Journal articles on the topic 'National security – Europe, Central'
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1
Tumkevič, Agnija. "CYBERSECURITY IN CENTRAL EASTERN EUROPE: FROM IDENTIFYING RISKS TO COUNTERING THREATS." Baltic Journal of Political Science 5, no. 5 (January 17, 2017): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/bjps.2016.5.10337.
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Today, ensuring security in cyberspace is a top priority of national security policy for most states. States’ approaches to cybersecurity can be divided into two categories: those that regard cybersecurity as a civilian task; and those that involve their militaries in creating or implementing cybersecurity policies. Those states that have incorporated cyberwarfare into their military planning and organization perceive cyberattacks as a threat to their national security, while states that charge their civilian agencies with domestic cybersecurity missions classify cyber intrusions as security risks for only particular sectors. Adopting the framework of securitization theory, this article theorizes both civil and military approaches to cybersecurity and threat perceptions and their sources. The theoretical framework is then applied to a study of the cybersecurity policies of Central European countries and the Baltic States.
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Gizicki, Wojciech. "Central Europe and NATO Transformation 2014–2018." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 12 (December 31, 2019): 117–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.8.
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The collapse of the Cold-War order in Europe brought about a radical change in the global security system. The dissolution of the Soviet Union and the disbandment of the Warsaw Pact created a situation where the only serious and effective guarantee of stability in Europe was NATO. Central European states, which until that time had been subordinated to the USSR, unequivocally and consistently chose to pursue the Euro-Atlantic direction in their security policy. The decision resulted in their gaining full, even though gradual, membership in the Alliance during the years 1999–2004. The accession process was first completed by the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland. Central Europe is not free from dangers stemming from national and supranational transformations. NATO is facing the need to increase its activity and systematically ensure joint cooperation and security guarantees as regards all its member states. This is primarily caused by a revival of Russia’s superpower ambitions under the presidency of Vladimir Putin and an escalation of terrorism and cyberspace threats. The decisions and practical actions related to biennial NATO summits are of vital importance in this respect. The text presented here is an analysis of the security of Central Europe within NATO structures in the light of the last three NATO summits: in Newport in 2014, in Warsaw in 2016 and in Brussels in 2018.
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Szulc, Tomasz. "COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE 2007 AND 2014 POLISH NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGIES." Logistics and Transport 39, no. 3 (2018): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.26411/83-1734-2015-3-39-12-18.
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The aim of the paper is the comparison of 2007 and 2014 National Security Strategies focusing of the role of Armed Forces in the system of National Security. Moreover, the author tries to verify the needfor changes in relation to the current international situation in Central and Eastern Europe. The parts of this analysis are related to the given chapters of the strategies. The article indicates the reasons and presents conclusions resulting from the changes incorporating in the current document. Moreover, the author analyses the legitimacy of adjustments in the context of current threats to the security of Poland and Europe.
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Dalinczuk, Lana. "Organized crime as a threat to national security." Doctrina. Studia społeczno-polityczne, no. 17 (March 15, 2021): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/doc.2020.17.01.
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All kinds of illegal trafficking, prostitution, pornography, gambling, fraud and counterfeiting, computer crime, corruption, piracy, illegal immigration and many other criminal activities can pose a threat to national and even international security if conducted by larger criminal groups or organizations. The phenomenon of organized crime has acquired a transnational character due to the increasing globalization of financial markets and communications as well as technological development. The three countries of East Central Europe – The Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland – can be of interest in terms of organized crime as recent political and economic developments in these countries have made them attractive to such criminal activities. Another problematic region in terms of organized criminal activities is the region of Central Asia which includes several countries of the former Soviet Union – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
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Akimova, Lyudmila Nikolayevna. "ROLE AND PLACE OF ECONOMIC SECURITY IN THE SYSTEM OF STATE REGULATION PROVIDING FOR NATIONAL SECURITY OF UKRAINE." UKRAINIAN ASSEMBLY OF DOCTORS OF SCIENCES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 1, no. 12 (February 14, 2018): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i12.75.
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The essence of such concepts as “national security”, “economic security” is disclosed; the components of the national and economic security of Ukraine are defined; mechanisms of public administration economic security; the main indicators of economic security are described; detected threats that affect economic security; Recommendations are developed to improve the effectiveness of implemented measures to minimize existing threats. It is determined that at present state administration of the subjects of ensuring national security taking into account real and potential threats should be directed to the improvement of the organizational structure of the management of the subjects of ensuring national security, namely: clarification of the functions of ministries and other central executive bodies, elimination of surplus administrative units, simplification and relatively cheaper control of the management apparatus, taking into account the assessment of the impact of information networks on the management of entities with bezpechennya national security in a single information space. Having considered the components of national security, it was concluded that the most important in the overall system of national security is economic security, since it is the material basis of national sovereignty, which determines the real possibilities for securing other types of security. It is noted that the main content of economic reforms in Ukraine is the creation of conditions for overcoming poverty and excessive property stratification in society, bringing social standards closer to the level of the states of Central and Eastern Europe — the EU member states, achieving the economic criteria necessary for Ukraine to become a member of the EU. According to the adopted “Strategy of National Security of Ukraine”, the main condition for a new quality of economic growth is the provision of economic security.
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Miszewski, Dariusz. "Obóz narodowy wobec koncepcji federacyjnej w czasie II wojny światowej." Saeculum Christianum 24 (September 10, 2018): 256–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/sc.2017.24.24.
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During World War II, the national camp preached the idea of imperialism in Central Europe. Built peacefully, the Polish empire was supposed to protect the independence and security of countries in Central Europe against Germany and the Soviet Union, and thus got the title ‘the Great Poland’. As part of the empire, nation-states were retined. The National camp was opposed to the idea of the Federation, promoted by the government-in-exile. For the ‘National camp’ idea of federation in the regional, European and global level was an anachronism. Post-war international cooperation was based on nation-states and their alliances.
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Böröcz, Miklós. "TACLING IRREGULAR MIGRATION IN EUROPE." EU IN NATO: VARNOSTNA RAZMERJA/EU AND NATO: SECURITY RELATIONS, VOLUME 2021/ISSUE 23/2 (June 15, 2021): 91–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.23.2.5.
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Povzetek Nezakonite migracije predstavljajo varnostno tveganje za Evropsko unijo, a se s tveganji zunaj Evrope ne moremo učinkovito spopasti brez izgradnje zmogljivosti na mednarodni ravni. Zaradi tega lahko to področje umestimo v okvir SZVP. To stališče so potrdili tudi val nezakonitih priseljencev, ki je Evropo dosegel leta 2015, ter tveganja in posledice nepripravljenosti držav na ravni zagotavljanja nacionalne varnosti. V študiji predstavljamo tri glavne poti nezakonitih migracij, ki so prizadele Evropo. Predstavljene so tudi države, ki so jih priseljenci prečkali ter ukrepi organov EU. V zaključku članka so predlagane morebitne rešitve za nastalo stanje. Ključne besede nezakonite migracije, varnostno tveganje, vzhodnosredozemska pot migracij, osrednjesredozemska pot migracij, zahodnosredozemska pot migracij. Abstract Irregular migration is a security risk for the EU. This risk from outside Europe cannot be dealt with effectively without capacity building at foreign interfaces, so it could be assessed as an area of the former CFSP. This position was supported by the influx of irregular migrants that reached Europe in 2015, and the risks and consequences of unpreparedness for national security. This study presents the three main routes for irregular migrants which affect Europe, the countries they pass through, and the actions of EU bodies. In addition to the discussion, later in the article potential solutions to the issue will be formulated. Key words irregular migration, security risk, Eastern Mediterranean migration route, Central Mediterranean migration route, Western Mediterranean migration route.
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Pásztor, Ladislav. "The Effects of the Current Security System’s Transformation on the Security of the Central European Nation States." Honvédségi Szemle 148, Special Issue 2. (2020): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35926/hdr.2020.2.4.
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The end of the bipolar world order at the end of the 20th century, which has had a strong impact on the global security system and particularly affected the Central European states to this day, gave rise to an analytical-evaluative approach to the security threats in the region. The topic of this doctoral research (‘An Analysis- and Evaluation-based Approach to the Security Threats in Central Europe’) is primarily the analysis and evaluation of the risk factors to the V-4 states, especially Slovakia and Hungary. The article analyses the external security challenges, risks, and threats identified on the basis author’s objective perception and can be primarily classified as ones within political and military dimensions. Of course, this does not dismiss the possibility that the threats not discussed in this study are non-existent. With the use of National Security and Defence Strategies and annual Security Assessment Reports the article presents the risk factors identified by Slovakia and the Czech Republic.
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Kozma, V. "NATIONAL INTERESTS OF UKRAINE BETWEEN WAR AND PEACE." National Technical University of Ukraine Journal. Political science. Sociology. Law, no. 1(53) (July 8, 2022): 73–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20535/2308-5053.2022.1(53).261118.
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The prospects for international security are closely linked to solving the age-old problems of war and peace, especially on the European continent. The long period of residence of European peoples in this part of the world, their communication with each other revealed numerous models of coexistence from armed confrontation to the formation of political integration with focus first on the economic component and then on socio-political unity. The creation of the European Union has changed relations between European countries. European states have committed themselves to resolving all disputes peacefully and to cooperating closely within the framework of pan-European institutions. However, the military conflict in Eastern Ukraine has reminded us that the war has not disappeared from the European continent and that Europe is facing new threats and challenges. Rising international tensions and the threat of large-scale military conflict in Europe are becoming a central theme of contemporary political discourse. The article analyzes the reasons for the increase in international conflict and new challenges to Ukraine’s national security. The author emphasizes that in order to understand the reasons, it is important to find out what interests each of the parties to the conflict pursues and what role our country plays in the East-West geopolitical confrontation. It is noted that the difference in views of Russia and the West on international relations leaves little room for compromise on Ukraine. The Kremlin’s demands for security combined with the “rattling” of weapons on Ukraine’s borders have provoked mixed reactions in the European Union and the United States. It is clear that Russia’s blackmail is bearing fruit and the start of the negotiation process marks a revision of European security policy. Given these circumstances, the author emphasizes the importance for Ukraine to be an active subject of the negotiation process in order to protect its own national interests.
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Winiarska, Sylwia. "Współczesne wymiary bezpieczeństwa społeczno-kulturowego wybranych państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w kontekście zagrożeń militarnych." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 1 (December 2021): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.1.10.
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The information age driving globalization processes determines the increasing importance of socio-cultural factors for international, regional and national security. Due to the interdependence of various security spheres, geopolitics and historical memory of the societies of the Central European region, and the expansionary Russian policy from the beginning of the 21st century, attention is paid to supporting military operations with soft power, in particular, highly effective cultural policy in post-Soviet countries. Research conducted in the years 2012-2017 among security experts provided information on the key aspects of non-military security in Central Europe and to develop recommendations on new socio-cultural threats to Central European countries after 2014. In the course of the research work, literature on the subject, research materials from the University of Warsaw and CBOS (Research Center for Public Opinion, Warsaw) were used, as well as own research conducted in selected countries of the Visegrad Group, analyzed using the SWOT method.
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Tsailas, Demetrios. "China-Europe Strategic Issues." Security science journal 2, no. 2 (December 13, 2021): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.2.2.5.
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Today, a shakeup of forces and a great power competition have begun on the global geopolitical scene. This competition is mainly due to the rise of China, the deepening of globalization and the interdependence of countries, and violent movements that transcend borders, such as international terrorism. In particular, the increase in China's national power has led to a change in the world order that emerged after the Cold War, and geopolitics is once again taking a central role on the global agenda. The geopolitical focus on the Asia-Indo-Pacific Ocean complex has evolved into a geostrategic rivalry where China is seen as the main threat. This approach is reflected in the international security strategy. In addition, it also manifests itself in the practices of international organizations led by the West forces. We see the most important example of this in the European Union's view of China.
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Frid-Nielsen, Snorre Sylvester. "Human rights or security? Positions on asylum in European Parliament speeches." European Union Politics 19, no. 2 (February 16, 2018): 344–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116518755954.
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This study examines speeches in the European Parliament relating to asylum. Conceptually, it tests hypotheses concerning the relation between national parties and Members of European Parliament. The computer-based content analysis method Wordfish is used to examine 876 speeches from 2004 to 2014, scaling Members of European Parliament along a unidimensional policy space. Debates on asylum predominantly concern positions for or against European Union security measures. Surprisingly, national party preferences for European Union integration were not the dominant factor. The strongest predictors of Members of European Parliament's positions are their national parties’ general ‘right-left’ preferences, and duration of European Union membership. Generally, Members of European Parliament from Central and Eastern Europe and the European People's Party take up pro-security stances. Wordfish was effective and valid, confirming the relevance of automated content analysis for studying the European Union.
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Klevceviсh, Pavel V. "FEATURES OF THE MILITARY-POLITICAL INTERACTION OF THE USSR AND YUGOSLAVIA IN CONNECTION WITH THE PREPARATION FOR THE MEETING ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE (1973–1975)." Historical Search 2, no. 3 (September 28, 2021): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2021-2-3-31-38.
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The article examines the problems of the Soviet-Yugoslav military-political interaction on security and cooperation in Europe. The positions and contradictions between the Soviet and Yugoslav parties on issues of cooperation and security in Europe are analyzed.
The essence of Belgrade’s position on this issue was in interpreting particularly sensitive issues for it: equal responsibility of countries united in opposing military-political blocs for security in Europe, the need to respect the interests of countries outside these blocs, as well as the presence of other powers’ armed forces near the borders of these countries.
Contradictions between Moscow and Belgrade have emerged on the issues of cooperation and security in Europe. Moscow insisted on mainstreaming security problems in the Central Europe, as a possible theater of military operations between NATO and the Warsaw Pact bloc in the future. Yugoslavia, proceeding from its national and military-political interests, advocated the inclusion of security problems in the Southern Europe and the Mediterranean in the agenda of the conference.
Another issue on which there was a discrepancy in the views of the Soviet and Yugoslav leadership was understanding the thesis of peaceful coexistence of states and the scope of its application to various subjects of international relations. Moscow extended this concept to the nature of relations between the West and the East, and the Yugoslavs equated this provision in relation to the right of their way of building socialism in the country, as well as guarantees of national sovereignty in case of attempts to interfere from outside in order to adjust the principles of state and social development of their state.
The desire of Yugoslavia on the eve of the European conference to plot a vector in its conduct in a favorable aspect for it worried Moscow and focused on careful study and timely response to Belgrade’s initiatives.
In the context of the problem of Soviet-Yugoslav cooperation on security issues and cooperation in Europe, the urgent need of Belgrade for Moscow’s help in resolving the crisis in the public and political life of the country is shown as well.
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Jančošekovà, Viktória. "Regional Cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe and its Implications for the EU." European View 16, no. 2 (December 2017): 231–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12290-017-0460-8.
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Regional cooperation is mutually beneficial collaboration between neighbouring countries. This holds regardless of whether it is a matter of cooperation between the Benelux countries, the Nordic–Baltic states, France and Germany, or the Visegrad countries. The last-mentioned countries' dismissive attitude to tackling the migration crisis has thrust them into the limelight. The most recent cooperative forums in the Central Eastern Europe region, such as the Slavkov Triangle and the Three Seas Initiative, evidence a new dynamic and a regrouping of forces on the basis of national interests and EU themes. Western and Eastern Europe have different approaches to the most pressing challenges, such as migration. These differences have caused deep divisions between their respective leaders. However, the disagreements on the migration issue and the future of the EU notwithstanding, regional cooperation among the Central and Eastern European countries remains valuable in areas that include the integration process, security and defence.
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Irimia, Ana Irina. "The European Union and Minorities." Scientific Bulletin 20, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 138–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsaft-2015-0021.
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Abstract We are currently in the process of making a Europe where the elements of national sovereignty will be narrowed through the sharing of sovereignty and for collective security. Another trend in the field was that of regionalization of the importance and implications of this issue, explicitly or implicitly considered as belonging to Central and Eastern Europe. Such an assessment neglects the significance of a number of factors pertaining to the historical and political developments has on the matter, particularly regarding economic development of Central and Eastern Europe areas, and that the conflictual degeneration of perceiving ethnical, cultural and regional otherness is not a phenomenon which affects this space alone, but also the West. In contradiction with this point of view, some foreign experts in the field say it is a social reality that discrimination and intolerance connected to religion and ethnicity can be found in all meetings of the world and in countries with different economic development phases.
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LYNCH, ALLEN. "Woodrow Wilson and the principle of ‘national self-determination’: a reconsideration." Review of International Studies 28, no. 2 (April 2002): 419–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502004199.
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Examination of Woodrow Wilson's concept of national self-determination in light of both Wilson's own intellectual development and the evolution of wartime strategy and diplomacy establishes that there was no prior consideration of ethnic or collective versus liberal or civic nationalism in Wilson's idea of ‘national’ self-determination and that the actual enunciation and application of the principle was deeply affected by considerations of wartime strategy and diplomacy, above all to counter defeatist tendencies following Russia's withdrawal from the war as well as to induce a separate Austrian peace. Wilson thus understood that the idea could not be applied in an unqualified way, that considerations of national self-determination might in specific instances have to yield to compelling questions of security, diplomacy and economics. At the same time, Wilson was not well informed about many key aspects of nation and state in East-Central Europe. In the end, Wilson accepted many unsatisfactory compromises at the peace table based on the promise that the League and its version of collective security held for international security and justice. Ignorance, liberal myopia, and political incompetence thus have to be weighed against Wilson's considerable tactical pragmatism in prosecuting the war when arriving at a final judgement on Wilson and the legacy of national self-determination.
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Kurimay, Anita. "Far-Right Visions of Heteronormativity and Queer Members of the Far Right: A Historical Perspective." Hungarian Studies Review 48, no. 2 (November 2021): 192–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hungarianstud.48.2.0192.
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Abstract This essay examines the recent homosexual scandal of József Szájer, founding member of the Hungarian governing party Fidesz, and compares it to the interwar homosexual scandal of Hungarian conservative icon Cécile Tormay. It highlights how even as Fidesz has been limiting the rights and visibility of LGBTQ+ people in the name of defending Christian national values, it has not just tolerated but facilitated its own queer members’ sexual escapades. Historicizing Fidesz’s calculated approach to elevate the issue of homosexuality to an issue of national security also offers insight into how anti-Western and antidemocratic sentiments function in East Central Europe using the fulcrums of gender and sexuality.
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Polegkyi, Oleksii. "The Intermarium in Ukrainian and Polish Foreign Policy Discourse." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 8, no. 2 (October 18, 2021): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus562.
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The ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict, crises in the European Union (EU), and armed conflicts in the EU neighbourhood have influenced the prospects of future development in eastern and central Europe. A search for new security architecture on the margins of the EU and regional collaborations that prevail across formal EU borders have forced national elites in Poland and Ukraine to redefine their efforts regarding regional and security co-operation. Rationales for joining an Intermarium (a regional, transnational project involving successor states of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth countries) are based on the perception of a threat coming from Russia. This article analyzes the Intermarium concept, first, from the perspective of “geopolitical imaginary” with emphasis on periphery-centre relations and, second, in the light of regional “security dilemma” as it appears in attempt of “smaller” states to counteract Russian threats.
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Furstenberg, Saipira, Edward Lemon, and John Heathershaw. "Spatialising state practices through transnational repression." European Journal of International Security 6, no. 3 (May 18, 2021): 358–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2021.10.
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AbstractThis article theorises the repressive security practices of authoritarian states in the context of transnationalism and globalisation. While emerging research on transnational repression has identified a range of extraterritorial and exceptional security practices adopted by authoritarian states, it has not fully studied the implications of such practices on space and statecraft. Using data from the Central Asia Political Exile Database project (CAPE) and interviews conducted with exiled Tajik opposition groups based in Russia and Europe, we theorise the spatial connections between the territorial and extraterritorial security practices using the concept of assemblages. We further outline how these practices escalate in a three-stage model, in which exiles go on notice, are detained and then rendered or assassinated. Such an approach sheds light on the inherent links between the normalisation of security practices and the creation of transnational space with distinct forms of geographical state power that is embedded in non-national spaces and is manifested through spatially organised actors, networks, and technologies within assemblages.
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Abdujabbor Ne'matjonovich, Nurmatov. "International cooperation in food security in Uzbekistan." International Journal on Integrated Education 2, no. 5 (October 31, 2019): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v2i5.144.
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The article covers the issues of ensuring food security, reforms carried out by Uzbekistan in this regard and mutual cooperation, which are becoming one of the most pressing problems in the world today. The increase in the number of Population year-on-year, climatic changes, urbanization, economic, ecological factors adversely affect the volume and quality of food production. This, in turn, dictates the implementation of deep consistent reforms in the spheres of existing rural agriculture and food industry. In recent years, with the aim of accelerating the development of agricultural production and the food industry, addressing sectoral challenges, Uzbekistan has been working not only in domestic capacity but also with international organizations and developed countries. In particular, Uzbekistan joined the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAOUN) on 2 November 2001. During this period, Uzbekistan has implemented a number of national and regional projects in collaboration with the UN. For example, Uzbekistan carried out 8 national and regional projects in the Republic during 2001-2015 in cooperation with this organization. On June 5-6, 2014 in Tashkent on the initiative of Uzbekistan held an international conference on the theme “significant reserves of Food Program Implementation in Uzbekistan”. In addition, the FAOUN's 32nd regional conference for Europe is scheduled to be held in Uzbekistan for the first time among the countries of Central Asia on May 5-7, 2020. This is evidenced by the growing strengthening of cooperation with the FAOUN Organization of Uzbekistan
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Eperjesi, Zoltán. "What happens with Eastern and Central Europe in the Globalising World Today? / Ce se ȋntâmplă cu Europa de Est şi Centrală ȋn contextul globalizării actuale?" Hiperboreea A2, no. 3-6 (January 1, 2013): 65–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.2.3-6.0065.
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Abstract The author of this paper searches for insights concerning Eastern Europe as a region in the making in a global context. New systems of governance and new economic set-ups, which challenge current powers, are emerging uninterruptedly coined by various global dynamics. The evolving divergences, choices and dynamics of governments on a global scale generate new players, coalitions and ways of engagement into multifaceted actions, which are in urgent need of study. The discrepancies on the line lead to geopolitical struggle, security threats, and political turmoil and water and food shortages. The world is going through a multiple crisis of finance, investment/growth and ecosystem. These channels seem to be unrelated, but are interconnected with each other in various ways. They reflect large structural discrepancies between different regional unions and local alliances; between actors on local and national levels; between the developed world and nations that are less developed; between finance and the real economy; and between the earth's ecological units, on one side and economic systems and political decisions on the other side. Author argues that Eastern and Central Europe's situation in the globalising world today is somehow still an open end option position as it is not clear which eastern alliance will lead within the EU as alternative to a powerful Franco-German coalition.
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Niedziółka, Dorota. "Uwarunkowania bezpieczeństwa ekonomicznego państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 1 (December 2021): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.1.11.
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Economic security is nowadays one of the most important issues related to the functioning of the state. Most often identified with the ability to create mechanisms to advance the interests of the national economy, maintaining stability and favor development. Numerous measures make it possible to assess the level of safety in various ways. The potential of Central and Eastern European countries and the need for convergence create space for economic security.
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Samusevych, Y. V., V. V. Novikov, A. Ye Artyukhov, and T. A. Vasylieva. "Convergence trends in the “economy – education – digitalization – national security” chain." Naukovyi Visnyk Natsionalnoho Hirnychoho Universytetu, no. 6 (2021): 177–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33271/nvngu/2021-6/177.
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Purpose. To identify the current level and trends of convergence to justify the directions of adjustment of approaches to the management of the national economy. Methodology. The methodological basis of the study is economic and mathematical modelling using Barro-regression and variational analysis. Integral indicators for the characteristics of the components of the studied chain are defined as the arithmetic mean of partial indicators of economic development (24 indicators), educational development (28 indicators), digitalization (12indicators) and national security (53 indicators), normalized by the method of natural normalization. To assess the pairwise, triple and complex convergent relationships in the studied chain, a multiplicative convolution of the corresponding integral indicators characterizing a pair, triple or four of the studied concepts, was performed. The sample consisted of 11 countries from Central and Eastern Europe (Croatia, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Ukraine). The research period includes 19992020. Findings. The existence of dynamic convergent links in the national security digitalization, education national security digitalization chains is confirmed, which indicates the need for further interstate integration of regulatory practices in the field of digitalization impact on the national security (including digital education effects). The links in the economy education, economy national security, education national security, economy education national security chains have a fairly high static level of convergence, which indicates the need to level the differences in national practices of regulation of these directions. At the same time, current trends in the digitalization of education and the digitalization of the economy remain quite diversified, which determines the need to apply specific national government practices in this area. Originality. Methodological principles of integrated assessment of convergent relationships in the economy education national security digitalization chain differ from the existing ones by using integrated indicators of characteristics of single, pair, triple and complex relationships within the studied chain to determine the levels of their - and -convergence. This allowed identifying the presence of the achieved level of convergence and dynamic convergent trends that arise in the process of economic and educational transformations in the context of overcoming security challenges in the national economy in the context of digitalization. Practical value. The achieved significant level of convergence of the economy, education and digitalization of the studied countries has been revealed, as well as stable convergent links of integrated development of their economy, education and national security have been formed. The results obtained can be used as a scientific substantiation of adjustment of directions of state regulation of economy and education in the conditions of digitalization and in the context of overcoming security challenges.
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Petrenya, Yu K. "Development of gas-turbine technologies in Russia." Вестник Российской академии наук 89, no. 4 (April 24, 2019): 331–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869-5873894331-334.
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Gas plays the central role in the fuel and energy balance among Russia, USA and Europe. Efficient energy use is encouraged with gas-turbine technologies, which have reached a high level of development. Russia has a great deal of gas-turbine engineering experience and scientific and industrial potential in this area, but has no national program to encourage the development of such technology. To ensure energy security and the scientific and technological development of the Russian Federation, to address the energy problems of the 21st century, we propose the formation of a national program for the development of gas turbines. This program would fall under the scientific and methodological guidance of the Department of Energy, Mechanical Engineering, Mechanics and Management Processes of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
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MAISAIA, Vakhtang, and Salome KARELI. "‘THREE SEAS’ AREA PAN-REGIONAL SECURITY PROVISIONS AND ITS GEOPOLITICAL CONSEQUENCES – SECURITY DILEMMA VS. SECURITY DEADLOCK." Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem 2(13)/2019, no. 2(13)/2019 (2019): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33674/201911.
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The geostrategic area that generally could be labelled as the ‘Three Seas’(TSI) pan-region (Baltic Sea-Adriatic Sea-Black Sea geostrategic space) has already been described as a hotspot and as an unstable zone caused by interference of not only global but also regional hegemon powers. The main cause of instability by the global power actors is defined as being described as a ’New Cold War’ game where Eastern and Central Europe as well as the Black Sea zone are becoming a new geostrategic ‘Rimland’ for the game. The area is the primary sphere of major interests for political regional organizations, including the EU and NATO, with increasing importance of the area from a geostrategic standpoint. The instability clause is being inspired by new challenges – violent non-state actors (like DAESH, Al-Qaida, etc.), black transit transactions (drug and arms smuggling), all types of terrorist entities, separatism war-gamers, low intensified conflicts, violent human rights violations, etc. All of these factors lead toward the emergence of a hybrid warfare concept r in regional security stability. Asymmetric challenges imposed by hybrid warfare initiators caused more. Unfortunately all these new challenges cause the development of new types of security infringement with involvement of non-state actors in regional geopolitics can be newly identified as ‘National Security Deadlock’ – political ruleship of the country and special conditions of political condition when any decision taken by the political leadership more increases risks occasion from internal as well as external origins. The jargon introduced and invented by the author of the abstract, namely linked with the situation in the geostrategic area, including the Caucasus region. even actors of international security systems also inflame the situation in the region and reach up to a level of security dilemma. Hence, two security challenges are competing at the area and causing the most dangerous situation on the spot.
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Kachuyevski, Angela. "The Possibilities and Limitations of Preventive Action: The OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities in Ukraine." International Negotiation 17, no. 3 (2012): 389–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-12341237.
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Abstract This article examines the efforts of the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to manage tensions in Ukraine between the substantial Russian minority and the Ukrainian government, and to prevent potentially violent conflict in Crimea from 1994 to 2001, as well as the subsequent efforts to promote peace and stability. It questions why the HCNM was remarkably successful in crisis management from 1994 to 2001, especially in averting secessionism in Crimea, but was hampered in his efforts to achieve a solid foundation for durable peace through the creation of a robust system of minority rights protection. The central argument is that regional politics often preclude the construction of a minority rights regime that could otherwise provide the foundation for durable peace.
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Švarplys, Andrius. "What the membership has taught? National identity construction in Lithuanian public discourse after accession to the European Union." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 4, no. 2 (December 15, 2012): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v4i2_8.
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‘Europe’ and ‘Russia’ have historically been the most remarkable landmarks, playing geopolitical, cultural, and moral guide-role in the construction of national collective identities in the Central Eastern European countries, including Lithuania. This ‘civilizational identity’ helped to unite Lithuanian political elites as well as society towards the direction to West and Europe after the collapse of Soviet Union. The question article addresses is: does the factual belonging to the European Union after the 1st May, 2004 give the impulse to re-define ‘Europe’ and ‘Russia’ as the old essentials of collective identity of Lithuanians? The article presents the research based on monitoring of national public discourse (five Lithuanian national newspapers) in 2004-2007, i.e. enjoying three years of membership in the European Union and NATO. The main result is that the role of Russia in the Lithuanian collective identity has not changed and still continues to play the major threat. The membership in the European Union and NATO has not solved Lithuanian security problem. According to the perceived threat, Russia has started to penetrate softly into Lithuania’s economy (especially energy sector) and has silently begun to make an impact to the domestic political parties and political elite. The traditional role of Europe, however, is slowly but gradually shifting from mythical ‘Paradise’ image to more critical understandings about divided Europe and selfish member-states. Already being in the EU and NATO, Lithuania should balance sometimes unfriendly westerners’ reluctance to understand the situation and help against Russia with the economic power that Russia uses as a political instrument against Lithuania on the international arena, as well as in domestic politics. This results in the feelings of „lost and forgotten” between Europe and Russia. Nevertheless, Europe continues to earn a positive meaning in national collective identity of Lithuanians, but all these trends in public discourse show that the state and society have only just started to realize its interests and learn how to handle the major challenges through the cooperation within the European Union, i.e. to build integrational European identity.
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De Becker, E. "The (Possible) Role of the Right to Social Security in the EU Economic Monitoring Process." German Law Journal 17, no. 3 (June 1, 2016): 277–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200019787.
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The outbreak of the financial and economic crisis in 2008 had a severe impact on the member states of the European Union. Countries like Greece had to ask the Troika (the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund) for financial aid. In return, they were obliged to reduce public spending and, as a result, national social security systems were drastically reformed. Furthermore, the EU has exercised its competences to supervise national budgets more extensively, even for countries not applying for financial aid through the Country Specific Recommendations under the European Semester. Like the decisions providing financial support, these recommendations also touch upon member states' social security systems. Moreover, the actions of the EU seem to generate a tension between the social rights provisions in (inter)national human rights instruments and the EU economic monitoring process, hence creating a possible deficit at the level of the EU. The five collective complaints against Greece under the framework of the European Social Charter (Council of Europe) illustrate this tension. This Article investigates this tension further and provides insights in possible ways to close the gap between (inter)national social rights provisions and the EU economic monitoring process by looking at the right to social security in the EU legal order. In doing so, this Article scrutinizes the judicial safeguards available at EU level, namely the right to social security in the Charter of Fundamental Rights (CFEU) and the role of general principles of Union's law for the protection of fundamental rights. It will become clear that a lot of uncertainty still remains regarding the content and scope of the right to social security in the CFEU, as well as the enforceability of this provision in the EU economic monitoring process.
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Karginova-Gubinova, V. V. "THE STATE OF THE WORLD ECONOMY AS A THREAT TO RUSSIA’S SECURITY: PUBLIC ESTIMATES AND INFLUENCING FACTORS." Strategic decisions and risk management 10, no. 2 (July 30, 2019): 166–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17747/2618-947x-2019-2-166-173.
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This article is aimed at determining the significance of the state of the world economy as a threat to national security for the public of the Russia, as well as the formalization of the factors determining this. The study is based on a sociological approach and assumes primary attention to society, not the state, and cognitive factors. Using the methods of applied statistics, the data of the international sociological survey held in February-May 2017 in 38 countries were analyzed. The reports and statistical bases of the World Economic Forum, the World Bank, the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe and the Central Intelligence Agency were also analyzed. The study showed a plurality of factors that determine the assessment of threats to national security: both the personal characteristics of people and the characteristics of the development of their countries. From all of the countries reviewed, evaluations of Russians to the greatest extent correspond to the estimates of residents of Israel. The multiple regression equation was constructed, it allows to calculate the current and forecast public assessment of the state of the world economy as a threat for the country's security. The results can be used for further studies of security discourse and threat perception. Also, knowledge of the factors that determine the threat assessment will help to choose the tools and measures that will create both objective and subjective security (its feeling).
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Apostu, Simona Andreea, Mirela Panait, Daniel Balsalobre-Lorente, Diogo Ferraz, and Irina Gabriela Rădulescu. "Energy Transition in Non-Euro Countries from Central and Eastern Europe: Evidence from Panel Vector Error Correction Model." Energies 15, no. 23 (December 1, 2022): 9118. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15239118.
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The countries of Central and Eastern Europe, from the non-euro area, have completed the process of economic transition before joining the European Union. Achieving a certain level of economic development and membership in the European Union have generated their involvement in a new transition process, namely the energy transition. Concerns about promoting the low carbon economy have become increasingly complex for those countries that are interested in the environmental impact of economic activity. This study aims to analyze the process of energy transition in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe on the basis of the causality relationship among specific variables for the period 1990–2018. The study is based on cross-sectional panel data and the panel vector error correction model (PVECM). The efforts made by these countries by joining the European Union have generated economic development, with positive effects being recorded on the protection of the environment, a fact due to the strict regulations adopted and rigorous implementation at the national level. Foreign capital had a positive impact on the transition to a low carbon economy because most of the FDI flows attracted by the non-euro countries in the CEE come from Western Europe, i.e., from EU member countries, located either among the founders or among the countries that joined during the first waves of union expansion. Membership in the European Union facilitates the energy transition process for the non-euro countries of Central and Eastern Europe, but the new geopolitical events generate the reconfiguration of the European strategy of considering the need to ensure energy security.
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Tireuov Kanat Maratovich, K. M., S. K. Mizanbekova, and D. A. Aitmukhanbetova. "Ensuring food security in Kazakhstan in modern economic conditions." Agrarian Economics, no. 12 (December 30, 2021): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29235/1818-9806-2021-12-67-76.
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Food security occupies a special place in the system of national security of Kazakhstan, since the availability of food serves as a basic indicator of human activity. The country’s maximum participation in the international division of labor in the agroindustrial complex depends on solving the problem of food security. The choice of directions is determined by economic opportunities of the country, its role in the world, conducting of domestic agrofood policy, determination of advanced development strategy of agroindustrial complex, its basic branch – agriculture. Kazakhstan is the largest exporter of grain and takes leading place in the world in flour export. Thanks to good harvests in recent years, Kazakhstan was able to strengthen its ability to stabilize prices in the markets of Central Asia, Russian Federation, the Middle East, Europe and the Caucasus and improve its own prospects in terms of food security in the adjacent regions. The agriculture of Kazakhstan is in urgent need of modernization of its material and technical base, more advanced technologies and more effective and targeted state support, without which its dynamic development observed in recent years will be at risk.
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Dunay, Pál. "osce Conflict Management in Central Asia." Security and Human Rights 27, no. 3-4 (September 9, 2016): 479–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02703002.
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Conflicts and their management in Central Asia have never been prioritised by the osce although five states of the region are among its participating states. This has been due to that unlike in some other parts of the post-Soviet space most of the conflicts did not threaten with military escalation, and the intensity of strategic rivalry is less noticeable in this distant part of the osce area than closer to the heart of Europe. The fact Russia is not a direct party to the conflicts in Central Asia also reduces the interests of many participating states. There was one high intensity conflict in the region, the Tajik civil war that came too early for the osce. Lower intensity conflicts, ranging from border skirmishes, disputes about access to water, violation of rights of national minority groups, rigged elections are monitored and their resolutions are facilitated by the organisation. Some of them, like the 2010 Kyrgyz-Uzbek conflict had such short shelf-life internationally that no consensus-based inter-governmental organisation could have effectively intervened into it. The osce has been successful in conflict management when the party or parties also wanted to break the stale-mate that the Organization could facilitate. Domestic change in some Central Asian states is essential for advancing the osces cooperative security approach.
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Scholliers, Johan, Sirra Toivonen, Antti Permala, and Timo Lahtinen. "A Concept for Improving the Security and Efficiency of Multimodal Supply Chains." International Journal of Applied Logistics 3, no. 2 (April 2012): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jal.2012040101.
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Multimodal supply chains are characterized by multiple changes of transport modes and vehicles. Hence the risks for theft, untimely delivery and freight quality deterioration increase. There is hence a growing need to manage the security and efficiency of consignments from door to door. This paper describes the results of the Finnish national SCIE (Supply Chain Security and Integrity) project, which had as main objective the development of a holistic framework for the management of the security and efficiency of supply chains. A profound risk analysis was performed to find key vulnerabilities of the service and suitable monitoring technology. The security service was developed to deal with the vast amount of actors in the multimodal supply chain, accurate transport plan data reception and the identification of exceptional situations. The service concept was tested by monitoring and analysing steel product shipments from Finland to Central Europe. Advanced intelligent monitoring devices were attached to the consignments. These devices gathered and transmitted in real-time environmental, transport stress and location information. The paper will give an overview of the framework, service concept and the analysed results of a multimodal shipment from Finland to Italy.
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Majchrzak, Dariusz, Krzysztof Michalski, and Jacek Reginia-Zacharski. "Readiness of the Polish Crisis Management System to Respond to Long-Term, Large-Scale Power Shortages and Failures (Blackouts)." Energies 14, no. 24 (December 9, 2021): 8286. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14248286.
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Large-scale failures of electric power systems (blackouts) have been the subject of intensive research in most countries for several years. This research aims primarily at seeking solutions to improve the reliability of the operation of power systems and the development of effective strategies to protect critical infrastructure from the effects of energy shortages and power cuts. In contrast, systematic research on crisis management and civil protection under conditions of prolonged blackout has been undertaken in Europe only recently, and these extremely important aspects of energy security have been delayed by the COVID-19 crisis. The ability of the Polish crisis management system to cope with the consequences of long-term, large-scale shortages and interruptions in the supply of electricity, as well as the consequences of possible failures in this field, has not been systematically examined to date. This issue is of growing strategic importance, not only from the point of view of security and defence policy, but also economic cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe. Poland’s infrastructural security must be considered in a broad regional and supra-regional context. A long-term lack of electricity in a large area of Poland would undermine the stability of the entire national security system, destabilising the region and supranational security systems. Apart from objective reasons, intentional attacks on the links of such a chain cannot be ruled out. Poland is the leader of this region, a frontline country in the NATO-Russia conflict, as well as a liaison state that provides the Baltic states—being EU and NATO members—with a land connection to Western Europe. In view of the growing risk of blackout, the importance of the problem and the existence of a cognitive gap in this field, we evaluated the Polish crisis management system in terms of its ability to respond to the effects of a sudden, long-term, large-scale blackout. Methodologically, we adopted a systems approach to security management. In order to estimate the consequences of a blackout, we used analogue forecasting tools and scenario analysis. By analysing previous crisis situations caused by blackouts and local conditions of vulnerability to such events, we formulated basic preparedness requirements that a modern crisis management system should meet in the face of the growing risk of blackouts. A review of strategic documents and crisis planning processes in public administration allowed us to identify deficits and weaknesses in the Polish crisis management system. On this basis we formulated recommendations whose implementation shall improve the ability of the national security system to face such challenges in the future.
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Jasic, Bruno. "Ocena wyzwań stojących przed polskim rynkiem energii z punktu widzenia współczesnych wymiarów bezpieczeństwa energetycznego." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 19, no. 1 (December 2021): 141–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2021.1.8.
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The goal of this article is to outline and to analyse the key challenges to be faced by the Polish energy market, as it is only at the beginning of the energy transition process. The dynamics of energy policy adaptation process to the challenges of the energy security dimensions, in the face of the energy and climate policy set by the European Union and the expected transformation goals, may cause the growth of the energy security deficit both on a national and regional scale. Given the centralized model of energy infrastructure management, reliance of domestic generation capacity on conventional sources and insufficient development of cross-border networks, Poland is particularly exposed to a security deficit related to the transformation of its energy system, which may also negatively affect other countries in the East- Central Europe region. Using program documents and sector analyses, the article analyses possible strategies for ensuring energy security, setting the issues in the context of the specificity of the Polish energy sector and opportunities for development of regional cooperation between Central and Eastern European countries. As a result, the article reveals an assessment which shows an insufficient recognition by Poland both the external and internal factors determining the pace and direction of energy modernization, as well as a failure to adapt energy policy objectives to the specifics of low-carbon energy sources and the potential provided for by regional energy markets.
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Reśkiewicz, Patryk, and Krzysztof Najdzik. "The Ontology of the War in Ukraine – Cold War Revives." Przegląd Nauk o Obronności, no. 12 (May 9, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/pno/149894.
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Objectivesthe identification of political-military determinants of the full-scale phase of the war in Ukraine which has been going on since 2014. The said goal shall be achieved by analyzing the boundary conditions of the Russian security policy against the countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the geostrategic conditioning of the Republic of Belarus.Methodsthe following techniques have been implemented in the article: qualitative analysis and critical analysis of the source literature, synthesis – cause and effect associations. The statistical method has also been used. The empirical methods include abstract modelling for the construction of simplified models of the description of reality with reference to the object of analysis.Resultsthe three goals mentioned beforehand have been achieved in the article through (1) showing the main strategic and operational assumptions of the Russian Federation with regard to its national security policy, (2) the role of incorporated Belarus in the military operation being carried out, (3) the estimation of the main assumptions of the military campaign.Conclusionsthe neo-imperial policy carried out by the Russian Federation towards the neighboring countries is the main determinant of the warfare in Ukraine. Russian willingness to reestablish the regional order in Central and Eastern Europe determines the next phase of the military campaign. Over the past years, Belarus has been gradually integrated as a Union Member State. It may be assumed that Belarus will become a subjugated country of Russia – which increases the possibility of Belarus being involved in military conflicts carried by the Russian Federation.
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Iman, Pesaran Ghader, M. A, Jalalli Reza, and Muhammad Ali Khosravi. "Russia's energy weapon as a tool against the expansion of NATO to the East." Environment Conservation Journal 16, SE (December 5, 2015): 151–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36953/ecj.2015.se1617.
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After the Soviet collapse, the US-led NATO actions, in Eastern Europe and Central Asia has led to confrontation between Russia and the West in the region. Russia considers these actions a threat to its national security, reducing its power and influence and restrict its economic relations with its buffer zones. Moscow adopting policies such as anti-missile defense shield in Eastern Europe, leaving the CFE Treaty, creation of the CSTO and the use of energy as a practical weapon has withstand against the West. The country is the main supplier of the natural gas required for Europe and Eurasia, and is trying to run away the NATO from its red lines, use the it advantage to threat the newly independent republics of Europe Union by gas cut off and energy sanctions. The use of energy as a threatening tool by Russia has become a procedure to carry out its policies, which leads to a mistrust against the Russia and the countries are turning to other suppliers of the natural gas. Given the fact that the sale of energy is the main revenues of Russia, it seems, this threat will put Russia's into economic and political damage. The above mentioned topics, is the subject of this research.
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Bloomfield, H. C., C. C. Suitters, and D. R. Drew. "Meteorological Drivers of European Power System Stress." Journal of Renewable Energy 2020 (August 28, 2020): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2020/5481010.
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A rapid decarbonisation of power systems is underway in order to limit greenhouse gas emissions and meet carbon-reduction targets. Renewable energy is a key ingredient to meet these targets; however, it is important that national power systems still maintain energy security with increasing levels of renewable penetration. The operating potential of renewable generation at times of peak demand (a critical time for power system stress) is not well understood. This study therefore uses a multidecadal dataset of national demand, wind power, and solar power generation to identify the meteorological conditions when peak demand occurs and the contribution of renewables during these events. Wintertime European peak power demand events are associated with high atmospheric pressure over Russia and Scandinavia and are accompanied by lower than average air temperatures and average wind speeds across Europe. When considering power demand extremes net of renewable power production, the associated meteorological conditions are shown to change. There is considerable spatial variability in the dates of national peak demand events and the amount of renewable generation present. Growth in renewable generation has the potential to reduce peak demands. However, these impacts are also not uniform with much larger reductions in peak demand seen in Spain than in central Europe. The reanalysis-derived energy models have allowed recent peak demand events to be put into a long-term context.
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Ilishev, Ildus G. "Russian Federalism: Political, Legal, and Ethnolingual Aspects—A View from the Republic of Bashkortostan." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 4 (December 1998): 723–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408597.
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Problems of building a new democratic Russia based on federative principles and the region's long-refractory “national question,” forming a knotty tangle of complicated issues, have steadily remained in the political limelight. In a number of regions worldwide dramatic changes have occurred, related in one way or the other to the processes of national-territorial self-determination. As a result of this, the Eurasian political landscape has been marked by the emergence of some twenty newly independent states. Suffice it to say that the Soviet Union, a preponderant superpower feared by all, collapsed; and in Europe the Federative Republic of Yugoslavia ceased to exist, bringing on a long-term national conflict threatening not only regional but even global security. In East Central Europe binational Czechoslovakia split up into two independent nation states. Elsewhere, even in the absence of militarized national conflict, political processes have dramatically intensified. In Asia, for example, the multinational Chinese Republic with its Tibetan and Uighur problems, and ethnically heterogeneous India with its population speaking more than 400 languages and dialects have long attracted public attention as sources of potential instability in the region. The “Sikh issue” alone, for instance, continues to pose a threat to India. Even the North American continent, a peaceful region in terms of its political and ethnic stability, is confronted with similar problems. The integrity of Canada is still in question with the franco-lingual province of Quebec striving for independence.
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Gavrys, M., R. Nesterenko, and O. Gavrys. "PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS OF THE OIL PRODUCTS MARKET IN UKRAINE TODAY AND IN THE POSTWAR PERIOD." Scientific journal of the National Academy of National Guard "Honor and Law" 2, no. 81 (2022): 53–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33405/2078-7480/2022/2/81/263770.
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The article is aimed to identify threats to national security due to the current state of the petroleum products market and factors that affect the cost of fuel in Ukraine during the war and will shape fuel prices in Ukraine and the whole world in the short and medium term. Such factors now are the almost complete absence of the domestic product on the market, the rupture of old logistics chains and problems with the development of new logistics routes for fuel supply from Europe, high world prices for oil and petroleum products, instability of the national currency and risks, associated with the war. It is estimated that the fair price for imported petrol and diesel fuel at the end of May ? beginning of June 2022 is 45 UAH in the western regions, and up to 50 UAH per liter in the eastern regions of Ukraine. Factors that will affect prices in the near future include the possible unblocking of Ukraine?s seaports, oil and petroleum products supplies from the United States, Central Asia and the Middle East, shale oil from the United States, increased market competition and increased demand as a result of the end of COVID-19 crisis. Ukrainian people should be ready to high prices of petroleum products in the near future and the Ukrainian state should prepare the system of national security and national defense for solving of the logistics problems with delivery of the petroleum products and potential social problems.
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Shubalyi, Oleksandr, and Antonina Gordiichuk. "The Socio-Economic Consequences of the War in Ukraine: the National, Regional, and Global Dimensions." Barometr Regionalny. Analizy i Prognozy 18, no. 1 (September 14, 2022): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.56583/br.721.
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The main purpose of the article is to present the main socio-economic consequences of the war in Ukraine from the standpoint of its negative impact on the economy and society on the national (Ukraine), regional (Europe) and global (the world) scale. In this context, the paper presents and compares forecasts of socio-economic development of Ukraine, which were formulated before the war with forecasts taking into account the war, as well as analyzes of disturbances in the socio-economic development of the world, region and state resulting from the war in Ukraine. The conclusions formulated by the authors were developed on the basis of the consequences of the first three months of the war. When a full-scale war was started by Russia on February 24, 2022, the most pessimistic scenarios not only for the economy of Ukraine, Europe and Central Asia but also the world economy in general for the next 3–5 years unfolded. According to various estimates of Ukrainian and international financial institutions, the decline in Ukraine’s real GDP in 2022 could reach 30%–45%, provided that the hostilities do not spread to other regions of Ukraine, and that the country receives continued support from its allies. Any significant changes leading to an improvement or deterioration in the situation will require a verification of the information provided. Nonetheless, regardless of the all the possible scenarios, the war in Ukraine will have the greatest catastrophic socio-economic consequences for Ukraine, Europe, and the world compared to the consequences of all the previous world crises. Therefore, the response of the world community to all the challenges caused by the war in Ukraine must also be adequate, timely and systematic, laying the foundations for the formation of the future world system of financial, food, energy and military security of mankind.
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Kozachuk, Oleh, and Grigore Vasilescu. "The Problem of Ethnopolitical Stability in Central and Eastern Europe and Theoretical Framework for the New Institutionalism." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 18, 2018): 249–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.249-255.
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Modern Europe suffers from political instability which is caused by Russian foreign policy above all. The complex nature of the Russian Federation's efforts in order to instrumentalize the divide etimperaprinciple is becoming increasingly apparent. Killing the wedge between the European powers is a guarantee of the lack of consensus in the decision making in response to the aggressive and dangerous behavior of Moscow in the global dimension (Crimea annexation, aggression in the East of Ukraine, support of B. Assad in Syria and the formation of uncontrolled waves of migration, interference with the electoral process in the USA, chemical attack in Salisbury, UK, a permanent blockage of the work of the UN Security Council etc.). Unfortunately, at the level of bilateral relations, there are also attempts to disperse neighboring states, in particular on ethnonational grounds (frequent provocations involving Russian special services in the border towns of Ukraine, Poland, and Hungary). In this regard, the problem of ensuring ethnopolitical stability in the region becomes extremely relevant, and even more vital.
It is worth noting that Ukraine not only offers the study of its own experience for the development of a common policy in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe; Ukrainian scientists carry out comprehensive conceptual studies on ethnopolitical stability and the ways to ensure it, making their work useful for the European community.
The problem of ethnopolitical stability is of great practical importance not only for Ukraine but also for Moldova. The neighbouring state has been suffering from the targeted actions of the Russian Federation since 1992, which uses the peculiarities of the ethnic composition of Moldova, its history and the language issue for producing an ethnopolitical destabilization’s zone on the border with Ukraine. Obviously, Moldova (as well as Ukraine) faces (and will face) a lot of difficulties, including ethnopolitical in its path towards EU. However, the clear crystallization of national interests, the understanding of these national interests by the general public will be a reliable fence in the inspiration of ethnopolitical instability, both in Moldova and in Ukraine.
Keywords: ethnicity, ethnopolitical stability, new institutionalism, instrumentalization, Central and Eastern Europe
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Guild, Elspeth. "Economic and Social Challenges of Member and Accession States: Social Security in the Europe Agreements." European Journal of Social Security 5, no. 1 (March 2003): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/138826270300500104.
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Since the December 2002 European Union Council Meeting in Copenhagen, most of the Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs) are now virtually guaranteed accession to the European Union on 1 May 2004. As interest now turns to the terms of accession and the single accession treaty, the history of the Europe Agreements with these countries and the continuing interest in them has been eclipsed somewhat. This, however, does not mean that they lack importance or relevance. Indeed, the agreements and their provisions on workers and social rights will continue to regulate the position of nationals of the CEECs until accession. For Bulgarians and Romanians who have been left out of the first round of accession, the agreements will continue to have important consequences for their access to benefits.
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Coppola, Mariarosaria, Maria Russolillo, and Rosaria Simone. "An Indexation Mechanism for Retirement Age: Analysis of the Gender Gap." Risks 7, no. 1 (February 22, 2019): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/risks7010021.
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The management of National Social Security Systems is being challenged more and more by the rapid ageing of the population, especially in the industrialized countries. In order to chase the Pension System sustainability, several countries in Europe are setting up pension reforms linking the retirement age and/or benefits to life expectancy. In this context, the accurate modelling and projection of mortality rates and life expectancy play a central role and represent issues of great interest in recent literature. Our study refers to the Italian mortality experience and considers an indexing mechanism based on the expected residual life to adjust the retirement age and keep costs at an expected budgeted level, in the spirit of sharing the longevity risk between Social Security Systems and retirees. In order to combine fitting and projections performances of selected stochastic mortality models, a model assembling technique is applied to face uncertainty in model selection, while accounting for uncertainty of estimation as well. The resulting proposal is an averaged model that is suitable to discuss about the gender gap in longevity risk and its alleged narrowing over time.
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Trunov, Philipp. "The features of Germany’s dialogue with Poland and Romania by the beginning of the 2020 s: political and military aspects." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 2 (2022): 257–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.02.14.
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The article attempts to reveal the features of current political and military dialogue between Germany and the countries of East-Central Europe (ECE) such as Poland and Romania. Without the active support of at least one of these countries, maintaining and strengthening the strategic presence of Germany in this region, which is so important for it, is problematic. Since 2014, the dialogue in the sphere of security and defence in Europe has been placed in the context of the confrontation between the Euro-Atlantic community and the Russian Federation. This process had a significant impact on the change in Germany’s position in ECE, creating both new difficulties and a «window of opportunity» for strengthening German influence. The principle of a graduated approach to building up confrontation with the Russian Federation, advocated by the FRG, came into sharp conflict with the position of the Republic of Poland due to significant differences in the models of foreign policy behavior of the two states in the implementation of their sovereign ambitions. Germany promotes the rotational principle of NATO’s multinational military presence near the border of the Alliance’s zone of responsibility, while Poland promotes a permanent one. Germany was not ready to agree to Poland’s participation in the Normandy format. At the same time, Warsaw has created obstacles for Berlin’s contacts with the Visegrad Group. In this situation, the FRG was interested in acquiring new partners in East-Central Europe, primarily in the development of a dialogue with Romania. In the second half of the 2010 s political contacts between the FRG and Romania noticeably intensified, but without institutionalization. Nevertheless, the institutionalization of contacts was observed along the lines of cooperation of the national armed forces (in the form of agreements on the association of military units). The author draws a conclusion about the evolution of German-Polish and German-Romanian relations in the field of security and defense in the second half of the 2010-s.
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Kurzeja, Monika. "The Importance of Safety in Contemporary Consumer Behaviour in the Tourism Market." Socio-Economic Analyses 14, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 113–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54664/tmea3969.
Full textAbstract:
Until recently, the tourism industry was treated as the most dynamically developing sector of the economy. Tourism affects the national economies of many countries in the world by creating new jobs and stimulating GDP. However, the tourism sector has been hit hard by restrictions on the movement of tourists in the wake of the COVID-19 health crisis. The coronavirus outbreak has negatively impacted the travel industry around the world. Another phenomenon that weakens the tourism industry, mainly in the region of Central and Eastern Europe, is Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which causes concern among consumers of the tourism market. Already in the first days of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, tourists from Western Europe and the USA were looking for information on security in Poland. In addition, the war in Ukraine may also lead to a decline in demand for tourism services in the country. Fear wins, and the tourism industry is threatened with a crisis, now when it was just beginning to recover from its COVID debts. The aim of the article is to analyze the role of safety in contemporary consumer behaviour in the tourism market. The work is both theoretical and practical.
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Kurmanguzhin, R. S. "Kazakh Initiatives on Cooperation with European Union." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 184–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-184-192.
Full textAbstract:
The author of this article presents initiatives of the Republic of Kazakhstan to develop cooperation with the European Union that was initiated through 2000 - 2009. In 2000 the Republic of Kazakhstan proposed to EU Comment cooperation doctrine in Central Asia. The purpose of the doctrine lied in expanding cooperation in the areas of trade, economy and investment; in granting access to commodities and services from European markets; in developing collaboration in the areas of energy, transport, communication, finance and banking. In 2006 Kazakhstan introduced a new set of prepossess to the new European Union Strategy for Central Asian 2007-2013 that was developed under the chairmanship of Germany of the EU in the first half of 2007. The Strategy covered areas of cooperation such as regional integration, economic development, democratization, energy and security. In 2008 under the instructions of the President of Kazakhstan Ministry of Foreign Affairs in cooperation with other ministries developed a state programme "Path to Europe" for 2009 - 2011, which aided the priorities of cooperation between Kazakhstan and the European Union. "Path to Europe" has become a key initiative of the Kazakh foreign policy that was successfully implemented, as well as the most important document aimed at modernization of the national economy and the Kazakh society. In the beginning of2009 using the accumulated positive experience of cooperation with the EU and experience of a number of countries in Europe and Asia, Kazakhstan devised and submitted a concept of a new treaty which was supposed to replace the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement of 1995. The Republic of Kazakhstan's influence eventually persuaded the European Union to agree on the necessity of devising the Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement.
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Frohman, Lawrence. "Population Registration in Germany, 1842–1945: Information, Administrative Power, and State-Making in the Age of Paper." Central European History 53, no. 3 (September 2020): 503–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000931.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractPopulation registration has figured only peripherally in histories of state formation in modern Europe. Although the registries never fully shed their original security function, the emergence of the interventionist state transformed the personal data or information collected by the registries into a central element of state administrative power. However, the ways in which this information could be used by both the civilian administration and the police to govern individuals and populations were limited by the use of paper as a means of data storage and transmission and by the information processing technologies available at the time. Rather than viewing the population registries and, later, the National Registry (Volkskartei) primarily as instruments of the Holocaust, this article embeds them in a longer, alternative history, which explores the relationship between population registration, information, information processing, and state formation between the mid-nineteenth and the mid-twentieth century.
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Muskaj, Blerina. "NATO in Balkans and Crisis on BiH." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 5, no. 2 (October 15, 2019): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/601nsi25e.
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The Balkan crisis is the result of a series of conflicts in various areas of political, economic and social life in the former Yugoslavia. Relations between the former republics show the complex character of European security. Without a sustainable development of the whole region, it is impossible to guarantee security throughout the European continent. Europe was shaken by the bloody events that marked the break-up of Yugoslavia. No one could have imagined that such violent military clashes could take place in a European country, 50 years after the end of World War II, and that hundreds of thousands of people would seek refuge throughout Europe. It was clear from the beginning of the crisis in Yugoslavia that the war would continue for many years and if the international community did not intervene the result would be many casualties. The United Nations, the European Union and the OSCE tried to prevent military conflicts between the nations of the former Yugoslavia, but they failed. National elites pursued a policy aimed at creating nation-states and had outside support from influential forces. To achieve this goal they were willing to pay any price. The collapse of the former Yugoslavia, in fact, meant the end of the process that had defined the development of Western Europe since the beginning of the 20th century, in the time between the two world wars. It was the beginning of nation-states. The Balkans had lagged behind in its transformation for many reasons and unlike Western and Central Europe, the Balkan states found themselves in a different wave of historical development, accompanied by conflict and chaos. The collapse of socialism had an impact on this situation, causing new economic and political conflicts. From this point of view, all the efforts of the European and international communities, aimed at controlling the situation after the break-up of Yugoslavia, had no chance of success.
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Hai-Nyzhnyk, Pavlo. "Foreign Policy Aspects of the National Liberation Struggle and the Geostrategic Place of the Ukrainian State in the Concept of the OUN-B." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXII (2021): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2021-2.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the foreign policy aspects in the ideological concept of Stepan Bandera’s Organisation of Ukrainian Nationatists (OUN-B) during the period from the change of position and balance of forces in the Eastern Front of World War II in 1943 and its transformation during the following postwar decades until the eve of the restoration of Ukraine’s independence. The author examines the OUN’s geopolitical calculations for an armed confrontation between the USSR, on the one hand, and the allied United States and Great Britain, on the other; the beginning of the search for ways of the organisation’s cooperation with Western democracies; its attitude to the threat of a nuclear war, etc. Also analysed is the OUN-B leadership’s vision of the geostrategic place of the future Ukrainian state in the international arena and, in particular, in the post-Soviet space and on the map of Central and Eastern Europe. The article sheds light on the vision of the role and place of independent Ukraine in international politics, particularly with respect to possible military and political blocs, Ukraine’s role in the United Nations, its attitude to the prospect of united Europe, the war in Afghanistan, national liberation movements and the Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the restoration of Ukraine’s state independence, and its place in the post-Soviet and European space. By way of conclusion, the author argues that the Cold War turned out to be helpful in the dissolution of the Soviet Union and allowed Ukraine to restore its national independence in 1991. Nonetheless, the modern national security agenda of Ukraine and the need for the world’s peace and balance necessitate curbing the imperialist, bellicose, and culpably terrorist actions and intents of Russia, the successor of the USSR. Keywords: OUN-B, Cold War, geopolitics, national liberation movements.