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Journal articles on the topic 'National security – Sweden'
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1
Carlson-Rainer, Elise. "Sweden Is a World Leader in Peace, Security, and Human Rights." World Affairs 180, no. 4 (December 2017): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018759714.
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This article examines Sweden’s role in soft power diplomacy on issues such as women’s rights, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender & Intersex (LGBTI) equality, and feminist foreign policy. Given that small nations are more vulnerable to international instability, leaders in Sweden demonstrate how international development and peace efforts are important for long-term national interest and security. Northern European nations are poised to take on the leadership mantle of human rights and other global policy issues that the Trump administration increasingly disparages. Leveraging small state’s theory, this research provides continued evidence that Sweden changes global human rights norms and wields enormous influence in international affairs.
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Kubka, Andrzej. "Krajowe Plany Działania na rzecz realizacji Rezolucji nr 1325. Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ w polityce zagranicznej Szwecji i Polski." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica 25, no. 325 (May 29, 2021): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20813333.25.3.
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The aim of the paper is to find out how the UN agenda “Women, Peace, Security” (WPS) established inUN Security Council’s Resolution 1325 of October 2000 is pursued in Sweden and in Poland. The agendais considered to be the starting point in building a new architecture of security with an equal participationof women and men globally, regionally and nationally. Both Sweden and Poland adopted national actionplans to achieve the goals of the WPS agenda. The reading of these documents in the context of Sweden’sand Poland’s foreign policies shows considerable differences between the two states. Sweden is activelypromoting the WPS agenda in the context of its feminist foreign policy and the activity of its feministgovernment whilst Poland adopted its national action plan relatively late. The documents and statements onthe priorities of the Polish foreign policy do not mention the WPS agenda.
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Skórzewska-Amberg, Małgorzata. "RUSSIA’S AGGRESSION ON UKRAINE AS A CATALYST FOR CHANGE OF SWEDEN’S NEUTRALITY POLICY IN ARMED CONFLICTS AND THE COUNTRY’S ACCESSION TO NATO." Expert Paradigm of Law and Public Administration, no. 5(23) (March 2, 2023): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32689/2617-9660-2022-5(23)-9-22.
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Abstract: The policy of neutrality successfully served Sweden for more than two centuries. It was a pragmatic policy with certain degree of flexibility, rather than a dogmatic one, and its usefulness was in principle not questioned, neither by politicians, nor its citizens. After WW2, when concessions regarding the upholding of the neutrality were made to keep the country outside the conflict, Sweden officially continued to pursue the doctrine of “non-alignment in peacetime aiming to neutrality in war”. At the same time, Sweden developed, in concealment and without public knowledge, a wide range of security and military cooperation with the North Atlantic Alliance and its member states, including technology and intelligence exchange. Today’s dramatically changed European security situation has clearly proven that a policy of non-alignment is no longer sufficient and that a strong national defence is also not enough. The security cooperation with the Nordic countries and NATO members does not offer necessary guarantees to keep the country safe. Only full NATO membership provides such guarantees. The Russian aggression on Ukraine was the direct catalyst for a radical and surprisingly swift change of Sweden’s security policy, demonstrating the essentially pragmatic approach to the policy of neutrality. Only a few weeks after the invasion, a large majority of the parliamentary parties stood behind the government’s decision to apply for NATO membership. The purpose of this article is to briefly portray the historical and geopolitical background, the development, and the reasoning of Sweden’s long history of neutrality policy, as well as present the causes that directly influenced the change of this policy and the implications of Sweden’s NATO accession for the country’s security policy.
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Wagnsson, Charlotte, Eva-Karin Olsson, and Isabella Nilsen. "Gendered Views in a Feminist State: Swedish Opinions on Crime, Terrorism, and National Security." Gender & Society 34, no. 5 (August 20, 2020): 790–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243220946029.
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Gender differences have been observed regarding many political and social issues, yet we lack comprehensive evidence on differences in perceptions on a wide range of security issues increasingly important to voters: military threats, criminality, and terrorism. Previous research suggests that when women are highly politically mobilized, as they are in Sweden, gender differences in political opinion are large. On the other hand, Swedish politicians have worked hard to reduce gender stereotypical thinking. This prompts the question: Are there gender differences in attitudes on security issues in Sweden, and if so, in what ways do the attitudes differ? This study is based on comprehensive data from focus groups and a large-scale survey. The results show that women were more prone to respond with an “ethic of care,” across security issues. Women were more inclined to understand security problems as structural, explained by macho culture, segregation, and injustice. Women tend to support preventive measures that provide individuals with opportunities to choose “the right path,” such as education and economic investment in deprived areas. When asked about national security, women believe more in diplomacy and dialogue. In general, women are less inclined to support various repressive solutions.
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Lindvall, Kristina, and Cecilia Hellman. "From Cold War to Hotspots – The Changing Needs for Dissemination of International Humanitarian Law in Sweden." Nordic Journal of International Law 78, no. 4 (2009): 527–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/090273509x12506922106759.
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AbstractThis article explores the past and current role of dissemination in Sweden of international humanitarian law (IHL) – focusing on the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols. Key questions are who the relevant actors in need of knowledge in IHL today are, and why dissemination still is important for Sweden, despite the end of the Cold War threat. The authors of this article argue that Sweden today lacks a thoroughlythought-out and modern approach to questions relating to dissemination, and that negligence in properly addressing and understanding the role of dissemination could lead to a weakening of Sweden's position as an adamant adherent and advocate of IHL. Today's complex world, with its diversified threats to national and international peace and security, calls for a revised and articulated position on dissemination of IHL.
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Wróblewska, Angelika. "The significance of Hultqvist Doctrine in the Swedish security policy." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 195, no. 1 (March 17, 2020): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0265.
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Sweden is one of the few countries that is guided by the principle of neutrality in its policy. Ensuring national security is one of the priorities of successive governments in Stockholm. The modern world is based on alliances, and states are unable to protect their security effectively. The Swedish security policy aims to achieve a perfect balance between security and neutrality and implements these intentions under the Hultqvist Doctrine.
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Åse, Cecilia, and Maria Wendt. "Gendering the new hero narratives: Military death in Denmark and Sweden." Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 1 (September 20, 2017): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717728540.
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During the 20th century, wars were fought primarily in the name of protecting the homeland. Making the ‘ultimate sacrifice’ was a national masculine duty and a key feature of military heroism. Today, human rights and international values justify war-making and legitimise military action. In one of these post-national wars, the International Security Assistance Force operation in Afghanistan, more than 700 European soldiers have lost their lives. How have these deaths been legitimised, and how has the new security discourse affected notions of masculinised heroism and sacrifice? This article investigates how the dimensions of national/international and masculinity/femininity are negotiated in media narratives of heroism and sacrifice in Denmark and Sweden. Regarding scholarly discussions on the professionalisation, individualisation and domestication of military heroism, the empirical analysis demonstrates that the Danish/Swedish nation remains posited as the core context for military heroism and sacrifice. In the media narratives, professionalism is represented as an expression of specific national qualities. The media narratives conflate nation and family and represent military heroes as distinctively masculine and national figures. It is argued that a family trope has become vital in present-day hero narratives. This trope is disposed towards collective emotions, national loyalty and conservative gender ideals.
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Scuzzarello, S. "National Security versus Moral Responsibility: An Analysis of Integration Programs in Malmo, Sweden." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 15, no. 1 (February 20, 2008): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxn002.
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Marchenkov, Maksim L. "Consistency and Adaptability: New Aspects of the Arctic Policy of Sweden." Arctic and North, no. 47 (June 28, 2022): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/issn2221-2698.2022.47.126.
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The article is an analytical review of Sweden’s Arctic policy since the adoption of the country’s first Arctic strategy in 2011 until nowadays. The priorities of Sweden’s 2011 Arctic Strategy in the areas of environmental protection, economic cooperation and human life in the Arctic are analyzed. Sweden’s chairmanship programs at the Arctic Council for 2011–2013 and at the Barents Euro-Arctic Council for 2017–2019 are assessed for compliance with the national Arctic strategy priorities. The participation of Sweden in projects under the auspices of the Arctic Council in the 2010s and at present is presented. The content of the updated Sweden’s Arctic strategy of 2020 is analyzed. The updated strategy is compared with the strategy of 2011; the reasons for the enlargement of the thematic coverage of Sweden’s Arctic strategy of 2020 (additional priorities are international cooperation in the Arctic, security and stability in the region, and scientific cooperation) are explained. The reasons for Sweden’s emphasis on security issues in the Arctic are explained. It is concluded that Sweden’s Arctic policy from 2011 to the present is consistent and adaptable due to the changing climatic, economic, political and military situation in the Arctic region. The desire of Sweden to cooperate with the Nordic countries and NATO in the field of military cooperation in the Arctic is marked as a new tendency in Sweden’s Arctic policy. The new role of the European Union, Canada and Germany in the implementation of Swedish Arctic policy at the present stage is traced. Sweden’s Arctic strategy is also estimated in correspondence to the provisions of the Arctic Council Strategic Plan for 2021–2030.
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Christensen, Tom, and Martin Lodge. "Reputation Management in Societal Security: A Comparative Study." American Review of Public Administration 48, no. 2 (October 3, 2016): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074016670030.
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Societal security poses fundamental challenges for the doctrines of accountability and transparency in government. At least some of the national security state’s effectiveness requires a degree of non-transparency, raising questions about legitimacy. This article explores in cross-national and cross-sectoral perspective, how organizations seek to manage their reputation by accounting for their activities. This article contributes in three main ways. First, it highlights how distinct tasks facilitate and constrain certain reputation management strategies. Second, it suggests that these reputational considerations shape the way in which organizations can give account. Third, it considers three domains associated with societal security, namely intelligence, flood defense, and food safety, in five European countries with different state traditions—the United Kingdom, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. By using a “web census,” this article investigates cross-sectoral and cross-national variation in the way organizations seek to account for their activities and manage their reputation. This article finds variation across tasks to be more dominant than national variation.
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Liu, Fang. "Social Security Research under Automation Control." Applied Mechanics and Materials 340 (July 2013): 621–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.340.621.
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The development of the modern welfare state is not isolated; their welfare policy implementation depends on the advanced economy, extensive coverage, the perfect system, the diversification and welfare system mandatory. Social network analysis is just take this dependence into account, and develop corresponding method to deal with the relationship between variables. This paper, based on the p* model analysis, takes Sweden and Finland, two typical Nordic welfare state, as the examples, and finds the differences in disease disability insurance, unemployment insurance and etc. To understand these differences is of great importance to think about whether to conduct the reform of the welfare state, and how to combine the concrete national conditions with the reform.
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Śliwa, Zdzisław, and Joakim Paasikivi. "Defence cooperation between Sweden and Finland. Brothers in arms in the Nordic and beyond." Studia Administracji i Bezpieczeństwa 10, no. 10 (June 30, 2021): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.6248.
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The security of Europe has been evolving in the last decade, causing the verification of national defence policies. Being members of the European Union but not NATO, Sweden and Finland are revising their defence policies to face complex threats. Their geographical proximity is one factor causing their close military cooperation, supported by building–up their national military and civilian capabilities to deter potential threat from Russia and face hybrid challenges. The progress is visible, especially over the last decade. They are not disregarding closing ranks with other Nordic countries, NATO and specifically the US recognising that a joint effort with those nations and organisations, sharing the same values and facing similar threats, is foundation of their security. The paper utilises the qualitative research approach using a case study, desk research, analysis, and synthesis as methods.
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Rocha Flores, Waldo, Hannes Holm, Marcus Nohlberg, and Mathias Ekstedt. "Investigating personal determinants of phishing and the effect of national culture." Information & Computer Security 23, no. 2 (June 8, 2015): 178–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ics-05-2014-0029.
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Purpose – The purpose of the study was twofold: to investigate the correlation between a sample of personal psychological and demographic factors and resistance to phishing; and to investigate if national culture moderates the strength of these correlations. Design/methodology/approach – To measure potential determinants, a survey was distributed to 2,099 employees of nine organizations in Sweden, USA and India. Then, the authors conducted unannounced phishing exercises, in which a phishing attack targeted the same sample. Findings – Intention to resist social engineering, general information security awareness, formal IS training and computer experience were identified to have a positive significant correlation to phishing resilience. Furthermore, the results showed that the correlation between phishing determinants and employees’ observed that phishing behavior differs between Swedish, US and Indian employees in 6 out of 15 cases. Research limitations/implications – The identified determinants had, even though not strong, a significant positive correlation. This suggests that more work needs to be done to more fully understand determinants of phishing. The study assumes that culture effects apply to all individuals in a nation. However, differences based on cultures might exist based on firm characteristics within a country. The Swedish sample is dominating, while only 40 responses from Indian employees were collected. This unequal size of samples suggests that conclusions based on the results from the cultural analysis should be drawn cautiously. A natural continuation of the research is therefore to further explore the generalizability of the findings by collecting data from other nations with similar cultures as Sweden, USA and India. Originality/value – Using direct observations of employees’ security behaviors has rarely been used in previous research. Furthermore, analyzing potential differences in theoretical models based on national culture is an understudied topic in the behavioral information security field. This paper addresses both these issues.
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Sundström, Malena Rosén. "Inspiration or Provocation?: Sweden’s Feminist Foreign Policy in National Newspapers in EU Member States." European Foreign Affairs Review 27, Issue 2 (August 1, 2022): 283–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2022023.
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An increased emphasis on gender equality in the EU’s foreign and security policy could potentially pave the way for a Feminist Foreign Policy (FFP) for the EU. Analysing the perceptions of Sweden’s FFP in newspapers of eleven EU Member States, this article contributes to the literature on norm enhancement – advancing the depth and scope of the existing norms in an area – as well as to the discussion on Member States’ views of FFP and the potential for introducing a FFP into EU foreign policy. Studying salience, (in)coherence and legitimacy of Sweden’s FFP in newspapers, the results demonstrate that FFP is most frequently reported in like-minded countries, and least reported in Member States with conservative views on gender equality. There is also a dividing line between left-leaning and right-leaning newspapers, with the former reporting considerably more and being more positive towards Sweden’s FFP. The relative lack of interest in Sweden’s FFP in some Member States, as well as the critique from especially right-leaning newspapers, suggest that a FFP for the EU is not likely to come about in a near future. Feminist Foreign Policy, European Union, Sweden, external perceptions, norms, media analysis
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Georgieva, Gergana, Yavor Simov, and Reneta Nikolova. "Some National Security Issues under the European Convention on Human Rightscase-Law." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 26, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 157–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0069.
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AbstractThis article explores some national security issues within the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) case-law. At this juncture, there have been numerous challenges facing national security, especially whether it should contradict or guarantee individual rights. The paper mainly scrutinizes Article 6 and 8 ECHR focusing on two significant cases of the European Court of Human Rights: Rotaru v. Romania and Leander v. Sweden. The first case deals with the violation of the right to a fair trial and an effective remedy as well as breaching the right to privacy. The second case concerns the storage of data regarding the private life of an individual and if this collection might be used for employment research aims for grounds of national security. The study shows that states have a wide margin of discretion when choosing the manners in which they make decisions to protect their national security. The few indications identified in the jurisprudence of a number of states in connection with the right to privateness covered by the paper feasibly fail to meet the criteria of legal certainty necessary to guarantee the proper functioning of the rule of law.
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Voronov, K. "Security Modus Operandi of the Northern Europe." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 1 (2021): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-1-82-89.
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The article analyses the complex influence of dangerous changes, which took place after 2014 in the international political environment in Europe, on the ongoing transformations, suggests essential revision of national policies of the five Nordic countries (Denmark, Norway, Iceland, Sweden and Finland) in the field of their security and defenсe. The degree of military and political tension in the North of Europe has increased significantly after 2014. The conflict is escalating due to additional deployment within the so-called reinforcement of the “eastern flank” of the Alliance with three allied battalions, and NATO weapons in the Baltic States and Poland. However, great strategic stability in the zone of direct contact between NATO and Russia is still possible to maintain. The international political situation in the subregion has also deteriorated markedly as a result of the U.S., NATO and EU sanctions policy against Russia, strengthening of transatlantic relations of the Nordic countries, and reinforcement of allied ties within the framework of the Western bloc policy as a whole. It noted signified not only a revision in favor of further strengthening of transatlantic ties in the policy of bloc allegiance of the Nordic countries – members of NATO (Denmark, Norway, Iceland), but also an obvious intensification of practical cooperation between formally non-aligned states (Sweden and Finland) with the Alliance structures. The Nordic Defenсe Cooperation (NORDEFCO) has also started to acquire a risky pro-Atlantic style, losing its previous autonomous subregional nature. Apparently, in the present complex situation, the Nordic Five is disposed to solve security and defence problems by: 1) having a greater many-sided cooperation with NATO; 2) giving a real, limited meaning to the European Union in the military-political sphere; 3) continuing to bear pressure upon Russia for the purpose of limiting Russian influence in the subregion, especially in the Baltic region. In the near future, the problem of NATO accession for Sweden and Finland may remain in the same precarious condition unless some dangerous force majeure circumstances occur in the Baltic region.
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Rožňák, Petr. "Free Cross-Border Movement, Lucifer’s Effect and National Security of the Visegrad Countries." Security Dimensions 32, no. 32 (December 23, 2019): 37–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0983.
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Since 2015, the migration crisis continues with varying intensity, and international security crisis as well as debt, institutional, and personnel crises are worsening, not only in the Eurozone. Probably war, economic and climate immigrants will continue to move into the Schengen area, showing how helpless the European Union is. Angela Merkel said there was no upper limit for the number of people admitted to escape political persecution. Germany leaves the Dublin system inconsistently, runs counter to European cohesion and stops differentiating between immigrants and refugees. Migration is shared by the EU Member States. Between “old” and “new” EU countries, scissors are opened. Moreover, in some European regions (France, Belgium, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, Spain, Greece) there are closed communities where majority law is not valid. Our current socio-political and economic existence is based on a traditional understanding of security. However, in the third decade of the 21st century the image of prosperity and security is to be seen from a different perspective than in previous years. Dramatic development has led to the mass migration of African and Asian people and to the division of the European Union, especially regarding the mechanism of redistribution of asylum seekers.
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Svalund, Jørgen, Antti Saloniemi, and Patrik Vulkan. "Attitudes towards job protection legislation: Comparing insiders and outsiders in Finland, Norway and Sweden." European Journal of Industrial Relations 22, no. 4 (January 27, 2016): 371–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680115626057.
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This article investigates employees’ attitudes towards job protection legislation and attitudinal differences between employees with different levels of job security. National surveys from three Nordic countries, using different measures of insider–outsider positions in the labour market, do not support the assumption that outsiders (those with insecure jobs) prefer laxer job protection legislation. On the contrary, workers in secure jobs seem more likely to prefer laxer regulation.
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Saxi, Håkon Lunde. "Alignment but not Alliance: Nordic Operational Military Cooperation." Arctic Review on Law and Politics 13, no. 2022 (2022): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/arctic.v13.3380.
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Since the start of the Ukrainian crisis in 2014, the Nordic states have sought to advance their defence cooperation “beyond peacetime” to also encompass operational military cooperation in crisis and armed conflict. Relations between the two Nordic non-NATO members, Sweden and Finland, have formed a vanguard, encompassing bilateral operational planning beyond peacetime. While no formal security policy guarantees have been exchanged, Sweden and Finland have created strong expectations that they will lend each other support in a crisis. In short, while no formal alliance treaty exists, the two states have nevertheless become closely aligned. In 2020, Sweden and Finland joined NATO member Norway in signalling their intention to strengthen their trilateral defence relationship. The following year, NATO members Norway and Denmark signed a similar agreement with Sweden. The goal of these documents was to coordinate their national operational plans – their “war plans” – and perhaps develop some common operational plans. In this article, it is argued that these agreements fall short of a formal military alliance, but that they represent an alignment policy between the Nordic states.
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MALIUTA, Olga. "Economic Cooperation between Ukraine and Sweden: Historical Parallels and Experience of Ensuring Permanent Neutrality and Statehood (at the End of the XVIII – the I Quarter of the XX centuries)." Наукові зошити історичного факультету Львівського університету / Proceedings of History Faculty of Lviv University, no. 23 (June 8, 2022): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/fhi.2022.22-23.3591.
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The main idea of the article is the study of maintaining the principles of permanent neutrality, national competitiveness of the economy and the creation of a capable army basing on the example of economic cooperation between the Ukraine and Sweden in the end of the XVIII – the I quarter of the XX centuries. The author studied the problem of establishing economic and military co-operation between Ukraine and the Sweden in the end of the XVIII and in the I quarter of the XX centuries. Also the article covers the Swedish colonization of the Ukrainian lands at the end of the 18th and 19th centuries. The problem of economic cooperation between Ukraine and Sweden in the end of the XVIII and in the I quarter of the XX centuries, as well as the possible experience of partner-ship between the two countries in defense and security (in the first quarter of the XX century) became the subject of special research in this article.
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Budykina, Vera. "Linguistic security as a factor of sustainable development of a region (on the example of Scandinavian Peninsula)." SHS Web of Conferences 94 (2021): 02015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20219402015.
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The article is devoted to the study of problems of linguistic security as a factor of sustainable development of a region; special attention is paid to the preservation of languages of indigenous peoples and national minorities. The article describes the experience of the Scandinavian countries in the field of maintaining and revitalizing of the Sami languages and the main conventions on the protection of the rights of indigenous peoples and languages, as well as languages of national minorities. Moreover, the author explores how Sami language learning is organized and implemented in Scandinavian schools and if it contributes to the preservation and development of the Sami language. The language policies of Finland, Sweden and Norway in relation to the Sami languages, the achievements and shortcomings of the policy are analyzed. The paper offers a critical review of the core elements of Sami language policies to implement the positive experience in the maintaining of the languages of the national minorities and indigenous languages of the Russian Federation as an essential part of linguistic security which in its turn leads to sustainable development of the country.
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Lödén, Hans. "Reaching a vanishing point? Reflections on the future of neutrality norms in Sweden and Finland." Cooperation and Conflict 47, no. 2 (June 2012): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836712445343.
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This rejoinder article takes the contributions in the Special Issue of Cooperation and Conflict – Vol. 46(3) – on Neutrality and ‘Military Non-Alignment’ as point of departure for a discussion of some of the problems former neutrals face in shaping their foreign and security policies. The author argues that current and future developments regarding neutrality norms are dependent on internal factors such as national identity and public opinion, and on external factors such as the military non-aligned states’ relationships to EU, NATO and, not least, the UN. The possibility of a ‘Second Option’ of full-scale military cooperation if a preferred neutral position fails is discussed. Increased UN activism, for example, connected with the R2P concept and the tendency to outsource major UN-mandated military operations to NATO, is touched upon as well as the Libya crisis of 2011 and some of its implications for European foreign and security policy cooperation. Special attention is given to current Swedish debates on military non-alignment and NATO membership.
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Agius, Christine. "Drawing the discourses of ontological security: Immigration and identity in the Danish and Swedish cartoon crises." Cooperation and Conflict 52, no. 1 (July 11, 2016): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716653157.
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The controversy of the Danish cartoon crisis in 2006 overshadowed a similar one that took place in Sweden a year later. The crises have broadly been framed as a clash of values but both cases reveal differences worthy of investigation, namely for the complex tensions and convergences between the two states on questions of immigration, Nordic solidarity and national identity. This article aims to explore the intersubjective discourses of identity that were threaded through the debates on the cartoon crises, looking to the overlapping discourses that have constructed ideas of identity in terms of ontological security, or security of the self. It argues that both cartoon crises represent a complex discursive performance of identity that speaks to a broader set of ontological security concerns which intersect at the international, regional and national levels. Even in their differences, Swedish and Danish discourses show the tensions associated with the desire for a stable and consistent idea of self when contrasted with the Muslim ‘other’, explored in the context of discourses of modernity and tolerance, which operate as key sites that work to reiterate, reclaim and reinstate the idea of the progressive state.
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Suryani, Desak Sinta Putu, and Abdul Razaq Cangara. "National Identity and Migration Policy Dynamics: Analysing the Effect of Swedish National Identity on Its Granting Asylum Policy to Syrian Refugees in 2013." Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) 1, no. 1 (December 28, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20956/hjsis.v1i1.24804.
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The Syrian conflict in 2011 has inevitably led to the massive forced migration of asylum seekers and refugees. Most of them fled to neighbouring and several countries in Europe. As a result of the European Union (EU) 's open border policy, their influx into Europe was reckoned a problem for many European countries due to increasing crimes and threats to its members' national security. Some European Union countries chose to be cautious by refusing or only providing financial assistance. Contrastingly, as an EU member state, Sweden received thousands of Syrian refugees until 2013. On October 3, 2013, the Swedish government announced an asylum policy of guaranteed housing provision and the right to bring families to Syrian asylum seekers until they obtain UNHCR refugee status. Such granting asylum policy to Syrian refugees shows differences in the identity of social security construction both in the society and its decision-makers compared to other EU countries. This article exposes the identity influence on the Swedish government's decision to grant asylum to Syrian refugees in 2013. This article employs the "aspirational constructivism" theory by Anne Clunan, arguing that a state's policy is based on a national identity sourced from society's historical reflections and the political elite's future aspirations. This article finds that Swedish society's history experienced cultural homogenization, known as a multicultural country, and the Social-Democracy and folkhemmet ("Home for the People") idea of the political elites resulted in the granting of asylum policy to Syrian refugees in October 2013.
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Chigara, Ben. "On the Jurisprudential Significance of the Emergent State Practice concerning Foreign Nationals Merely Suspected of Involvement with Terrorist Offences." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 16, no. 3 (September 2009): 315–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x0901600304.
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This article examines emergent state practice of European States concerning foreign nationals that are merely suspected but not charged with involvement with terrorist offences, including deportation to destinations where they risk torture, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment – usually their own country of origin, contrary to the foremost rules of international human rights law. The article attempts a rule of law analysis with a view to evaluating the difficulty posed for States by the absence still of alternative mechanisms for ensuring both the national security interest on the one hand, and on the other, the human rights interest of terrorist suspects. The article argues that sustainable counter-terrorist strategies will be distinguished and characterised by their insistence on the recognition, promotion and protection of the dignity inherent in all individuals – including terrorist suspects whether or not they have been charged with terrorist offences. This calls for the urgent development of human rights steered national security policies that prioritize the recognition, promotion, protection and reinforcement of the dignity inherent in all individuals. Such policies will have at their core, strategies for the efficient resolution of the question of how best to deal with the individuals that are ‘merely suspected by States agents' of involvement in terrorist offences, particularly foreign nationals. The article examines jurisprudence arising from cases involving among others the UK, Italy, Sweden, Spain, the Netherlands and France and shows a worrying appetite by these pro-democracy States to minimize human rights protection of terrorist suspects as a means of progressing the fight against international terrorism. This approach contradicts the international paradigm of over six decades whereby the establishment and maintenance of international peace and security was premised on human rights. The article advocates the development of human rights steered policies and strategies to deal with foreign nationals suspected of involvement with international terrorism.
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Van Wyk, Jo-Ansie. "South Africa: A Growing Embrace of Feminist Foreign Policy?" Thinker 94, no. 1 (February 17, 2023): 64–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/the_thinker.v94i1.2359.
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In 2014, Sweden became the first country to adopt a feminist foreign policy. Although a new Swedish government abandoned the country’s feminist foreign policy in October 2022, Sweden has inspired many other states to adopt such a foreign policy to advance the status of women and girls. These developments have not gone unnoticed in South Africa, where historical relations between Swedenand the country’s liberation movements endure in post-apartheid South Africa. Unlike Sweden, South Africa never adopted or declared a feminist foreign policy due to historical and cultural reasons, and different conceptualisations of women, gender, and feminism. Instead, under the leadership of the African National Congress (ANC) since 1994, South Africa has diplomatically capitalised on its liberation struggle and human rights credentials; the latter which, to some extent, have for some time superseded a more focused emphasis on women’s rights. A more nuanced foreign policy focus on improving the status of women and gender equality emergedpartly due to international developments regarding women, peace, and security. Hence, the contribution explores feminist and/or gendered aspects of South Africa’s foreign policy of ubuntu (human-ness and humanity) and diplomatic practice, and the implications thereof. It has shown that South Africa’s growing embrace of elements associated with a feminist foreign policy includes memorialisation and symbolism (i.e. linking the liberation struggle and female stalwarts to foreign policy), positioning women in progressive internationalism, and integrating women in the definition of South Africa’s national interests.
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Voronov, K. "Erosion of “Swedish Model” and Devaluation of the Non-Alignment Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 48–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-48-57.
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The erosion of the socio-economic “Swedish model” and the reduction of non-alignment in the national foreign policy have been and is taking place in history and politics simultaneously, exerting a fatal mutual interaction. The derived deviations are leading to a radical alteration of Sweden’s image, of its previous national and international specificity. The degradation of the “Swedish model” has been taking place as a result of activity of intrinsic forces and factors closely connected with structural social problems, matters of national economy efficiency and adaptation to world economy requirements, to processes of globalization. The general destructive transformation, a big number of qualitative doctrinal and institutional changes taking place since 1990s till now in the framework of the “Swedish model” is also linked with the condition of internal strife and alignment of political party forces in the country, aiming at finding an adequate answer to new challenges of the 21st century. The events of Ukrainian crisis (particularly concerning Crimea and Donetsk Basin) apparently influenced Sweden, politically resounding with a known painful historical “Poltava syndrome”. Although the incorporation of Sweden (as well as that of other small Nordic states) in European regional and Nordic sub-regional integration processes reflects the principal objective economic trend to internationalization of the world economy, the forms, rates and prospects of political integration into the EU sometimes generate objections, resistance and even disapproval of state institutions by a part of society in connection with external as well as internal socioeconomic reasons (particularly in terms of the “Swedish model” acute agenda). The loss of the famous features of Sweden’s international policy, especially after its accession to the European Community/European Union, as well as its leveling led to the loss of the original political role of the country in the Northern sub-region and in Europe at large. Immanent undermining, washing out of fundamental guarantees in the Swedish policy of neutrality pushes Stockholm forward to shameless convergence with Euro-Atlantic partners and their alliances – the EU and NATO. To all appearances, a complicated search is going on in the country – the search of a new socioeconomic model, of the foreign policy and the national security policy modification.
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Hindelang, Steffen. "Article: Report on the CELIS Forum on Investment Screening." European Company Law 20, Issue 1 (January 1, 2023): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eucl2023002.
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On 1–3 June 2022, the Common European Law on Investment Screening (CELIS) Institute organized its fourth annual conference ‘2022 CELIS Forum on Investment Screening’ (CFIS22). The Conference was held in Sweden, at Uppsala University. The CELIS Institute is an independent non-profit, non-partisan research enterprise dedicated to promoting better regulation of foreign investments in the context of security, public order, and competitiveness. It was set up in 2020 by Steffen Hindelang and J. Hillebrand Pohl, the convenors of this year’s conference, as a permanent successor to the ‘International Conference on a Common European Law on Investment Screening (CELIS)’, convened by Professor Hindelang and Andreas Moberg in 2019. The aim of CFIS 22 was to debate European investment screening on national security grounds from a strategic perspective on the theme ‘The Emerging Law of Investment Control in Europe: Screening, Sanctions and Subsidies’. CFIS was a major event which brought together, not just leading academic scholars, EU officials, national experts, diplomats, and policymakers, but also business leaders, think tankers, and representatives of the investment community and civil society, as well as the media from across Europe and beyond. The three-day event was generously funded by Riksbankens jubileumsfond, the Center for International Private Enterprise, the Swedish Institute of International Law, Datenna, Blomstein, and the Institute for Democracy Societas investment screening, foreign investments, CELIS, FDI, ESG, national security, public order, sovereign-driven investment.
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Rožňák, Petr. "Migration and National Security of the Visegrad Countries. Does the Nation State Have a Superstate?" Central European Review of Economics & Finance 31, no. 3 (June 30, 2019): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/ceref.2019.009.
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Several serious circumstances led to the writing of this essay: since 2008 the crisis remains, albeit with varying degrees of intensity, the situation in the field of international security, as well as debt and institutional crises, are worsening not only in the eurozone. Probably the organized migratory wave of war, economic and climate migrants continues to move across the permeable borders of the Schengen area, showing how the European Union is fragile and helpless. [Klaus, Weigl, 2015] German Chancellor Angela Merkel said there is no upper limit for the number of people who would be admitted to escape political persecution in their country. Germany leaves the Dublin system inconsistently, runs counter to European cohesion and stops differentiating between the immigrant and the refugee. Migration divides EU Member States into patriarchal and patrimonial and distrust between municipalities. Between „old” and „new” EU countries, scissors are opened. In addition, in some regions of Europe (France, Belgium, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom) there are closed communities where the majority law is not valid. Our current socio-political and economic existence is based on a traditional understanding of security. However, the second decade of the 21st century represents a political and military conservative mirror that reflects the image of prosperity and security from a different angle than in previous years. Dramatic developments have led to massive migration of the peoples of the African and Asian continent and to the division of the European Union, especially with regard to the permanent mechanism of redistribution of asylum seekers. Our aim is to contribute to discussion and reflection on topical issues of security environment and security system as a follow-up to the dramatic development that have resulted in the massive migration of people from the African and Asian continent, and in the European Union's break-up, especially in view of the permanent mechanism of redistribution of asylum seekers. We are focused on to what extent the security system of the EU and national states has been threatened and what the threatening factors are. Our aim is to point out that the international security situation has not changed for the better in the second decade of the 21st century. For this purpose, the author uses deductive, analytical, comparative, scientific methods such as exploration, prediction, explanation, and Hanlon's razor.
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Hansson, Boel, Johan Olsrud, Jonna Wilén, Titti Owman, Peter Höglund, and Isabella M. Björkman-Burtscher. "Swedish national survey on MR safety compared with CT: a false sense of security?" European Radiology 30, no. 4 (December 13, 2019): 1918–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00330-019-06465-5.
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Abstract Objectives The objectives were to survey MR safety incidents in Sweden during a 12-month period, to assess severity scores, and to evaluate the confidence of MR personnel in incident-reporting mechanisms. Method Data were collected within a web-based questionnaire on safety in clinical MR environments with CT for comparison. Data reported MR and CT safety incidents (human injury, material damage, and close calls), incident severity, and confidence of participants in incident-reporting systems. Results The study population consisted of 529 eligible participants. Participants reported 200 MR and 156 CT safety incidents. Among MR incidents, 16% were given the highest potential severity score. More MR workers (73%) than CT workers (50%) were confident in being aware of any incident occurring at their workplace. However, 69% MR workers (83% for CT) were not aware of reported incidents at their hospitals. Conclusion Safety incidents resulting in human injury, material damage, and close calls in clinical MR environments do occur. According to national risk assessment recommendations, risk level is high. Results indicated that MR personnel tend to a false sense of security, as a high proportion of staff members were sure that they would have been aware of any incident occurring in their own department, while in reality, incidents did occur without their knowledge. We conclude that false sense of security exists for MR. Key Points • Safety incidents in clinical MR environments still result in human injury and material damage. • Severity level of MR incidents—assessed using Swedish national risk assessment recommendations—is high. • Confidence of MR personnel in incident-reporting mechanisms is high, but reflects a false sense of security, as a high proportion of staff is unaware of reported incidents in the same workplace.
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Devine, Karen. "Neutrality and the development of the European Union’s common security and defence policy." Cooperation and Conflict 46, no. 3 (September 2011): 334–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836711416958.
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This article examines the content of concepts of neutrality articulated in elite and public discourses in the context of the development of the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). In parallel with security and defence policy developments in successive EU treaties, many argue that the meaning of neutrality has been re-conceptualized by elites in EU ‘neutral’ member states (specifically, Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden) to the point of irrelevance and inevitable demise. Others argue that the concept of ‘military’ neutrality, as it is termed by elites in Ireland, or ‘military non-alignment’, as it is termed by elites in Austria, Sweden and Finland, meaning non-membership of military alliances, is compatible with the CSDP in the Lisbon Treaty. An investigation of these paradoxical discursive claims as to the status of neutrality yields findings of a divergence in public ‘active’ and elite ‘military’ concepts of neutrality that embodies competing foreign policy agendas. These competing, value-laden, concepts reflect tensions between, on the one hand, the cultural influences of a domestic constituency holding strong national identities and role-conceptions informed by a postcolonial or anti-imperialist legacy and, on the other hand, elite socialization influences of ‘global actor’ and common defence-supported identity ambitions encountered at the EU level that can induce discursively subtle yet materially significant shifts in neutral state foreign policy. The article concludes with an analysis of the compatibility of both ‘military’ neutrality and the ‘active’ concept of neutrality with the CSDP in the Lisbon Treaty and draws conclusions on the future role of neutrality both inside and outside the EU framework.
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Горобець, Ігор, and Андрій Мартинов. "THE ENTRY OF SWEDEN AND FINLAND INTO NATO AS A CONSEQUENCE OF THE CRISIS OF REGIONAL AND GLOBAL SECURITY SYSTEMS." КОНСЕНСУС, no. 3 (November 2022): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31110/consensus/2022-03/072-082.
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The article analyzes the prerequisites and consequences of the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO. Neutrality is avoiding participation in wars and non-participation in military-political blocs in peacetime, as well as not providing national territory for foreign military bases, and refusing to sell weapons to opposing parties. The Russian ultimatum of November 2021 with the demands that NATO renounce the consequences of the expansion of the alliance testified to the fact of a deep crisis of the European security system. The trend towards the formation of a multipolar system of international relations has changed the logic of the policy of neutrality. Defeat in the Northern War of 1700-1721 prompted Sweden to switch to a policy of active neutrality. In 1935, Finland declared its intention to pursue a neutral policy with priority given to the Scandinavian direction. After Finland's defeat in the Second World War, the so-called «Finlandization» became a feature of Finnish neutrality. «Finlandization» is considered as subordination of the political course of a weaker country to the interests of a more powerful neighboring country with formal preservation of sovereignty. The process of gradual formation of a multipolar world provoked a change in the geopolitical orientations of the states of Northern Europe. There is constant tension in the Arctic. The USA declared a course for a new Atlanticism aimed at continuing the process of expansion and structural and functional strengthening of NATO. The active phase of the Russian war against Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022, was the decisive reason for the decision to join Sweden and Finland in NATO.
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Bomba, David, Kurt Svardsudd, and Per Kristiansson. "A comparison of patient attitudes towards the use of computerised medical records and unique identifiers in Australia and Sweden." Australian Journal of Primary Health 10, no. 2 (2004): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py04024.
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This article compares the attitudes of Australian and Swedish patients towards the use of computerised medical records and unique identifiers in medical practices in Australia and Sweden. A Swedish translation of an Australian survey was conducted and results were compared. Surveys were distributed to patients at a medical practice in Sweden in 2003 and compared to the results of an Australian study by Bomba and Land (2003). Results: Based on the survey samples (Australia N=271 and Sweden N=55), 91% of Swedish respondents and 78% of Australian respondents gave a positive appraisal of the use of computers in health care. Of the Swedish respondents, 93% agreed that the computer-based patient record is an essential technology for health care in the future, while 86% of the Australian respondents agreed. Overwhelmingly, 95% of Swedish respondents and 91% of Australian respondents stated that the use of computers did not interfere with the doctor-patient consultation. Both groups preferred biometric identification as the method for uniquely identifying patients but differed in their preferred method to store medical information - a combination of central database and smart card for Australian respondents and central database for Swedish respondents. This analysis indicates that patient attitudes towards the use of computerised medical records and unique identifiers in Australia and Sweden are positive; however, there are concerns over information privacy and security. These concerns need to be taken into account in any future development of a national computer health network.
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Cheberyako, O., and V. Bykova. "Models of the pension system: international experience and local practice." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Economics, no. 212 (2020): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2667.2020/212-5/6.
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The article substantiates the nature of the national models of the pension system and its structure in accordance with the concept of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). The basis of the national models of pension system are two well-known models of social security: Bismarck and Beveridge Social Insurance Systems. Thus, authors prepared the comparison of this models. The features of pension system in the countries of Europe (Germany, Great Britain, Sweden, Poland), the United States and Chile are analysed. The analysis of the national models of the pension system in Asian countries identifies three institutional patterns: the statist pension system (Taiwan and China), the dualist pension system (Japan and Korea) and individualist pension system (Hong Kong and Singapore). Based on trends of development of pension provision in foreign countries, authors determine the main tasks and ways to improve the domestic system, namely, introduction mandatory funded pension system and reforming the voluntary private pensions insurance.
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Kjellander, Christian, Emma Hernlund, Moa Ivergård, Axel Svedbom, Therese Dibbern, Anna Stenling, Fredrik Sjöö, Simona Vertuani, Andreas Glenthøj, and Honar Cherif. "Sickle Cell Disease in Sweden - Prevalence and Resource Use Estimated through Population-Based National Registers." Blood 138, Supplement 1 (November 5, 2021): 2040. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood-2021-147336.
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Abstract BACKGROUND Sickle cell disease (SCD) is an autosomal recessive disorder characterized by abnormal hemoglobin. SCD causes hemolytic anemia, vaso-occlusion leading to vaso-occlusive crises (VOC) and contributing to organ damage and early death. SCD is most prevalent in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East, but also countries such as Brazil, India and US, have comparatively high frequencies of SCD. Global migration has contributed to a greater geographical spread. The prevalence of SCD in Sweden is unknown. OBJECTIVE The primary objectives of this study were to estimate the 1-year prevalence of SCD and SCD-associated resource use in Sweden. Secondary objectives were to estimate birth incidence, treatment patterns and survival. PATIENTS Patients with an ICD-10 diagnosis code for SCD (any D57 [excluding D57.3, sickle cell trait]) were identified from the Swedish Patient Registry (between January 1 st 2001 and June 30 th 2018). Patients were assessed for 1-year prevalence and resource use per calendar year for a follow-up period of 13 years (2006-2018). METHODS Patients were considered prevalent from birth or immigration to death or emigration. Resource use from specialized care, including all events recorded in the registry with any D57 as the main diagnosis was assessed in the follow up period 2006-2018 as number of outpatient visits and inpatient stays. Costs for this hospital resource use were estimated through remuneration amounts based on diagnosis related groups. Data on sick leave days and days with disability pension due to SCD in patients in working age (18-65 years) were retrieved from the Swedish Social Security Agency and costed with the mean salary in Sweden, plus social security contributions. Costs are reported in 2019 Swedish Krona (SEK, ≈$ 0.1). RESULTS One-year prevalence of all SCD diagnosis increased from 504 patients (5.53 per 100,000 population) in 2006 to 670 patients (6.55 per 100,000 population) in 2018. The 1-year prevalence of SCD patients ever recorded with an ICD-10 code for SCD with VOC (D57.0) increased from 139 patients (1.53 per 100,000 population) in 2006 to 260 patients (2.54 per 100,000 population) in 2018. The proportion of prevalent patients that were born in Sweden decreased over the years, from approximately 55% in the beginning of the study period to 45% in the end of the study period. The mean and median age of the SCD population decreased over the study period. Individuals with SCD and VOC were, on average younger than the other SCD (D57) subgroups. Birth incidence was captured by calendar year 2006-2018 and was highest in 2007 with 15 children born with SCD. For Swedish-born children with SCD during the patient identification time (n=123), the mean time to identification in the registers was 2.6 years (SD 2.7, range 0-16 years). Hospital outpatient visits and inpatient stays with SCD (all events with D57 recorded) as main diagnosis increased from 57 to 189, and 250 to 1,003, respectively, over the years 2006-2018. This corresponded to costs of inpatient care increasing from 1.4 million (M) SEK in 2006 to 7.3 M SEK in 2018 and costs of outpatient visits increasing from 0.9 M SEK in 2006 to 4.6 M SEK in 2018. The vast majority of costs were incurred in individuals ever recorded with a SCD with VOC diagnosis (D57.0). The most frequent hospital treatment was blood transfusion, with 8-11% of patients receiving transfusion in each year studied, especially common in SCD and VOC diagnosis. The prescribed treatment with the highest increase of uptake over the study period were hydroxyurea, vitamins and paracetamol in all SCD. Individuals in working age had on average 2.3 days of sick leave per patient-year due to SCD (D57), and approximately 4% of these patients received disability benefits because of their SCD. During the follow-up period, the median age at death was 74 years for all SCD and 69 years for SCD with crisis, this is 7-10 years and 12-15 years less compared to the Swedish general population respectively. CONCLUSION This study demonstrates that the prevalence, hospital resource use and associated costs have increased substantially in Sweden. In an era of emerging treatments for SCD we have for the first time comprehensively described epidemiological-, disease-related and economical aspects of SCD in Sweden. Disclosures Hernlund: ICON: Current Employment. Ivergård: ICON: Current Employment. Svedbom: ICON: Current Employment. Dibbern: Novartis: Current Employment. Stenling: Novartis: Current Employment. Sjöö: Novartis: Ended employment in the past 24 months. Vertuani: Novartis: Current Employment. Glenthøj: Saniona: Research Funding; Bristol Myers Squibb: Consultancy; Agios: Consultancy; Novo Nordisk: Honoraria; Novartis: Consultancy; Alexion: Research Funding; Sanofi: Research Funding; Bluebird Bio: Consultancy.
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Backman, Christel. "Mandatory Criminal Record Checks in Sweden: Scandals and Function Creep." Surveillance & Society 10, no. 3/4 (November 28, 2012): 276–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v10i3/4.4206.
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Over the last decade, more and more Swedish employers have become obliged to check jobseekers’ criminal records beforemaking their hiring decisions. The use of criminal records for mandatory checks of job candidates and staff outside areasinvolving national security represents an entirely novel use of the criminal record database, marking a significant breach withprevious regulations regarding the database and creating a new potential for its utilization for surveillance purposes. Parallel tothis development, the number of enforced subject access requests in the country has increased dramatically. In this article, Iexamine this ongoing function creep of the Swedish criminal record database and its direction and limits, based on the moralpositions taken by the country’s government in connection with the new legislation enabling the creep. Newspaper articlescovering and commenting on two paedophile scandals that shook the country in the recent past are analysed to capture conflictingvalues around the idea of a closer vetting of childcare workers, so as to better understand the moral positions adopted. Theongoing function creep is studied in light of the ‘sociology of scandals’ to better understand what made it possible, and brokeninto its constituent elements to see what it meant in practice, what the forces were that drove it further, and how far it hasprogressed.
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Westerlund, Hugo, Loretta Platts, Lawrence Sacco, Ayako Hiyoshi, Kevin Cahill, and Stefanie König. "Job Quality in the Late Career in Sweden, Japan, and the United States." Innovation in Aging 5, Supplement_1 (December 1, 2021): 415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igab046.1606.
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Abstract This paper examines job satisfaction and psychosocial and physical job quality over the late career in three contrasting national settings: Sweden, Japan and the United States. The data come from an ex-post harmonized dataset of individuals aged 50 to 75 years constructed from the biennial Swedish Longitudinal Occupational Survey of Health (SLOSH, 2006–2018, n=13936 to 15520), Japanese Study of Ageing and Retirement (JSTAR, 2006–2013, n=3704) and the United States Health and Retirement Study (HRS, 2006–2016, n=6239 and 8002). The job quality outcomes were physical labour, psychosocial working conditions (time pressure, discretion, pay satisfaction, job security) and job satisfaction. Random effects modelling was performed with age modelled with spline functions in which two knots were placed at ages indicating eligibility for pensions claiming or mandatory retirement. Interestingly, in each country, post-pensionable-age jobs were generally less stressful, freer, and more satisfying than jobs held by younger workers.
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Koivula, Tommi, and Joonas Sipilä. "Missing in action? EU crisis management and the link to the domestic political debate." Cooperation and Conflict 46, no. 4 (December 2011): 521–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836711422523.
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One of the key themes in recent discussions about the EU’s foreign and security policy has been the question of Europeanization. This article seeks to contribute to this field of research by investigating the way in which a single EU military crisis management operation, the EUFOR Chad/CAR, has been perceived and debated on a national parliamentary arena in two member states, Sweden and Finland. The results suggest that a marked discontinuity prevailed between these nations’ policies in the context of the CSDP/ESDP and the discourse on CSDP/ESDP in the respective parliaments. While highlighting the need to pay more attention to the domestic dimension of Europeanization, these findings also call into question some of the basic premises of the discussion on Europeanization.
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Rydberg, Åsa. "Constitutional and Institutional Developments." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 2 (June 2000): 369–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000273.
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Two additional agreements have been concluded on the enforcement of sentences of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY). On 25 February 2000, an agreement was concluded between the Government of the French Republic and the United Nations on the enforcement of sentences of the ICTY. Thus, France thereby became the first permanent member of the Security Council to conclude such an agreement. A month later, on 28 March 2000, another agreement was concluded between the Kingdom of Spain and the United Nations. Both these agreements will enter into force upon notification to the United Nations by the respective states that the necessary national legal requirements have been met. Previously, agreements have been concluded with the following states: Italy, Finland, Norway, Sweden and Austria.
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Votinius, Jenny Julén. "Collective Bargaining for Working Parents in Sweden and Its Interaction with the Statutory Benefit System." International Journal of Comparative Labour Law and Industrial Relations 36, Issue 3 (September 1, 2020): 367–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/ijcl2020019.
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In recent decades, the use of collectively bargained payments to cover parental leave has become increasingly important in Sweden. As part of a general trend, supplementary payments from collectively bargained schemes for risks covered by the social security system have taken on a major role. In the literature, this development has been partly explained by an overall decline in the Swedish welfare state, starting in the early 1990s. This article explores the interaction between collectively bargained provisions on supplements for working parents in Sweden, and their interaction with the statutory system of parental leave benefits. The long-standing emphasis on work-life balance in Swedish public policy is well known, but the significance of collective bargaining and the involvement of the social partners in this area has received less attention. Starting from national legislation and policies on work-family reconciliation, this article explores a number of effects of the collectively bargained supplements: with respect to the interests that come into play, with respect to the finances of working parents, and with respect to gender equality and the division of parental leave between men and women. It is argued that one effect of a development in which collective bargaining provides for an increasing share of income during parental leave is that key public policy ideas on the design of parental leave regulation are tweaked to the benefit of other ideas promoted by the social partners. Moreover, as access to collectively bargained supplements is not the same for all employees, another effect is that the supplements come into conflict with the principle of universality that underpins the social security system. A third effect, however, is that collectively bargained supplements provide an important but not widely recognized incentive for parents to move away from a gendered division of parental leave. Parental Rights, Parental Leave, Industrial Relations, Occupational Parental Leave Benefit, Sweden, Interaction Between Labour Legislation And Collective Bargaining
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Larsson, Oscar Leonard. "The Swedish Covid-19 strategy and voluntary compliance: Failed securitisation or constitutional security management?" European Journal of International Security 7, no. 2 (October 19, 2021): 226–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2021.26.
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AbstractThe Covid-19 pandemic that emerged in the spring of 2020 caused severe political, social, and economic turmoil throughout the world. In spite of early warning signals from the World Health Organization, countries struggled to shape their policy responses and countermeasures for curtailing the spread of the virus while also minimising the damage that any restrictions would inflict on the health and well-being of society at large. While some countries have adopted strict regulations and extraordinary measures after declaring ‘states of exception’ and ‘national emergencies’, others have relied upon expert recommendations and individual responsibility. Sweden is viewed as having adopted one of the latter type of approaches in that it places the responsibility for social distancing upon the individual. Is this an instance of a failed ‘securitisation’ process, or rather a sensible constitutional and political response to a severe security event? This article presents an in-depth analysis of the Swedish strategy for coping with Covid-19, arguing that this case illustrates that security management in a democratic state should direct greater attention to rule following in accordance with a logic of appropriateness rather than the rule breaking envisaged by securitisation theory.
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Hall, Jonathan. "Integration of Refugees and Support for the Ethos of Conflict." Journal of Conflict Resolution 62, no. 9 (July 31, 2017): 2040–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002717721393.
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Following forced expulsion and campaigns of ethnic cleansing, substantial portions of national communities affected by conflict no longer live within the boundaries of the state. Nevertheless, existing wartime and postwar public opinion research is largely confined to countries directly affected by conflict. As a result, current research may overlook important war-affected populations and processes shaping their opinions. I address this problem by examining the question: does incorporation in settlement countries reduce support for conflict ideology? Examining this question requires new microdata. I examine the results of a large-scale survey of ex-Yugoslavs in Sweden. The findings suggest that incorporation undermines support for conflict ideology by increasing the socioeconomic security and social identity complexity of migrants. This has important implications for multiculturalism policies in the context of the current global migration crisis.
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Chornodid, Ihor. "The implementation of market economies experience in social orientation of Ukraine's economy." Проблеми сучасних трансформацій. Серія: економіка та управління, no. 1 (September 30, 2021): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54929/pmt-issue1-2021-06.
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The article examines the study of the experience of a market economy in the social orientation of the economy. To ensure the social orientation of economic development, its social competitiveness, solving social problems and maintaining social security, it is important to justify the possibility of introducing foreign experience for the economy of Ukraine, to offer an explanation of the national characteristics of each economy. It is determined that during market transformations the social priorities of the state policy were determined, national models of social protection systems were formed. It is emphasized that the processes of change are natural, which determine the ways and mechanisms of socio-economic processes and ways to solve social problems. It was found that the specifics of the mechanisms in each country are determined by objective and subjective factors of national character. This explains the different social effectiveness of market economic reform in different countries. The peculiarities of ensuring the social orientation of the economies of Sweden, Germany, and Japan are revealed. Criteria for achieving the goals of social orientation and measures for the implementation of social orientation of the economy of Ukraine are proposed.
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Belukhin, N. E., V. V. Vorotnikov, and S. Y. Dianina. "The Total Defense Concept as the Embodiment of Sweden’s Strategic Culture." MGIMO Review of International Relations 15, no. 6 (December 30, 2022): 135–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2022-6-87-135-165.
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The article deals with the «total defense» concept considering it to be part of Sweden’s strategic culture and provides an overview of how this concept defines Sweden’s approach towards the defense cooperation within the EU. «Total defence» remains staple in the Swedish defence planning and the perception of risks to national security, but has not yet received sufficient attention from Russian researchers. The announced restoration of the effective total defense system potentially comparable to that of the period of bipolar confrontation is associated with significant difficulties due to the gradual reduction in defense spending after the end of the Cold War and the decentralization of the national crisis preparedness structures which was initiated in the early 2000s. The total defense itself also reveals tensions between the demands for consolidation and centralized decision-making and the liberal, open nature of the Swedish society and national economy, as well as the principles of responsibility, subsidiarity and similarity that underline the present Swedish emergency response system. The total defense, is, therefore, regarded as an attempt at creating an effective crisis preparedness system that would function successfully in a democratic society, both under the conditions of peace and potential armed conflict, without the need to declare an emergency and endow individual bodies or a selected group of individuals with exclusive powers. The Swedish strategic culture, therefore, stipulates that it is important not only to resolve a crisis effectively, but also to do so in a way which would not endanger the regular functioning of political institutions and the rule of law. Within the EU Sweden has earned credit for developing civilian or non-military elements of crisis management, while «more hardware» defense cooperation within PESCO and the European Defense Fund is defined by the pragmatic economic interests of Swedish defense companies rather than by strategic considerations. The Swedish Experience with «total defence» will continue to face the same dilemma – the need to rebuild a robust and self-reliant national defence while preserving the liberal principles in politics as well as in economy.
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Hlebowicz, Sylwia. "Kwenowie – (nie)zapomniana mniejszość." Studia Scandinavica 24, no. 4 (December 2, 2020): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/ss.2020.24.09.
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The Kven People have lived in the North Cape area since ancient times. The first account of the Cwenas is to be found in Ohthere’s of Hålogaland account, which dates back to 890 C.E., and describes the existence of peoples living in Cwena land in the north of Sweden. Kven people are said to be descendants of Finnish peasants and fishermen who emigrated from the northern parts of Finland and Sweden to Northern Norway. The tax books from the sixteenth century indicate clearly that the Kven people lived permanently in the area of the Gulf of Bothnia. The Kvens were well integrated, and perceived as a valuable workforce. Still, tempestuous Russian history combined with Finnish dependency on the Russian Empire backfired on the perception of the Kvens in Norway, as they were seen as a menace to national security. As a result, they were made to go through a very strict assimilation process from the nineteenth century onwards. After WWII, their situation became somewhat better, but it still left much to be desired, since they were thought to collaborate with the USSR. The wind of change started to blow in 1996, when the Kvens were granted minority status in Norway, and in 2005 the Kven language was recognized as a minority language in Norway.
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Wiklund, Sofia Österborg. "(Inter)nationalistisk folkbildning: Säkerhetspolitik, nationalism och opinionsbildning i den svenska folkhögskolans mobilisering för utvecklingsfrågor 1950–1969." Nordic Journal of Educational History 5, no. 1 (May 9, 2018): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.36368/njedh.v5i1.101.
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(Inter)nationalist Popular Education: Security Policy, Nationalism and Advocacy in the Swedish Folk High Schools’ Action on Development Issues 1950-1969Folk High Schools in Sweden have a long history of engaging internationally, especially as regards courses on development studies (u-landslinjer) that emerged in the late sixties. The purpose of this article is to track some of the discourses about internationalisation, development and aid that preceded those courses, as well as to scrutinise ideas of the role of the Folk High School (folkhögskola) in the emerging field of development aid. Analysing material from Tidskrift för svenska folkhögskolan (Journal of the Swedish Folk High School) between 1950 and 1969, the study shows that the discourse on internationalism takes its starting point from an already established nationalism and nordism. National security also arises as an argument for engaging in development issues. The analysis also shows that there is a shift in the role of the Folk High School in the evolving development work; from “helping” to “advocating.” The results raise questions about how we can understand today’s Folk High School courses on global development against the background of the debates of the fifties and sixties.
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Beyer, Jessica L., and Stephanie C. Hofmann. "Varieties of neutrality." Cooperation and Conflict 46, no. 3 (September 2011): 285–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836711416956.
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With the end of the Cold War, the neutral countries of Austria, Finland, Ireland and Sweden have grappled with the question of what their neutrality means in relation to membership in the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) Partnership for Peace (PfP). The concept of neutrality has continued to inform the foreign and security policies of these four neutral EU members to varying degrees, but what explains these ‘varieties of neutrality’ and what does neutrality mean in relation to membership in the EU’s CSDP and NATO’s PfP? In this article, the primary focus is on neutrality as a norm. Understanding neutrality as a norm helps clarify how neutrality becomes embedded in national identity, what it shows about the interactions between domestic belief systems and international security conditions over time, and how the definition of a norm can be revised to allow for desired policy choices. To this end, the article asserts that there are four interrelated factors key to explaining how and why each state modified its interpretation of neutrality vis-à-vis international military institutions such as NATO, and the CSDP: the reason for and timing of institutionalizing neutrality (coerced or voluntary), the form of institutionalization ( de jure or de facto), political elite opinion and public opinion/belief.
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van Stolk, Christian, and Kai Wegrich. "Convergence without diffusion? A comparative analysis of the choice of performance indicators in tax administration and social security." International Review of Administrative Sciences 74, no. 4 (December 2008): 589–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852308098470.
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This article cross-nationally compares the choice of performance indicators in two core fields of state activity, tax administration and social security. Exploring the selection of performance indicators in six countries (Australia, Canada, Netherlands, Sweden, the UK and the US), the article analyses the driving forces for the choice of particular indicators in the context of national administrative traditions and more recent reform agendas on the one hand and the trend towards international exchange and `benchmarking' on the other hand. The article explores the relative significance and interaction of different driving forces of choice and how this shapes the development and application of performance indicators. To that end, it combines instutionalist approaches with the literature on the mechanisms and effects of international exchange and policy diffusion. Our analysis suggests that existing broad similarities are linked to similarities in core activities and values underlying contemporary public service reforms. Variation in the choice of performance indicators (PIs) reflects domestic factors such as governance arrangements through which broad reform trends are filtered. These arrangements also mediate any direct international learning. Points for practitioners This article aims to contribute to the debate around how organizations could learn from the experience of others in designing performance indicators and management systems. Potential for cross-national and cross-sectional learning is particularly high in categories where a particular organization has not yet developed performance indicators but others have done so already. But any cross-reading from other countries' choices should take into account that the definition and use of performance indicators is to a substantial extent driven by domestic institutional traditions, governance arrangements and wider national approaches to performance management. The design of performance indicators should in particular take into account the accountability relations in which agencies are embedded.
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Kjøndal, Kjerstin. "Nordic Cooperation in the Nuclear Safety Sector: High, Low, or Differentiated Integration?" Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (November 3, 2020): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3292.
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Nordic cooperation has been depicted as eroding due to the increased importance of EU-related cooperation and integration. However, scholars propose that longstanding Nordic networks, grounded in professions and located in the state administration, may prove to be more robust toward external changes. This article discusses this proposal by looking at Nordic cooperation between the national radiation protection and nuclear safety authorities in Iceland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Finland. The article maps behavioural perceptions of agency staff based on a dataset of 37 interviews to illustrate if the cooperation between the Nordic authorities is characterized by high integration, low integration, or differentiated integration within the nuclear safety sector. The study finds that the cooperation is differentiated between the highly integrated areas of radiation protection and emergency preparedness, and the less integrated areas of nuclear security and safeguards. To account for variation, the data indicates the importance of path dependency and portfolio.
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Mattsson, Christer. "Policing Violent Extremism: How the Global War on Terror Meandered Into Local Municipal Policies in Sweden." SAGE Open 9, no. 1 (January 2019): 215824401983746. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244019837462.
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The present article analyzes Swedish local municipal action plans for prevention of violent extremism. Sweden began adopting local policies for detection and prevention of violent extremism in 2015. Until today, about 40% of Swedish municipalities have done so. The present article examines how policy ideas have been transferred from abroad and the transnational level into a national Swedish discourse and has continually, via vertical transfer, ended up in local municipalities. This is seemingly being done without any profound understanding of or reflection on local needs, that is, the presence of violent extremist groups or other forms of violent radicalization. A major focus in these plans, as revealed in the study, is on instructing school and social welfare agencies to develop systems for detecting risk signals and instructing, among others, teachers to search for and report pupils who might be radicalized to the police or the security police. These policy ideas are then horizontally transferred to neighboring municipalities. The article, making use of critical discourse analyses, investigates the consequences for the teaching profession, as regards changing the preconditions for social practice, which might occur when teachers are instructed to monitor their pupils’ thoughts and behavior.