
Conclusions. Summarizing the research on the ideology of the Ukrainian women's movement at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the importance of considering feminism in the context of national and gender studies is emphasized. The study underscores the relationship between feminism and nationalism, as well as points out the similarity in the perception of feminism in third-world countries and Ukrainian lands. Liberal feminism played a key role in the development of the First Wave of feminism in Ukrainian lands at the end of the 19th to the beginning of the 20th century. The ideas of liberal feminism found expression in the analytical works of Natalia Kobrynska, defining the direction of Ukrainian feminist ideology. Supporters of socialist feminism at the end of the 19th to the beginning of the 20th century, such as Mykhailo Pavlyk and Ivan Franko, argued that the development of society and the resolution of women's issues are linked to changes in social structure. Further study of the influence of classical ideologies on the formation of Ukrainian feminist ideology at the end of the 19th to the beginning of the 20th century is crucial.
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Gugnin, A. M., and Y. A. Lisnevska. "Fidel Castro - manager and marketologist of the revolution." Public administration aspects 6, no. 8 (September 5, 2018): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/151841.
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The article is devoted to the problems of political leadership. Currently, the leaders of many countries in Europe, Asia and America claim to be the true leaders of their countries. As everyone knows, not everyone succeeds. The authors of this publication have attempted to determine the determinants and parameters of a successful manager of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, choosing an unusual example - the Cuban, by no means the democrat, the partriot of his country, Comandante en Jefe by Fidel Castro. The article shows how, as a result of bold management decisions and the use of marketing technologies, this politician achieved complete independence of his small and weak country. The influence of the personality of Fidel Castro on the historical and political processes in Latin America and the system of relations between the socialist countries is examined. A description is given of the stages of the emergence of socialism in Cuba and the successful actions of the leader of the country to protect the achievements of the world socialist system after it disintegrated. It is pointed out that unlike European countries, socialism was not brought to Cuba on bayonets - it was an informed and free choice. An estimation is given to the creative methods used by Castro to overcome the crisis in the early 90s - the rectification and philosophy of the special period, and also the results of their application in some branches of the national economy-pharmacology, medicine, and tourism. It is established that the politician successfully proved the viability of fidelism, transferring power to Raul Castro. It is shown that Castro also allowed serious miscalculations in managerial activity, such as the policy of exporting the revolution and participation in drug trafficking, which led to numerous victims and loss of prestige of the country. The authors argue that Castro did not understand the laws of social development and the inevitability of the development of democracy, in the marketing plane he was interested only in the market, on the basis that the material and human resources of Cuba are very limited, and before the revolution, economic activity in the country was limited to the production and export of sugar. After adopting Soviet methods of governing the country - long-term plans, socialist competition, the celebration of numerous anniversaries, Castro did not take into account that this was alien to the mentality of the Cubans.
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Yurevich, Maksim A. "Scientific and Technological Development in the Juche Model of Socialism." Journal of Economic Regulation 14, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 006–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17835/2078-5429.2023.14.3.006-015.
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The increasing geopolitical fragmentation has emerged as a new reality in the global economy. International sanctions stand as the principal tool employed by the United States and its allies for political, economic, and technological discrimination. Faced with these circumstances, sanctioned nations are driven to seek fresh avenues for economic progress, pivoting towards strategies of widespread import substitution and technological autonomy. Anchored in the doctrine of "Juche" (self-reliance), North Korea has consistently accorded precedence to its domestic scientific and technological domain. Initially centered around national defense until 2013, this priority subsequently extended into the concurrent development of both the military and civilian sectors. Striking accomplishments within the military-industrial complex have garnered extensive public attention and provoked serious apprehensions among less-friendly nations. Despite grappling with challenges in modernizing its economy amid conditions bordering on technological isolation, North Korea has effectively secured noteworthy achievements in specific sectors. Particularly remarkable is North Korea's proficiency in instituting a robust framework for training programmers and other IT specialists. Additionally, apart from bolstering digital security, the country has, as per diverse evaluations, procured a considerable and stable albeit illicit source of budget augmentation