Academic literature on the topic 'National security – Sweden'
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Journal articles on the topic "National security – Sweden"
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Carlson-Rainer, Elise. "Sweden Is a World Leader in Peace, Security, and Human Rights." World Affairs 180, no. 4 (December 2017): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018759714.
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This article examines Sweden’s role in soft power diplomacy on issues such as women’s rights, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender & Intersex (LGBTI) equality, and feminist foreign policy. Given that small nations are more vulnerable to international instability, leaders in Sweden demonstrate how international development and peace efforts are important for long-term national interest and security. Northern European nations are poised to take on the leadership mantle of human rights and other global policy issues that the Trump administration increasingly disparages. Leveraging small state’s theory, this research provides continued evidence that Sweden changes global human rights norms and wields enormous influence in international affairs.
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Kubka, Andrzej. "Krajowe Plany Działania na rzecz realizacji Rezolucji nr 1325. Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ w polityce zagranicznej Szwecji i Polski." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica 25, no. 325 (May 29, 2021): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20813333.25.3.
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The aim of the paper is to find out how the UN agenda “Women, Peace, Security” (WPS) established inUN Security Council’s Resolution 1325 of October 2000 is pursued in Sweden and in Poland. The agendais considered to be the starting point in building a new architecture of security with an equal participationof women and men globally, regionally and nationally. Both Sweden and Poland adopted national actionplans to achieve the goals of the WPS agenda. The reading of these documents in the context of Sweden’sand Poland’s foreign policies shows considerable differences between the two states. Sweden is activelypromoting the WPS agenda in the context of its feminist foreign policy and the activity of its feministgovernment whilst Poland adopted its national action plan relatively late. The documents and statements onthe priorities of the Polish foreign policy do not mention the WPS agenda.
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Skórzewska-Amberg, Małgorzata. "RUSSIA’S AGGRESSION ON UKRAINE AS A CATALYST FOR CHANGE OF SWEDEN’S NEUTRALITY POLICY IN ARMED CONFLICTS AND THE COUNTRY’S ACCESSION TO NATO." Expert Paradigm of Law and Public Administration, no. 5(23) (March 2, 2023): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32689/2617-9660-2022-5(23)-9-22.
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Abstract: The policy of neutrality successfully served Sweden for more than two centuries. It was a pragmatic policy with certain degree of flexibility, rather than a dogmatic one, and its usefulness was in principle not questioned, neither by politicians, nor its citizens. After WW2, when concessions regarding the upholding of the neutrality were made to keep the country outside the conflict, Sweden officially continued to pursue the doctrine of “non-alignment in peacetime aiming to neutrality in war”. At the same time, Sweden developed, in concealment and without public knowledge, a wide range of security and military cooperation with the North Atlantic Alliance and its member states, including technology and intelligence exchange. Today’s dramatically changed European security situation has clearly proven that a policy of non-alignment is no longer sufficient and that a strong national defence is also not enough. The security cooperation with the Nordic countries and NATO members does not offer necessary guarantees to keep the country safe. Only full NATO membership provides such guarantees. The Russian aggression on Ukraine was the direct catalyst for a radical and surprisingly swift change of Sweden’s security policy, demonstrating the essentially pragmatic approach to the policy of neutrality. Only a few weeks after the invasion, a large majority of the parliamentary parties stood behind the government’s decision to apply for NATO membership. The purpose of this article is to briefly portray the historical and geopolitical background, the development, and the reasoning of Sweden’s long history of neutrality policy, as well as present the causes that directly influenced the change of this policy and the implications of Sweden’s NATO accession for the country’s security policy.
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Wagnsson, Charlotte, Eva-Karin Olsson, and Isabella Nilsen. "Gendered Views in a Feminist State: Swedish Opinions on Crime, Terrorism, and National Security." Gender & Society 34, no. 5 (August 20, 2020): 790–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243220946029.
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Gender differences have been observed regarding many political and social issues, yet we lack comprehensive evidence on differences in perceptions on a wide range of security issues increasingly important to voters: military threats, criminality, and terrorism. Previous research suggests that when women are highly politically mobilized, as they are in Sweden, gender differences in political opinion are large. On the other hand, Swedish politicians have worked hard to reduce gender stereotypical thinking. This prompts the question: Are there gender differences in attitudes on security issues in Sweden, and if so, in what ways do the attitudes differ? This study is based on comprehensive data from focus groups and a large-scale survey. The results show that women were more prone to respond with an “ethic of care,” across security issues. Women were more inclined to understand security problems as structural, explained by macho culture, segregation, and injustice. Women tend to support preventive measures that provide individuals with opportunities to choose “the right path,” such as education and economic investment in deprived areas. When asked about national security, women believe more in diplomacy and dialogue. In general, women are less inclined to support various repressive solutions.
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Lindvall, Kristina, and Cecilia Hellman. "From Cold War to Hotspots – The Changing Needs for Dissemination of International Humanitarian Law in Sweden." Nordic Journal of International Law 78, no. 4 (2009): 527–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/090273509x12506922106759.
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AbstractThis article explores the past and current role of dissemination in Sweden of international humanitarian law (IHL) – focusing on the Geneva Conventions and their Additional Protocols. Key questions are who the relevant actors in need of knowledge in IHL today are, and why dissemination still is important for Sweden, despite the end of the Cold War threat. The authors of this article argue that Sweden today lacks a thoroughlythought-out and modern approach to questions relating to dissemination, and that negligence in properly addressing and understanding the role of dissemination could lead to a weakening of Sweden's position as an adamant adherent and advocate of IHL. Today's complex world, with its diversified threats to national and international peace and security, calls for a revised and articulated position on dissemination of IHL.
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Wróblewska, Angelika. "The significance of Hultqvist Doctrine in the Swedish security policy." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 195, no. 1 (March 17, 2020): 103–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0265.
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Sweden is one of the few countries that is guided by the principle of neutrality in its policy. Ensuring national security is one of the priorities of successive governments in Stockholm. The modern world is based on alliances, and states are unable to protect their security effectively. The Swedish security policy aims to achieve a perfect balance between security and neutrality and implements these intentions under the Hultqvist Doctrine.
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Åse, Cecilia, and Maria Wendt. "Gendering the new hero narratives: Military death in Denmark and Sweden." Cooperation and Conflict 53, no. 1 (September 20, 2017): 23–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836717728540.
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During the 20th century, wars were fought primarily in the name of protecting the homeland. Making the ‘ultimate sacrifice’ was a national masculine duty and a key feature of military heroism. Today, human rights and international values justify war-making and legitimise military action. In one of these post-national wars, the International Security Assistance Force operation in Afghanistan, more than 700 European soldiers have lost their lives. How have these deaths been legitimised, and how has the new security discourse affected notions of masculinised heroism and sacrifice? This article investigates how the dimensions of national/international and masculinity/femininity are negotiated in media narratives of heroism and sacrifice in Denmark and Sweden. Regarding scholarly discussions on the professionalisation, individualisation and domestication of military heroism, the empirical analysis demonstrates that the Danish/Swedish nation remains posited as the core context for military heroism and sacrifice. In the media narratives, professionalism is represented as an expression of specific national qualities. The media narratives conflate nation and family and represent military heroes as distinctively masculine and national figures. It is argued that a family trope has become vital in present-day hero narratives. This trope is disposed towards collective emotions, national loyalty and conservative gender ideals.
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Scuzzarello, S. "National Security versus Moral Responsibility: An Analysis of Integration Programs in Malmo, Sweden." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 15, no. 1 (February 20, 2008): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxn002.
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Marchenkov, Maksim L. "Consistency and Adaptability: New Aspects of the Arctic Policy of Sweden." Arctic and North, no. 47 (June 28, 2022): 126–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/issn2221-2698.2022.47.126.
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The article is an analytical review of Sweden’s Arctic policy since the adoption of the country’s first Arctic strategy in 2011 until nowadays. The priorities of Sweden’s 2011 Arctic Strategy in the areas of environmental protection, economic cooperation and human life in the Arctic are analyzed. Sweden’s chairmanship programs at the Arctic Council for 2011–2013 and at the Barents Euro-Arctic Council for 2017–2019 are assessed for compliance with the national Arctic strategy priorities. The participation of Sweden in projects under the auspices of the Arctic Council in the 2010s and at present is presented. The content of the updated Sweden’s Arctic strategy of 2020 is analyzed. The updated strategy is compared with the strategy of 2011; the reasons for the enlargement of the thematic coverage of Sweden’s Arctic strategy of 2020 (additional priorities are international cooperation in the Arctic, security and stability in the region, and scientific cooperation) are explained. The reasons for Sweden’s emphasis on security issues in the Arctic are explained. It is concluded that Sweden’s Arctic policy from 2011 to the present is consistent and adaptable due to the changing climatic, economic, political and military situation in the Arctic region. The desire of Sweden to cooperate with the Nordic countries and NATO in the field of military cooperation in the Arctic is marked as a new tendency in Sweden’s Arctic policy. The new role of the European Union, Canada and Germany in the implementation of Swedish Arctic policy at the present stage is traced. Sweden’s Arctic strategy is also estimated in correspondence to the provisions of the Arctic Council Strategic Plan for 2021–2030.
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Christensen, Tom, and Martin Lodge. "Reputation Management in Societal Security: A Comparative Study." American Review of Public Administration 48, no. 2 (October 3, 2016): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074016670030.
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Societal security poses fundamental challenges for the doctrines of accountability and transparency in government. At least some of the national security state’s effectiveness requires a degree of non-transparency, raising questions about legitimacy. This article explores in cross-national and cross-sectoral perspective, how organizations seek to manage their reputation by accounting for their activities. This article contributes in three main ways. First, it highlights how distinct tasks facilitate and constrain certain reputation management strategies. Second, it suggests that these reputational considerations shape the way in which organizations can give account. Third, it considers three domains associated with societal security, namely intelligence, flood defense, and food safety, in five European countries with different state traditions—the United Kingdom, Germany, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. By using a “web census,” this article investigates cross-sectoral and cross-national variation in the way organizations seek to account for their activities and manage their reputation. This article finds variation across tasks to be more dominant than national variation.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National security – Sweden"
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Schmidlin, Marco. "Swiss Armed Forces XXI - the answer to current or future threats." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FSchmidlin.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-115). Also available online.
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Górniok, Łukasz. "Swedish refugee policymaking in transition? : Czechoslovaks and Polish Jews in Sweden, 1968-1972." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-119532.
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The aim of this dissertation is to examine the Swedish government’s responses to the Prague Spring, the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia, the anti-Semitic campaigns in Poland and, first and foremost, to Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees fleeing their native countries as a result of these event during the formative period of the late 1960s and early 1970s. This has been accomplished by examining the entire process from the decision to admit the refugees in 1968, to their reception and economic integration into Swedish society during the seven-year period necessary for acquiring Swedish citizenship. This study also analyzes discourses in Swedish newspapers relating to these matters and compares the media’s treatment of these two groups. The investigation is guided by factors influencing refugee policy formation such as bureaucratic choices, international relations, local absorption capacity, national security considerations, and Cold War considerations. Press cuttings, diplomatic documents, telegrams, protocols from the departments and government agencies involved, as well as reports from the resettlement centres, and, finally, refugees’ applications for citizenship form the empirical basis of this study. The period under investigation coincides with three key developments in Sweden’s foreign, refugee, and immigrant policies – the emergence of a more activist foreign policy, the shift from labour migration to refugee migration and, finally, the shift from a policy of integration to multiculturalism. In this regard, the overarching objective of the study is to shed some light on these developments and to determine whether the arrival, reception, and integration of these refugees should be regarded as the starting point for new policies towards immigrants and minorities in Sweden, or if it should rather be seen as the finale of the policies that had begun to develop at the end of World War II. The results demonstrate that Sweden’s refugee policy formation of the late 1960s and early 1970s was hardly affected by these major developments. It could be argued that a more active foreign policy was evident in the criticism of the events in Czechoslovakia and Poland and in the admission of the Czechoslovak of Polish-Jewish refugees to Sweden, but a detailed analysis of the motives shows that these decisions were primarily the result of international relations, national security considerations, and economic capacity, along with other considerations that had guided Swedish refugee policy in previous decades. Similarly, at the centre of Sweden’s reception of the Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees during the late 1960s and early 1970s was, like in previous decades, the labour market orientation of Sweden’s refugee policy. The Czechoslovaks and Polish-Jews did not experience any multiculturalist turn. Overall, Sweden’s responses to the Czechoslovak and Polish-Jewish refugees were consistent with the objectives developed at the end of World War II and thus did not represent a transition in Swedish refugee policymaking.
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Linna, Lundström Molly. "Stora stygga vargen? : Porträtteringen av Ryssland och dess inverkan på svensk försvars- och säkerhetspolitik, 2008–2018." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-154149.
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Drawing on a theoretical framework based on securitization and threat construction, the attempt in this study was to broaden the understanding of how the perception of a Russian threat in the Baltic Sea is influencing Swedish defence and security policy. The method used was based on Bacchis WPR-approach. Three questions were asked at the beginning of this study, regardning how Russia is viewed in Sweden, how the representation of Russia has changed from the war in Georgia in 2008 until 2018, as well as how Sweden is to strengthen it's defence capacity, nationally and through cooperation, to tacle the Russian threat. Four key aspects of Russian behaviour that is considered threatening were identified. Russia is viewed as a country with power ambitions and expansionist tendencies; characterised as tactically unpredictable; looked upon as a risk calculating actor; and considered misstrusting in its views of the West. The perception of Russia is complex which creates difficulties regarding how the threat is to be met. Policy makers have urged the strengthening of Swedish national defence capacity to create a conflict threshold in the region. To further strengthen this threshold, the bilateral defence cooperation with Finland has deepened. In addition, the question of military non-alignment has been raised in relation to a possible Swedish membership in Nato. The answer to whether or not Sweden should join depends on political affiliation. This underlines the theoretical assumptions; security and defence policy is not merely a response to an external circumstance, but rather the result of an interplay between circumstance and actor.
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Bruzelius, Nils. ""Near friendly or neutral shores" : the deployment of the Fleet Ballistic Missile Submarines and U.S. policy towards Scandinavia, 1957-1963 /." Stockholm : Marinlitteraturföreningen Försvarshögskolan, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0802/2007476647.html.
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Langkjaer, Jenny. "Övervakning för rikets säkerhet : Svensk säkerhetspolisiär övervakning av utländska personer och inhemsk politisk aktivitet, 1885–1922." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-54782.
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During the 19th century the European states experienced a new kind of threat to their existence. The military threats from other countries were now accompanied by civilian threats that inspired mass protest, terrorism and other menaces to the established order. In Sweden, these threats were mainly seen as connected to the rising labor movement and to a growing number of foreign citizens. The aim of the dissertation is to examine surveillance for national security carried out by the Stockholm Criminal Investigation Department and its Police Bureau between 1885 and 1922. Apart from examining what specific surveillance methods that were used, the dissertation gives an answer to the question why the surveillance was carried out, and why it was carried out the way it was. It also discusses how differences and similarities between the surveillance in Sweden and other countries can be explained and how the surveillance between 1885 and 1922 relates to the corresponding activities during the latter part of the 20th century. The main conclusions are that there was a lack of formal rules regulating the surveillance, and that it therefore was based on the following of routines. The bureaucratization process that characterized the period influenced the surveillance, which came to be performed as a bureaucratic machine, characterized by a tendency of expansion. This meant that the surveillance activities were constantly expanded and became more and more extensive. The expansion is connected to the surveillance phenomenon, which could be said to have an unlimited scope. Furthermore, it is suggested that this specific historic legacy has affected the development of Swedish security police activity during the second half of the 20th century.
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Sundman, Willhelm. "SWEDEN IN THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL : Influence and history in high-table diplomacy." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-354835.
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The Swedish state has participated as an elected member of the United Nations Security Council three times and is entering their fourth. The UNSC is an old institution that is not equal to what powers the states within it has. The permanent states, the victors from the second world war, have a more prominent role in the council and do not have to be elected every two years as the other states that want to be a part of the council. The cost of for small states like Sweden to be a part of the council can be quite large, but in financial means and as a time-consuming task for the foreign department. Therefore, it is essential to know if the time spent in the council for a state like Sweden amounts to something in the sense of influence over the outcome. This bears the question if Sweden has used and is using its membership in the UNSC in an effective manner. By looking at the official documentation by the foreign department and interviewing former diplomats about Sweden’s role in the UNSC during these periods this thesis analyses the way that Sweden has acted before. Furthermore, the thesis also looks at the first five weeks in the current period of 2017. The results are analyzed through a theoretical framework of what should be methods to achieve influence in the UNSC. As the analysis shows, Sweden has moved from being a more passive participant to a more active and proactive part of the UNSC. This, however, can come at the cost of changing other states view of the Swedish state in international relations.
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Lundin, Johan. "The role of nonpermanent members on the United Nations Security Council: The case of Sweden 2017." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21112.
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This thesis investigates the role nonpermanent members have on the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). This as the contemporary scholarly debate on the UNSC tends to exclude the nonpermanent members in the study of the only international institution that can bind all UN members under its decisions. Building on the slim literature existing on why states seek the nonpermanent seats, this thesis uses the case of Sweden in order to investigate whether Sweden has met its objectives during its first year on the council. This case also contributes to a broader question of the potential influence nonpermanent members can have on the council. The results of this thesis are in line with the research it is building on, inherited from a liberal strand of international relations, that Sweden has influenced outcomes in line with its objectives and that nonpermanent members can influence the council in terms of resolutions, making them relevant to study in research concerning the UNSC. It also provides additional knowledge to the existing research it is building on by expanding the scope in how nonpermanent members can influence the council, which can be used in future studies.
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Nilsson, Pierre. "Hybridhotbilden mot Sverige : En kvalitativ försvars- och säkerhetspolitisk innehållsanalys om hybridhot." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-82726.
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With a changing state of security in Europe, defined by instability and unpredictability, the use of hybrid threats presents itself as an international security challenge. Characterized by the antagonistic use of both conventional and unconventional means, the hybrid threat actor coordinates these means in an attempt achieve specific goals, often under a guise of ambiguity. The complexity of hybrid threats deepens as advancing technology and globalisation enables the hybrid threat actor to use tools not only bound by geographical constraints, but tools that makes use the cyber domain and the constant flow of information. Tools ranging from military, political, economic, civil, and informational tools can, in various combinations, take advantage of specific vulnerabilities in the target state. Identifying and countering such a wide range of multifaceted tools provides a difficult task for most states. This study aims to investigate the Swedish hybrid threat scenario by focusing on the authorities concerned with national defence and security and their identification of potential hybrid threats that faces Sweden. For countering such hybrid threats the study investigates the highly topical Swedish defence act 2021-2025. Its focus being on investigating potential goals, strategies and abilities for building resilience and countermeasures regarding hybrid threats. The study finds that Sweden is subject to the use of hybrid threats by antagonistic state actors, mainly Russia and China. Tools being used against Sweden include for example espionage, strategic acquisition of businesses and real estate, disinformation, and cyberattacks. For countering these threats, the study fails to find a specific set of goals for hybrid threat defence. Instead, the study finds a broad effort to strengthen national defence and security including among others the rebuilding of the Total Defence, founding of a national cybersecurity centrum, instituting an agency for psychological defence as well as lifting the perspective of hybrid threat among relevant national agencies.
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Kettil, Daniel. "From National Defence to International Operations? : A study on the transformation of Sweden's armed forces between 1989-2009." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, SV, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-21908.
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Since the cold war, most countries have moved on from the classical security perception that all threats are external and aiming to invade the sovereignty of the state, thus leading to military armies fighting each other. Instead as Globalization have become more predominant since the beginning of the 1990’s new threats have also emerged that militaries can’t fight as they used to, thus it has become necessary for a wider view on security which also involves human suffering, and the general trend among armies have been to combat these through international peacekeeping and humanitarian operations. This study aims at showing the change in which the Swedish army have undergone since the end of the cold war and into modern days, both in terms of political decisions and also show how the use of language have been changed throughout the course. The thesis covers a time period between 1989 to 2009 and following the process of change from the Swedish political institution that works with military issues, called the Försvarsutskottet or the FöU and the method applied is process tracing with a detailed narrative. Several important conceptions are also explained such as Globalization, Collective security and Human security, which will make the result chapter more understandable. The results showed that the biggest changes in Sweden’s military policy came in three steps, the beginning of the 1990’s was influenced with economic problems for Sweden which also lead to budget downsizings in the military. The mid-1990’s was the time where there existed no real external threat to Sweden, and hence it came to be dominated by several large reforms which also aimed at lowering the costs of the military and adapt it into becoming rapid response forces. After the 9/11 attacks in 2001 the new threats emerged and the Swedish military focused even more on improving their international and humanitarian operations. The thesis ends by discussing these finding and present some changes in the use of languages in-between the 20 years.
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Vilachá, Fernández Luís. "Securing the Welfare. Analysing the change in the Social Democrats’ discourse for Third Country Nationals in Denmark and Sweden." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21002.
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The Social Democrats in Denmark and Sweden have dominated the socio-politicalspectrum for decades with a discourse based on the principles of solidarity, equality andfreedom. Since the migrant crisis hit the European Union in 2015, these parties havestrengthened their discourse towards migration and migrant incorporation concerningtheir access to the welfare system. The use of identity for theory, together with thevariables of national identity, the rise of far-right parties, the troublesome fitting ofnational identity and the EU and the economic revision will be analysed in this thesis. Byusing an ideal type analysis for a method, this thesis will explore the shift in the discoursefrom the Social Democrats by looking at their political programs before and after themigrant crisis to find out the changes Third Country Nationals have these days whenaccessing the system and try to obtain social benefits.
Books on the topic "National security – Sweden"
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Social security and national policy: Sweden, Yugoslavia, Japan. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1994.
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Stern, Maria. Security policy in transition: Sweden after the cold war. Göteborg, Sweden: Peace and Development Research Institute, Gothenburg University, 1991.
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(Austria), Landesverteidigungsakademie. Security-political dialogue 2001: Sweden/Poland/Austria documentation. Wien: Landesverteidigungsakademie, 2001.
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Ries, Tomas, and Axel Hagelstam. Sweden and Finland: Security perceptions and defence policy. Helsinki: Maanpuolustuskorkeakoulu, 2001.
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(Austria), Landesverteidigungsakademie. Security-political dialogue '99: Sweden/Poland/Austria documentation. Wien: Landesverteidigungsakademie Wien, 2001.
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Örlogsmannasällskapet, Kungl. Maritim säkerhet: Nu och i framtiden : ett symposium arrangerat av Kungl. orlogsmannasällskapet och Kungl. Krigsvetenskapsakademien : dokumentation. [Sweden: s.n.], c2003., 2004.
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Rieker, Pernille. From territorial defence to comprehensive security?: European integration and the changing Norwegian and Swedish security identities. Oslo: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 2002.
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Sellström, Tor. Sweden and national liberation in Southern Africa. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1999.
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Dahlman, Carl Johan. En effektiv försvarspolitik?: Fredsvinst, beredskap och återtagning : rapport till Expertgruppen för studier i offentlig ekonomi. [Stockholm]: Finansdepartementet, 1994.
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Borawski, John. Security for a new Europe: The Vienna negotiations on confidence- and security-building measures 1989-90, and beyond. London: Brassey's, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "National security – Sweden"
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Ahlén, Anton, and Joakim Palme. "Migrants’ Access to Social Protection in Sweden." In IMISCOE Research Series, 421–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51241-5_28.
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Abstract While the Swedish welfare state has undergone an intensified market orientation and a number of cutbacks since 1990, it has maintained many of its universal characteristics. It still provides all residents with a rather extensive system of benefits from the cradle to the grave. This chapter contributes to a systematic and detailed analysis of eligibility criteria and conditions for accessing social benefits in five core policy areas of the Swedish social security system. As universalism continues to be a cornerstone of the Swedish welfare state, nationality or the immigration status of a person does not condition his/her entitlement to social security benefits. More recently, however, a political debate has emerged regarding immigration and the welfare system, both in terms of the benefit system being a magnet that attracts migrants and concerning the capacity of the system to cope with large-scale immigration. By discussing the main features of the Swedish welfare regime and key patterns and policy developments in the field of migration, the chapter seeks to account for recent developments, trends and directions in the access to social protection for residents, non-national residents and non-resident nationals.
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Roberts, Adam. "Sweden: The Sources of Security." In Nations in Arms, 62–83. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-07445-7_4.
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Roberts, Adam. "Sweden: The Sources of Security." In Nations in Arms, 62–83. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08017-5_3.
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"SWEDEN: Teacher and pupil." In Europeanization of National Security Identity, 77–103. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203087343-10.
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Camasso, Michael J., and Radha Jagannathan. "National and Intergenerational Similarities and Differences in Stated Preferences." In Caught in the Cultural Preference Net, 157–81. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190672782.003.0007.
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In this chapter, the authors provide results from their examination of family member preferences—the linchpin between individual beliefs and attitudes and individual behaviors. They describe their stated preference experiment including the defining of choice attributes, the assignment of attribute levels, the creation of choice scenarios and choice sets, and the estimation of individuals’ utility differences on these sets using conditional logistic regression. Focusing on preference for job type, they find significant differences across countries and between generations on job choice. While in Sweden, high value is placed in jobs that require soft skills like teamwork and cooperation, in Italy and India, extrinsic values like salary and security are critical. Generational effects are also evident with millennials expressing significant disutility for jobs requiring math skills or using a second language.
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Krekula, Clary, Lars-Gunnar Engström, and Aida Alvinius. "Sweden: an extended working life policy that overlooks gender considerations." In Gender, Ageing and Extended Working Life. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447325116.003.0008.
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The Swedish government policy on extended working life has since its introduction in the mid-1990s aimed to lower the costs of the public pension system and to reduce the financial burden for workers. By focusing on an idealised category of those who are "willing and able to work longer", the policy has neglected the obstacles faced by those with physically demanding jobs or with a big responsibility to care for a close relative. This mainly affects women and upholds a neoliberal view of older people. By only problematizing gender perspective on the challenges to gender equality in working life, a narrow understanding of gender equality is created which deviates from other national gender equality policies. The policy debate thereby contributes also to excluding older women and men from the Swedish gender equality project. Despite the argument that an extended working life is needed to ensure the value of pensions, this does not apply to those who are unable to continue working - they are instead expected to rely on the social security scheme.
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Pemberton, Hugh, Pat Thane, and Noel Whiteside. "Introduction." In Britain's Pensions Crisis. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263853.003.0001.
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In 2002, the British government announced the establishment of a Pensions Commission to assess the state of the country's pension system. In its first report, the Commission confirmed that the nation's pension system is in deep crisis. How come some offer better pension security than that in Britain? How do they cope with similar pressures? In its proposals for extensive reform, the Pensions Commission hopes to plug the holes in the current state system for those (mainly women) with interrupted careers and caring responsibilities. The Commission has three proposals: raising the state pension age to 67, or perhaps 69, by 2050; the creation of a more generous basic state pension by allowing the earnings-related second state pension to evolve into a flat-rate top-up to the present scheme; and the automatic enrolment of all workers into a National Pensions Savings Scheme. This introduction also looks at pension reforms abroad in areas such as Europe, including Germany and Sweden.
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Müller, Katharina. "Perspectives on Pensions in Eastern Europe." In Britain's Pensions Crisis. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263853.003.0015.
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The dramatic political and economic changes witnessed by Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the Former Soviet Union (FSU) since the late 1980s did not leave the area of old-age security unaffected. While the inherited pension systems were rather uniform, the past seventeen years have brought diversity to the region's retirement schemes. Most transition countries have opted for parametric reforms, thus changing key characteristics of their pre-existing pay-as-you-go schemes. A number of countries in the region have embarked on partial or full pension privatization, thereby following the much advertised Latin American role models. Moreover, some countries have introduced national defined-contribution plans, similar to the schemes of Sweden and Italy. Overall, contributory approaches to old-age security — whether publicly or privately organized — dominate the post-socialist pension reform agenda. This chapter outlines the pre-1989 legacy in old-age security and the impact of transformation on the existing retirement schemes. It reviews pension reforms in CEE and the FSU and evaluates the state of pension reform in the post-socialist world.
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Ekker, Knut. "Emergency Management Training and Social Network Analysis." In Artificial Intelligence Technologies and the Evolution of Web 3.0, 273–89. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8147-7.ch013.
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The chapter first presents a background review of the application of computer technology in simulations of natural hazard situations. The chapter then presents the efforts of researchers at Mid Sweden University and Nord-Trøndelag University College to build a comprehensive emergency training tool with funding from the Interreg/EU ERDF (European Regional Development Fund). The main part of the chapter reports empirical data from this project GSS (Gaining Security Symbiosis). The project developed the tool for training emergency personnel (police, fire, ambulance, and local officials) in handling crises in the border region between Norway and Sweden. The Web-based software incorporated complex scenarios that the emergency personnel had to contend with during 3-hour training sessions. The participants included employees at the operator, tactical, and strategic level of the organizations. The training tool recorded all communications among participants which primarily was text based. The rich data source was analyzed “on-the-fly” with the software from the R Project for statistical computing and the SNA package (Social Network Analysis package). The statistical software provided detailed graphs of the social networking of communications among the participants on both sides of the national border in central Scandinavia. The chapter concludes with a presentation of ideas towards using the social networking data as input into simulation models based on system dynamics. The empirical data from the project will naturally provide data for future training sessions. A planned future model of the comprehensive training tool—netAgora—will use experiential data in a Virtual Responder component in the training sessions of emergency personnel.
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Rosamond, Annika Bergman, and Christine Agius. "Sweden, military intervention and the loss of memory." In The politics of identity. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526110244.003.0010.
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Within the space of roughly two decades, Sweden has changed from a neutral country to one that is currently engaged in a range of activities and practices that are far removed from the definition of neutrality. Its engagement with NATO, contribution of forces to Kosovo, Afghanistan and Libya, and its role as a leading framework nation in the emergent EU Battle Groups suggest at first glance the shifting demands of global security practices. The rationale of the move away from traditional state-centric security, however, obscures a more complex picture. In this chapter, we investigate specific aspects of these changes in relation to Swedish security policy, specifically robust forms of military intervention. We argue that rather than reflecting global security practices, deeper endogenous processes are at work. Significantly, such engagements are part of disembedding norms around neutrality and revising public and elite memory of Sweden as a neutral state. By focusing on identity and memory, we posit that Sweden’s current military engagements are concerned with rewriting identity and with a view to making new memories (or a ‘memory bank’) of wartime experiences. This has played a crucial part in not only justifying and naturalizing specific practices and actions, but also reconstituting identity in the process.
Conference papers on the topic "National security – Sweden"
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Mayer, Luke J., and Darryl L. James. "Experimental Analysis of Flow Crossover in a Solar Thermochemical Reactor." In ASME 2012 10th International Conference on Fuel Cell Science, Engineering and Technology collocated with the ASME 2012 6th International Conference on Energy Sustainability. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/fuelcell2012-91398.
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As energy and fuel security continue to be of increasing importance to economies around the world, countries are looking to move away from oil dependency. Energy solutions are being sought in the area of solar fuels to meet these growing needs. Concentrated solar thermochemical technology has the potential to directly convert sunlight into a useable, carbon-neutral liquid fuel that can be easily stored and integrated into our existing forms of energy demand such as transportation and heating fuels. Ongoing research performed by several groups at Sandia National Laboratories seeks to fundamentally understand the complex physics and chemistry occurring within a solar thermochemical reactor prototype named the CR5 [counter-rotating-ring receiver/reactor/recuperator]. The CR5 utilizes a stack of counter-rotating disks with metal oxide reactive material fins which are cycled through oxidation and reduction zones. The metal oxide is thus used to reduce H2O and CO2 into H2 and CO respectively, which can be combined using known processes to form a liquid fuel. The effectiveness of such a solar thermochemical reactor depends on its ability to efficiently integrate reduction and oxidation reactions, a solar receiver, thermal recuperation, and separation of end product gases. Efficient separation of end product gases within the reactor is of critical importance as without it, the crossover of gases occurs, which results in lower reduction rates, recombination of end product gases, and additional energy spent in downstream processes. A validation reactor model called the CR5v (v for validation) has been fabricated to validate numerical models of the reactor processes. Crossover testing is done without any chemical reactions (therefore with no O2 or H2 present), but rather by examining the flow of CO2 and Argon. This work presents experimental crossover for the CR5v reactor as a function of ring rotation speed, internal purge gas, and sweep gas to injection gas ratio. Initial crossover experimental results from the CR5v reactor suggest that crossover levels are largely not affected by ring rotation, center purge or injection gas/sweep gas ratio. Argon flow remained on average at a crossover value of 52 %, while CO2 crossover levels were on average around 8 %. The crossover flow in the system is thought to be dominated by the flow rates of the two pumps used in the system and to a lesser degree, the geometry of the system.
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Menon, Shankar, Bo Wirendal, Jan Bjerler, and Lucien Teunckens. "Validation of Dose Calculation Codes for Clearance." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4667.
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All proposals for clearance from regulatory control of very low level radioactive material are based on predicted scenarios for subsequent utilisation of the released materials. The calculation models used in these scenarios tend to utilise conservative data regarding exposure times and dose uptake as well as other assumptions as a safeguard against uncertainties. Another aspects is common to all these calculation models and codes: none of them has ever been validated by comparison with the actual real life practice of recycling. An international project has recently been concluded where two calculation codes used for this purpose (the RESRAD-RECYCLE and CERISE codes) were used to calculate the dose uptake by workers, during the segmentation and melting of a contaminated fuel rack at Studsvik RadWaste, Sweden. These calculated doses were compared with electronic dosimeter measurements on workers participating in the various operations. The measurements showed that segmenting was the work operation that gave the highest dose, almost 65% of the total dose incurred, while melting itself accounted for only about 13%. The project was a co-operation between the Swedish Radiation Protection Institute, Studsvik (Sweden), the US Department of Energy, Argonne National Laboratory (USA), the Institute de Radioprotection et Securite´ Nucle´aire (France) and Belgoprocess (Belgium). The comparison of the calculation results indicated that, even with a carefully controlled reflection of reality with respect to geometry and exposure time and with a “best judgment” choice of densities for each operation, the calculation programmes have tended to overestimate the dose uptake by a factor 4 to 7, i.e. about an order of magnitude. An obvious explanation is the fact that the workers are not static, they move about constantly, changing the geometry, thus not taking the assumed doses. There are also some other practical aspects difficult to reflect exactly in the calculations. It should be noted that the Swedish Radiation Protection Institute were not completely of the same opinion as the project team, pointing out that the codes also underestimated doses for certain operations. We feel, however, that this is irrelevant, as only the maximum estimated doses for any operation in the process are used for the determination of clearance levels. It seems reasonable to state that the use of ‘enveloping’ scenarios, which necessarily cover a wide range of scenarios range of scenarios in connection with the calculation of clearance levels, would tend to accentuate this tendency of overestimation of dose uptake in most individual cases of recycling by melting. Taking into account the sensitivity of the modelling and the practical aspects listed above, the estimated doses can be, say, one or even more orders of magnitude higher than those actually taken. A side aspect of the execution of the Validation Project — specifically the background measurements — was the revelation of radioactivity in unexpected places: the paint used for the painting of moulds at A˚kers (3–5 Bq/g), the slag binding product (twice background radiation), the stamp mass, insulation and new asphalt at the Studsvik furnace (all at three to four times background). This serves to illustrate the undetected omnipresence of radioactivity in the human habitat at dose rate levels considerably higher (up to 400% over background) than the levels (ca 1% over background) at which the currently proposed clearance criteria are based on. Finally, it is important to note that the degree of overestimation (a factor of 4 −7), as recorded in the validation project, is generally regarded as ‘acceptable’ by dose modellers. The results will most probably not lead to any revision or refinement of these codes. For the nuclear decommissioner and the other producers of large volumes of only slightly radioactively contaminated material, the clearance levels resulting from such a degree of conservatism can lead to huge amounts of material unnecessarily being condemned to burial as radioactive waste. Considering that most such producers transfer their costs to the public, it is society at large that will foot the bill for this exercise in conservatism.
Reports on the topic "National security – Sweden"
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Rezaie, Shogofa, Fedra Vanhuyse, Karin André, and Maryna Henrysson. Governing the circular economy: how urban policymakers can accelerate the agenda. Stockholm Environment Institute, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2022.027.
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We believe the climate crisis will be resolved in cities. Today, while cities occupy only 2% of the Earth's surface, 57% of the world's population lives in cities, and by 2050, it will jump to 68% (UN, 2018). Currently, cities consume over 75% of natural resources, accumulate 50% of the global waste and emit up to 80% of greenhouse gases (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2017). Cities generate 70% of the global gross domestic product and are significant drivers of economic growth (UN-Habitat III, 2016). At the same time, cities sit on the frontline of natural disasters such as floods, storms and droughts (De Sherbinin et al., 2007; Major et al., 2011; Rockström et al., 2021). One of the sustainability pathways to reduce the environmental consequences of the current extract-make-dispose model (or the "linear economy") is a circular economy (CE) model. A CE is defined as "an economic system that is based on business models which replace the 'end-of-life' concept with reducing, alternatively reusing, recycling and recovering materials in production/distribution and consumption processes" (Kirchherr et al., 2017, p. 224). By redesigning production processes and thereby extending the lifespan of goods and materials, researchers suggest that CE approaches reduce waste and increase employment and resource security while sustaining business competitiveness (Korhonen et al., 2018; Niskanen et al., 2020; Stahel, 2012; Winans et al., 2017). Organizations such as the Ellen MacArthur Foundation and Circle Economy help steer businesses toward CE strategies. The CE is also a political priority in countries and municipalities globally. For instance, the CE Action Plan, launched by the European Commission in 2015 and reconfirmed in 2020, is a central pillar of the European Green Deal (European Commission, 2015, 2020). Additionally, more governments are implementing national CE strategies in China (Ellen MacArthur Foundation, 2018), Colombia (Government of the Republic of Colombia, 2019), Finland (Sitra, 2016), Sweden (Government Offices of Sweden, 2020) and the US (Metabolic, 2018, 2019), to name a few. Meanwhile, more cities worldwide are adopting CE models to achieve more resource-efficient urban management systems, thereby advancing their environmental ambitions (Petit-Boix & Leipold, 2018; Turcu & Gillie, 2020; Vanhuyse, Haddaway, et al., 2021). Cities with CE ambitions include, Amsterdam, Barcelona, Paris, Toronto, Peterborough (England) and Umeå (Sweden) (OECD, 2020a). In Europe, over 60 cities signed the European Circular Cities Declaration (2020) to harmonize the transition towards a CE in the region. In this policy brief, we provide insights into common challenges local governments face in implementing their CE plans and suggest recommendations for overcoming these. It aims to answer the question: How can the CE agenda be governed in cities? It is based on the results of the Urban Circularity Assessment Framework (UCAF) project, building on findings from 25 interviews, focus group discussions and workshops held with different stakeholder groups in Umeå, as well as research on Stockholm's urban circularity potential, including findings from 11 expert interviews (Rezaie, 2021). Our findings were complemented by the Circular Economy Lab project (Rezaie et al., 2022) and experiences from working with municipal governments in Sweden, Belgium, France and the UK, on CE and environmental and social sustainability.
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Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh, and Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.
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Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.