Journal articles on the topic 'National security Asia, Southeastern'

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1

Lebedeva, O. V. "JAPANESE DIPLOMACY WITHIN ASEAN REGIONAL FORUM (ARF): SOME ASPECTS OF THE REGIONAL SECURITY." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(31) (August 28, 2013): 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-4-31-12-21.

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The article is devoted to the issue of Japan policy in South-East Asia specifically to Japanese diplomacy within ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). ARF created in 1994 was the first multilateral forum were regional security issues of Southeastern countries could be discussed. Japan took part in creation of the Forum and is its active participant. Since mid 90th Japanese diplomacy used ASEAN Regional Forum platform to promote its own national security interests in addition to other bilateral and multilateral activities. One of the first subjects for discussion at ARF was China nuclear activity and nuclear tests. The issues of constant concern remain territorial disputes in East China Sea and South China Sea. Specific regional topics like China-Taiwan relations, Cambodia, ideas for Northeastern Asian security forum, India and Pakistan nuclear tests, Asian financial crisis of the 90th were also in focus of ARF discussions. Annual sessions of the Forum gave Japan opportunity to articulate concerns, promote its interests and negotiate topics on bilateral level. Of vital security concern for Japan was and remains to exist North Korean nuclear program. For the last two decades the country took a great activity in the work of ASEAN Regional Forum and it could be stated that ARF remains to be an important mechanism for Japan diplomacy to address important issues security and stability in Southeastern Asia.
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2

Hiya, Hafsa Jahan, Md Suman Parvej, and Murad Ahmed Farukh. "Assessment of production vulnerability and food sufficiency in the southeastern parts of Bangladesh." Asian-Australasian Journal of Food Safety and Security 3, no. 2 (November 30, 2019): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/aajfss.v3i2.55928.

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In a subsistence agrarian economy of Bangladesh, domestic food production has an important role to play in the quest for food security. The productivity in the agricultural sector is critically important if agricultural production is to increase at a sufficiently rapid rate to meet escalating demands for food. Bangladesh has pursued for decades a strategic goal of self-sufficiency in rice production. The country passed a major milestone in its efforts to achieve food security in the sense of rice grain availability at the national level at the end of the 1990s. Whatever progress been made would be difficult to sustain it due to high vulnerability of climatic shocks and the growing pressure of population on scarce natural resources thus, yet food security has not been achieved. The present study finds that, rice production is secure in Feni district from Chittagong division. Because rice production is greater than the consumption. On the other hand, Chandpur and Cox’s Bazar district shows production insecurity in the very recent years. But Chittagong district has the production insufficiency from the past to present, because the production is insufficient to meet the demand of the vast population in this area. The study reveals that, the production of Aus rice will be increased in the next 5 years in Chittagong district. Aman rice production will be increased in the next 5 years in the districts namely Feni. Again, Boro rice production will be increased in the next 5 years in the districts namely Cox’s bazar and Feni districts. Asian Australas. J. Food Saf. Secur. 2019, 3(2), 77-84
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3

Ghimire, Prayash, Nirjala Raut, Prajna Khanal, Suman Acharya, and Suraj Upadhaya. "Species in peril: assessing the status of the trade in pangolins in Nepal." Journal of Threatened Taxa 12, no. 8 (May 26, 2020): 15776–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.11609/jott.5698.12.8.15776-15783.

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Pangolins are among the most widely traded taxa in the southeastern Asian illegal wildlife trade because of which they are at great risk of extinction. Yet, little is known of their trade status in Nepal. This research was carried out to unfold the status of pangolin trade in Sankhuwasava District of Nepal. We used mixed methods such as semi-structured questionnaire (n=75) and, focus group discussion (n=4) and key Informant Interview, (n=30) to assess the trade status. Seizure data (2009–2017) were gathered from law enforcement agencies to predict major trade routes. The major threat perceived was hunting especially by unemployed local youth and children. The majority of hunters were opportunistic. Sankhuwasava District has become both source and transit for the illegal pangolin trade rather than for local use. The involvement of non-timber forest product traders was high in the illegal trade business, however, there seems a rapid decline in the seizure of pangolin in the last two years, mainly because of the deployment of the Nepal army in the Makalu Barun National Park, which had long served as a major route to China. Thus, we recommend continuation of strong border security. Our study calls for capacity building of enforcement agencies for detailed investigation of seizure data. For sustainable conservation of pangolin and its habitat we recommend sustained conservation awareness programs in addition to alternative livelihood opportunity. Furthermore, formation of community based anti-poaching units followed by motivation, anti-poaching trainings, security assurance, and incentives for worthy conservation outcomes in pangolin-rich communities might aid in conservation.
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Pandey, Chandra. "Environmental Security in South-Asia." Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (October 3, 2016): 17–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joia.v1i1.22638.

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The proposition that climate change will engender anxieties for international security has become profound in public discourse over two decades. This paper discusses the concerns of environmental security in South Asia. It examines different meanings of environmental security to explain how it is associated with national security of the states in the region. Three major factors of environmental security problems are considered. Firstly, how environmental change can affect human security. Secondly, how environmental change can turn into violent conflict and thirdly, how the combined impact of these two variables affect the developmental concerns and national security of the individual state in South Asia.
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5

Malnar, Dario, and Ana Malnar. "Demographic Security Trends in Southeastern Europe." Croatian International Relations Review 21, no. 73 (August 1, 2015): 57–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/cirr-2015-0011.

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Abstract Over the past three decades we have witnessed an evolution of the concept of security in general and of demographic security as a specific field of security studies. The approach to security has been changing both in regards to a widening of subjects and referent objects of security, and a widening of the security domain. Consideration of the demographic component in the security sphere has evolved in accordance with this development; the scope of perspectives through which demographic security is viewed and defined has expanded - the population composition, population dynamics and human capital paradigm. Aspects of demographics and security are in continuous interaction and interdependence which significantly determines demographic security and national security. The aim of this paper is to establish a specific link between demographic security and security in ten post-socialist countries of South Eastern Europe (SEE). In accordance with this aim, an analysis has been made of the compositional elements and population dynamics in order to determine demographic security of the observed states. The analysis indicates unfavourable demographic security, and negative demographic composition and dynamics in most of observed states, which suggests that demographic security will have a continuing negative impact on the security of the countries analysed and the region as a whole.
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6

Thakur, Ramesh. "Threats without Enemies, Security without Borders: Environmental Security in East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 2 (August 2001): 161–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000485.

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Northeast Asia constitutes a “regional environmental security complex” wherein the actors and societies are enmeshed together in a web of positive and negative externalities with respect both to environmental problems and efforts to solve them. The three sets of environmental issues relevant to the security architecture can be summarized as follows: damage to and destruction of peaceful relations, stability and order of the state-based system of international relations caused by environmental decay and resource scarcity; threats to human security rooted in environmental decay and resource scarcity; and damage to and destruction of environmental integrity caused by instability and conflict. Environmental degradation can degrade human security by damaging the health of human populations; economic security by impacting adversely on local, national, regional and international economies; and national security by undermining stable relations among countries. Equally, though, recurring patterns of human, economic and national behavior can deplete the earth's resources and degrade the physical environment.
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7

Saravanamuttu, Johan. "Asia‑ Pacific Security Cooperation: National Interests and Regional Order." Contemporary Southeast Asia 26, no. 3 (December 2004): 569–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs26-3m.

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8

Jha, Shikha. "Impact of National Security Challenge in Development Prospect of South Asia." Unity Journal 3, no. 01 (March 6, 2022): 305–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v3i01.43334.

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National security has always been viewed as a precondition for sustainable economic, political, and social development. Any sort of challenges or threats upon national security directly infringes the developmental course. South Asia, has been rampantly facing security-related challenges and obstructions as terrorism, counter-terrorism, militarization, and religious extremism, civil war, and border disputes. Such challenges have not only jeopardized the peace within the region but a seething unrest has been pounded in the development process. This paper primarily focuses on national security challenges faced by countries in South Asia. South Asian nations resort to increment of defense budget, militarization, border security, and struggle for nuclear power to address their security challenge. I have examined the impact of such response upon the course of development in this paper. This is a qualitative research and refers to secondary source of data which includes; books, journals, reports of reputed institutes and think tanks. The analysis finds that increasing militarization and defense budget has been abysmal to address national security threat in South Asia. South Asian nations can resort to bilateral talks and diplomatic measure to address their security threats. This will save larger economic resources which could be utilized for development prospect.
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9

Sutter, Robert. "The United States and Asia in 2017." Asian Survey 58, no. 1 (January 2018): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.1.10.

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Early Trump administration initiatives upset regional stability, complicating the foreign policies of Asian partners and opponents alike. Subsequent pragmatic summitry eased regional anxiety and clarified the new government’s security and political objectives. The administration’s national security strategy, released in December, provided a well-integrated security, economic, and diplomatic strategy for Asia and the rest of the world.
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10

Milner, Anthony, James Cotton, Pauline Kerr, and Tsutomu Kikuchi. "Perceiving national security: A report on East Asia and Australia." Australian Journal of International Affairs 47, no. 2 (October 1993): 221–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357719308445109.

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11

Shimizu, Nanako. "Contemplating the Future of Collective Security in East Asia." Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 1, no. 1 (2013): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340011.

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Abstract It is quite often argued in the legal and political literatures that Asian nations tend to be more protective of their national sovereignty and thus are often reluctant to follow universal rules or principles provided in international legal materials and texts. Does this “conservative” image of Asian nations correctly reflect the national practices and academic literature of East Asian nations? How do we East Asians perceive the UN collective security system invented at the price of two catastrophic world wars in the 20th century? And why do East Asians need international law to keep peace and security in this region? By trying to find answers to these questions, this article contemplates what role international law will be able to play for the maintenance of peace and security in East Asia.
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12

Chong, Alan. "Economic security in Southeast Asia: An introduction." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 7, no. 1 (December 13, 2021): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20578911211053178.

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The subject of economic security has always been bandied about in academic discourse since the emergence of an interconnected world economy. With ASEAN states getting increasingly enmeshed in free trade agreements, and common market like arrangements, it is imperative to explore what economic security means for national governments today. The shocks of the 2017-20 Donald Trump presidency of the USA and the COVID-19 pandemic impart timely momentum for inquiring after economic security. If the USA currently embodies the idea of zero-sum economic logics as the way forward into the twenty first century, it becomes even more urgent that Asians re-examine the degrees of openness needed to sustain growth and prosperity. Contributors to this Special Section will not only examine government-to-government trade interactions, the prospects of Islamic Finance and gender inequalities will also be analysed in terms of how they can make or break conventional notions of economic security.
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13

Hassan, Mabroor, Manzoor Khan Afridi, and Muhammad Irfan Khan. "Water security and environmental security in a national and regional context: envisioning environmental diplomacy for cooperation." Water Policy 21, no. 6 (November 25, 2019): 1139–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2019.072.

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Abstract Water insecurity anticipates the ample threat to livelihood, economy, development, environment, peace, security, and poverty reduction efforts in South Asia. This study has attempted the analysis of accords, treaties, and water policies in the region to assess the relationship of water security, environmental security, and conflict in a national (Pakistan) and regional (South Asia) context using multi-criteria decision analysis (MCDA). Twenty-four technical, economic, social, environmental, and political criteria have been selected to present the relationship logically in terms of obligations of international water laws. The results express various gaps in the selected criteria which were the probable cause of environmental damage, conflicts, and mistrust. Moreover, environmental diplomacy has been endorsed as a tool for dispute settlement due to its non-aggressive and flexible characteristics. Dispute settlement and cooperation on shared water resources can foster sustainable development, poverty reduction, and environmental sustainability.
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14

Lahiry, Sujit. "The Changing Narrative of Security Discourse: From State Security to Human Security in South Asia?" World Affairs 183, no. 2 (May 29, 2020): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820020921153.

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Security discourse has radically changed over the years, especially since the Post–Cold War period. The traditional concept focuses on state security and national security, and is essentially based on realist and neo-realist paradigms. However, in 1994, the United Nations Human Development Report for the first time elaborated the notion of human security and the associated Human Development Index (HDI). Human security advocates a people-centric approach to security. The two foundational principles on which human security is based are “freedom from fear” and “freedom from want.” I evaluate the notions of state security versus human security and examine how South Asian countries have fared regarding the human security indices. I conclude that, despite advances in some areas, various HDI parameters show that the human security record is still rather dismal in South Asia. There remains a critical need to improve it.
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15

Gamerman, Evgenii Vyacheslavovich. "Migration and security in Northeast Asia: political and economic aspects." Международные отношения, no. 2 (February 2020): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.2.28836.

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The subject of this research is the migration processes with regards to national, regional and international security. The author examines threats to security of the Far East related to external and domestic migration; as well as similar processes in the countries of Northeast Region and their impact upon the state of regional security overall. The goal of this work is to analyze this phenomenon in Northeast Asia, and the influence of migration processes upon regional security. The link between migration and security is bilateral. On one side is security of the countries and societies directly affected by migration; while on the other – security of actual people who comprise the migration flows. The research employs the comparative and historical approaches, which allow analyzing the peculiarities of formation of the “agenda” of regional security in the Northeast Asia, including the questions of migration, as well as trace the transformation of national approaches towards ensuring regional security along with the threats themselves in the sphere of migration. The Russian political science does not currently contain works that view the problems of migration in Northeast Asia in the context of regional and international security (despite the fact, that there is multiple research on migration overall). Migration is a not a potential challenge, it is a real threat to security. None of the countries in the region was able to avoid the influence of at least separate aspects of migration processes.
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16

Khuram Shahzad and Omer Farooq Zain. "Analysis the Impact of National Security Policy and Security Challenges on the Citizens of Pakistan." ANNALS OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND PERSPECTIVE 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 419–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.52700/assap.v2i2.74.

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ABSTRACT Pakistan is considered to below middle an income country in south Asia having a fragile and agro based economy. Pakistan is encountering various sociopolitical, geo political, socioeconomic and socio-religious issues and challenges which are halting its national security. . In this regard to counter above mentioned challenges of national security the pioneer defense and NSP (National Security Policy) followed soon after. In the absence of sufficient and particular literature on the subject of national security, the opening part of this research work will first highlight the overarching national interests of Pakistan secondly analysis of the current challenges which are obstructing Pakistan to achieve these national interests and identification of significant threats to national security. In the later part, a comprehensive examination of the current NSP (National Security Policy) of Pakistan and related documents will be done to answer the primary research question that whether this strategic manuscript addresses the major threats to the national security of Pakistan recognized in our research work as the fear of fundamental Islamist terrorism to the tourism industry overseas pressure and planned crime.
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Trinh, Dinh Thi. "Australia’s engagement with East Asia: Evolution of a re-orientation in foreign policy." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 1, no. X1 (June 30, 2017): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdjssh.v1ix1.427.

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The outbreak and warfare activities of World War II unintendedly forced Australia to re-orient their security and defense thinking. Having realized that the British security environment and that of their own were far diverged from each other, Australia began to re-orient their priority in foreign policy from European issues to East Asian ones. For the Bristish, East Asia is the Far East but in Australia’s new perspective it is the Near North; thus, the security matters in East Asia are closely linked with Australian national interests. Australian independent diplomacy has been shaped during the course following their re-orienting foreign and security thinking to East Asia. This paper examines the re-orienting of Australia’s strategic thinking from Europecentered problems to Asia-centered ones as well as changing orientation towards ‘Asia’ and ‘Asian engagement’. It also argues that since it had formed, Australia’s Asia-oriented foreign policy, despite minor constraints, has been continuously developed until today.
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18

Trinh, Dinh Thi. "Australia’s engagement with East Asia: Evolution of a re-orientation in foreign policy." Science & Technology Development Journal - Social Sciences & Humanities 1, no. X1 (June 30, 2017): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15419/stdjssh.v1ix1.427.

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The outbreak and warfare activities of World War II unintendedly forced Australia to re-orient their security and defense thinking. Having realized that the British security environment and that of their own were far diverged from each other, Australia began to re-orient their priority in foreign policy from European issues to East Asian ones. For the Bristish, East Asia is the Far East but in Australia’s new perspective it is the Near North; thus, the security matters in East Asia are closely linked with Australian national interests. Australian independent diplomacy has been shaped during the course following their re-orienting foreign and security thinking to East Asia. This paper examines the re-orienting of Australia’s strategic thinking from Europecentered problems to Asia-centered ones as well as changing orientation towards ‘Asia’ and ‘Asian engagement’. It also argues that since it had formed, Australia’s Asia-oriented foreign policy, despite minor constraints, has been continuously developed until today.
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19

Singh, Shweta. "Gender, Conflict and Security: Perspectives from South Asia." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 4, no. 2 (August 2017): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797017710560.

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This article provides an overview to this special issue of JASIA, entitled ‘Gender, Conflict and Security: Perspectives from South Asia’. Gender intersects with conflict and security and yet remains at the margins of academic theorizing, policy priority and practitioner perspectives in South Asia. This special issue puts forth fresh insights into how and why the lived experiences of women in South Asia (particularly from areas of protracted conflict such as Nepal, India and Sri Lanka) are different? And how and why these impinge on the global discourse on security? It argues that this analysis is pertinent not just from the standpoint of academic theorizing on security but also from the perspective of international security policy like the United Nations led Women, Peace and Security Agenda. This is the 17th year of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, and only Nepal and Afghanistan in South Asia have a National Action Plan. This special issue also critically examines the key gaps in the international policy on Women, Peace and Security Agenda and how it ‘speaks’ or ‘not speaks’ to the contextual reality of South Asia.
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Dalinczuk, Lana. "Organized crime as a threat to national security." Doctrina. Studia społeczno-polityczne, no. 17 (March 15, 2021): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/doc.2020.17.01.

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All kinds of illegal trafficking, prostitution, pornography, gambling, fraud and counterfeiting, computer crime, corruption, piracy, illegal immigration and many other criminal activities can pose a threat to national and even international security if conducted by larger criminal groups or organizations. The phenomenon of organized crime has acquired a transnational character due to the increasing globalization of financial markets and communications as well as technological development. The three countries of East Central Europe – The Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland – can be of interest in terms of organized crime as recent political and economic developments in these countries have made them attractive to such criminal activities. Another problematic region in terms of organized criminal activities is the region of Central Asia which includes several countries of the former Soviet Union – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
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Lee, Ji-Yong. "Evolving China’s National Identity and Changing Maritime Security Environment in East Asia." Journal of International Politics 19, no. 1 (April 30, 2014): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18031/jip.2014.04.19.1.77.

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22

Chan, Steve. "National Security in the Asia‑Pacific: Linkages among Growth, Democracy, and Peace." Contemporary Southeast Asia 14, no. 1 (June 1992): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs14-1b.

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23

Puspita, Natalia Yeti. "ASEAN Mechanism for Human Security Problems in Southeast Asia: What's Wrong?" Jurnal Dinamika Hukum 19, no. 2 (January 16, 2020): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.jdh.2019.19.2.2566.

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Since the flow of goods and services begins to cross national borders, threats to human security do not originate solely from war. The era of traditional security has begun to shift towards non-traditional security or human security. In this concept, threats to security are directed directly at humans such as natural disasters, epidemics, drugs and human trafficking, and terrorism. Southeast Asia is the region most vulnerable to natural disasters. Relations between countries in this region are under the auspices of ASEAN. ASEAN Way is an ASEAN mechanism based on the principle of state sovereignty and non-intervention. ASEAN Way and Human Security are two different concepts. The ASEAN mechanism cannot be applied absolutely to overcome natural disasters that are massive, cross-border and occur in areas of armed conflict in Southeast Asia. In this case, it is necessary to broaden understanding of the nature of the principle of state sovereignty and non-intervention.Keywords: ASEAN Mechanism, Human Security, Southeast Asia
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Voitolovsky, F. G. "Deep changes in external environment affecting Russia’s national security." Вестник Российской академии наук 89, no. 4 (April 24, 2019): 393–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869-5873894393-399.

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The article is focused on international economic, political, and military factors and how they affect Russian national security. The analysis deals with the present and emerging ambivalence in global trends like growing economic interdependence and escalating interstate competitiveness. The key issue lies in how these trends are expressed in relations among traditional and emerging powers that are taking on new roles in the global order. Special attention is paid to processes related to the disintegration of the arms-control system and the related deterioration of the global and regional military-political situation, particularly in Europe and the Asia-Pacific region. The main risks to the national security of Russia associated with these changes are identified.
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Schuck, Christoph, and Andreas Vasilache. "Civil Society and Patterns of Security in Central Asia." Central Asian Affairs 8, no. 2 (October 13, 2021): 109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/22142290-bja10021.

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Abstract Since the national independence of the Central Asian countries in the early 1990s, there has been a tension between stability- and transformation-oriented rationalities, goals, and policies. However, the concurrent missions of political stability and societal transformation indicate a clear distinction between state and society. This idea of separating state and society is particularly strong with regard to security issues, but this strict separation is likely to produce contradictory goals and to have dysfunctional consequences since it prevents the political system from benefitting from the contribution that civil society can make to addressing political and social challenges. Therefore, in this article—which also serves as an introduction to the special issue—we argue that it is necessary to bridge the discourses on security and civil society, with a particular focus on Central Asia.
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Stepanova, Nataliya. "US and Russia National Security Strategies – Possible Crossing Points." Russia and America in the 21st Century, Спецвыпуск (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760018200-7.

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In her presentation, the speaker focuses on the national security documents published in the United States and Russia in 2021. The Interim strategic national security guidance, published just seven weeks after the Biden administration came to power, testifies to the intention of the current US leadership to distance itself from the legacy of Donald Trump. Major attention is paid to domestic politics and ideological components of the new administration's agenda. Continuity with the 2017 National Security Strategy remains in relation to the strategic competition with China, while less attention is devoted to Russia. In July 2021, an updated National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation was released. It reflects significant changes in the vision of Russia's role in global politics. Major focus is on the issues of information and environmental security. The speaker notes that the US and Russian strategic documents are subject to a general trend of expansion of the concept of national security to include the aspects of domestic security, as well as socio-economic and cultural aspects. In the foreign policy sphere, the strategies are mainly focused on the Asia-Pacific region.
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Safiullin, Askhat, and Brendan M. Howe. "Security Cooperation and Change of Identities in Central Asia: A Model of Acculturation through Security Regionalization in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization." International Studies Review 13, no. 1 (October 15, 2012): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-01301003.

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Since its establishment in 2001, The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) has gradually increased its influence and importance while becoming an independent venue for the Central Asian states to manage regional and national security. The SCO focuses on a new type of (non-traditional) security, and its diverse membership differentiates it from other security institutions. In particular, and uniquely, the SCO has impacted the national security identities of its members. The processes examined in this paper are not easily reconciled with traditional state-centric security paradigms or the dominant strategic discourse. Thus, recourse must be had to analytical tools provided by social constructivism and, to a lesser extent, English School rationalism. The paper proposes a revised model of socialization with acculturation as a central mechanism and applies it to the security identity formulation of four Central Asian Republics in order to explain the shifts in the security discourses at both the national and regional levels.
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Wedar Haryagung Adji, Mas, Santi Yulianti, Syifaa Tresnaningrum, and Erna Gustina Norrista. "Transmigration as a Strategy for Strengthening National Food Security." Journal of Indonesia Sustainable Development Planning 2, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 86–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.46456/jisdep.v2i1.110.

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Indonesia is one of the largest agricultural countries in Southeast Asia, but it is also struggling with food security issues. The government's challenge is to ensure that domestic food needs are fulfilled. The covid-19 pandemic exacerbated this challenge, where countries faced the threat of food shortages due to limited movement of goods. Thus, Indonesia should focus on increasing the production and productivity of strategic food commodities. One of the alternative solutions is through the transmigration program. This research focused on how the transmigration program can contribute to food security. The study was carried out through a descriptive qualitative method. The result shows that transmigration contributes to food security because of its similarity to the food production process. However, this program faces five main challenges to support food security. Therefore, this study shows several pre-conditions that the government needs to fulfill to overcome these challenges.
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Burke, Anthony. "Caught between National and Human Security: Knowledge and Power in Post-crisis Asia." Pacifica Review: Peace, Security & Global Change 13, no. 3 (October 2001): 215–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13239100120082693.

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30

Marzęda-Młynarska, Katarzyna. "Food Security Governance in the Southeast Asia Region: from National to Regional Governance." Historia i Polityka, no. 20 (27) (April 6, 2017): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2017.010.

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31

Marshall, Jonathan. "Opium, Tungsten, and the Search for National Security, 1940–52." Journal of Policy History 3, no. 4 (October 1991): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600007442.

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If Indochina goes, several things happen right away. The Malayan Peninsula, that last bit of land hanging on down there, would be scarcely defensible—and tin and tungsten that we so greatly value from that area would cease coming. … So, when the United States votes $400,000,000 to help that war, we are not voting for a giveaway program. We are voting for the cheapest way that we can to prevent the occurance of something that would be of the most terrible significance for the United States of America—our security, our power, and ability to get certain things we need from the riches of … Southeast Asia.—President Dwight Eisenhower, speech to Conference of Governors, 4 August 1953.
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32

Gordienko, Dmitry V. "ASSESSMENT OF THE SECURITY OF THE NATIONAL ECONOMY OF VIETNAM IN THE IMPLEMENTATION OF A REGIONAL COMPREHENSIVE ECONOMIC PARTNERSHIP. PART 1: ECONOMIC PATRONAGE OF THE GOVERNMENT AND THE STATE BANK OF SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF VIETNAM." EKONOMIKA I UPRAVLENIE: PROBLEMY, RESHENIYA 7/1, no. 127 (2022): 69–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.36871/ek.up.p.r.2022.07.01.008.

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In the context of the intensification of the struggle for leadership between the United States and China and the “turn of Russia to the East”, the task of assessing the security of the national economies of the states of East Asia and other countries of the world in the implementation of global integration projects becomes especially relevant. Vietnam’s participation in the implementation of the Comprehensive Regional Partnership makes it necessary to assess the security of the country’s national economy from external and internal threats. This paper analyzes the prospects for the socio-economic development of Vietnam, as well as its participation in the implementation of the Comprehensive Regional Partnership. The methodological approach is to calculate the normalized indicators of the security of the national economy of Vietnam, which characterize various forms of ensuring its economic security. The proposed approach within the framework of various forms of ensuring the economic security of Vietnam makes it possible to substantiate recommendations for participation in global integration projects of Russia and other countries of East Asia. The results of assessing the security of the national economy of Vietnam in the framework of various forms of ensuring its economic security in the context of anti-Russian sanctions, the intensification of the struggle for leadership between the US and China in the context of relations between the countries of the “strategic triangle” Russia-China-USA can be used to substantiate recommendations to the leadership of our country. It is concluded that the Russian Federation and Vietnam are important strategic partners for each other.
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33

Shvydko, V. "Smart Power in the Transpacific Zone of Security and Cooperation." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2014): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-9-5-15.

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The use of smart power to achieve national goals as part of global and regional strategies is becoming an evident trend in world politics. A roundtable discussion held at the IMEMO Centre for Asia-Pacific studies focused on a softer, intellectual dimension of smart power used by major international actors in Northeast Asia and in the Pacific to serve their goals and interests. Ideas and concepts developed by domestic think tanks or political analysts are launched into international discussions aiming to influence actual agenda of international expert community and activities by multilateral frameworks and organisations. The infusion of these ideas into the agenda and content of international discussion overtly or covertly affects the mindset of political class in other countries and drives them towards articulating of policy lines or decisions conforming to national goals set by smart power constructors.This modern policy tool has gained particular importance in the U.S. policy where it was officially endorsed as a part of national strategy. At the same time important regional actors like Japan, China and South Korea also resort to intellectual tools in their policies directed at both domestic and overseas public opinion and political thinking. Having started with slogans designed to improve the image of ruling political teams, policy-makers in these countries increasingly promote ideas geared to appeal to political class inside and outside their countries in order to secure attainment of specific goals and advance ambitious policy tasks. Growing sophistication and powerful promotion of these ideas have become an obvious trend. Against this background, Russia’s neglect of intellectual aspects of promoting its own political tasks in the Asia-Pacific reflects the need for re-defining its “eastern” policy.
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CHEN, Kai. "Maritime Piracy and China's Policy Options to Southeast Asian Waters." East Asian Policy 07, no. 02 (April 2015): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930515000227.

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Southeast Asia remains one of the worst-hit regions in maritime piracy; pirates adopt new tactics and anti-piracy security governance presents inefficiencies, particularly sovereignty sensitivity in Southeast Asian waters. This article explores the context-sensitive policy options in the foreseeable future. Private security companies could be an alternative solution to maritime piracy for China and the most critical variable would be the China National Security Council.
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Aben, Dauren. "Proliferation Challenges in Central Asia and the Need for International Cooperation." Central Asian Affairs 1, no. 2 (September 12, 2014): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00102007.

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International cooperation on wmd nonproliferation in Central Asia must continue. In addition to unsolved problems related from the Soviet era, the region faces new challenges and threats, such as illicit trafficking in wmd materials, technologies, equipment, and delivery systems, as well as the threat of wmd terrorism. In addition, some Central Asian countries plan to develop their national nuclear industries. Future cooperation on wmd nonproliferation in Central Asia should focus on improving nuclear security and safety systems at nuclear facilities, continued engagement on the Semipalatinsk test site, countering radiological security and safety threats, enhancing export controls and border security, encouraging regional cooperation, strengthening cybersecurity, and promoting nuclear science cooperation and wmd nonproliferation education.
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36

HECZKO, Martina, and Josef SMOLÍK. "JAPANESE STRATEGIC DOCUMENTS: CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THE NATIONAL DEFENSE PROGRAM GUIDELINES." Kultura Bezpieczeństwa. Nauka – Praktyka - Refleksje 30, no. 30 (June 29, 2018): 102–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.5886.

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The development and direction of Japan’s security policy is a topic of strategic importance in the region of East Asia, especially in the light of recent development of reinterpretation of the pacifist Constitution in terms of collective defense and its exercise. The aim of this article was to reveal and analyze trends and dissimilarities in Japan’s security policy after the end of the Cold War through the use of both quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The objects of the analysis were four subsequent revisions of National Defense Program Guidelines, a basic strategic document, from years 1995, 2004, 2010 and 2013. The first quantitative part revealed significant security concepts, which the strategic documents concentrated most on and their changes over time. The second qualitative part provided for a complex relationship model of security policy and influencing categories, and their gradual development in time.
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37

S Ghosh, Partha. "Refugees and National Security: Two South Asian Case Studies." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 18, no. 4 (October 1, 2019): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.51.3.

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Among non-traditional threats to security, the problem of refugees is an important one. Because of political turmoil in several parts of the world, refugee flows are going beyond the capacity of the international system of handle. In South Asia, because of the ongoing conflict between two major nations, India and Pakistan, the issue assumes a serious dimension. We can understand this by studying the following two case studies: the Bangladesh war and the Afghan war. In both cases, the number of refugees was massive and in both cases, America was the principal external actor. But while in the case of Bengali refugees, the host state tried to take advantage of the situation for promoting its foreign policy goals, in the case of Afghan refugees, the host nation tried to use the situation to promote its foreign policy as well as domestic political goals. Although every host state had to face unforeseen consequences, in the long run, it underlines the relevance of the discourse of the refugee-security interface.
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38

Swaine, Michael D. "The PLA and Chinese National Security Policy: Leaderships, Structures, Processes." China Quarterly 146 (June 1996): 360–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000045070.

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China's rise as a major power constitutes one of the most significant strategic events of the post-Cold War period. Many policy-makers, strategists and scholars express significant concern over the implications of China's growing military and economic capabilities for the future security environment in Asia and beyond. Such concern derives in part from an anticipation of the systemic security problems that have historically accompanied the emergence of a new power. In the Chinese case, however, these anxieties are greatly compounded by the rapidity of internal change under way in China, the general lack of knowledge about Chinese strategic ambitions, the existence of many unresolved Chinese territorial claims, the intense suspicion and even hostility toward the West harboured by China's leadership, and China's internal political and social instabilities.
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39

Gamerman, E. "Transnational Crime in the Russian Far East and Northeast Asia in the Context of Regional and National Security." TRANSBAIKAL STATE UNIVERSITY JOURNAL 28, no. 7 (2022): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.21209/2227-9245-2022-28-7-69-77.

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This article is devoted to the problem of little studied, and at the same time, extremely relevant - the activities of transnational criminal groups in the countries of Northeast Asia and the territory of the Russian Far East. The object of the study is the activities of transnational criminal groups in Northeast Asia and the Russian Far East. The subject of the study is the impact that such activities have on regional security in Northeast Asia, as well as on the national level of individual countries. The author has used the comparative method, which allowed us to compare the situation in different countries of the region, as well as the role and influence of organized criminal groups of different countries on the overall situation and the state of security; the method of logical analysis, which allowed us to analyze ambiguous, contradictory processes, in particular on the territory of Japan; the historical-genetic method, which allowed us to trace the origins of modern processes in this sphere. As well as the impact that this activity has on regional security in Northeast Asia, as well as at the national level of individual countries. The phenomenon of organized crime and transnational crime is not fundamentally new. However, with the onset of modern globalization processes, it has acquired previously unprecedented scales, forms, and consequences. Globalization has led not to only positive developments, open markets and the emergence of a large number of opportunities, but also to a number of negative aspects. Illegal formations received a huge number of opportunities for development and growth. Moreover, this has found a very serious reflection in the state of security of individual countries, as well as with access to the regional and global level.
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40

Ishaque, Waseem. "UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS SOUTH ASIA; ANALYZING IMPLICATIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Global Political Review V, no. III (September 30, 2020): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-iii).03.

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The US foreign policy for South Asia has generally remained zero-sum for India and Pakistan. While Pakistan joined US camp immediately after independence and during the period of cold war remained part of the US alliance system and frontline state in the defeat of communism and now War on Terrorism. On the contrary, the US adopted a different approach towards India in terms of strategic partnership and different nuclear-related cooperation. US National Security Strategy of January 2018 has reprioritized national security preferences where India has been granted great status as a potential competitor of China and Pakistan has been marginalized to terrorist-related issues. The US foreign policy in its current form is perceived to be a destabilizing factor as it gives leverage to India at the cost of Pakistan. This article unveils the cardinal aspects of US foreign policy towards South Asia and its potential implications of Pakistan.
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41

Williams, Jessica. "Stagnant Rivers: Transboundary Water Security in South and Southeast Asia." Water 10, no. 12 (December 10, 2018): 1819. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w10121819.

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Transboundary rivers are increasingly difficult to govern and often involve issues of national security, territoriality, and competition. In developing countries, the management and governance of these rivers is dominated by a particular decision making group, often comprised of politicians, bureaucrats, and engineers. These groups perpetrate a technocratic paradigm towards the management of transboundary water, with limited genuine international cooperation. The transboundary water situation in South and Southeast Asia is becoming increasingly fraught as the geopolitical context is changing due to China’s increased involvement in regional issues and climate change. With over 780 million people dependent on these rivers, their governance is vital to regional and international stability. Yet, the technocratic management of transboundary rivers persists and is likely to become increasingly unsustainable and inequitable. A discourse-based approach is applied to consider transboundary water governance in the shifting South and Southeast Asian context. The result is an alternative perspective of why governance approaches on transboundary rivers have resisted meaningful reform.
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42

Abbasi, Ishrat Afshan, Amir Jan, and Muhammad Ramzan Kolachi. "SUBSTANTIALIZING AND IMPLEMENTING HUMAN SECURITY IN THE CONTEXT OF FOREIGN POLICY." Asia-Pacific - Annual Research Journal of Far East & South East Asia 38 (February 5, 2021): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47781/asia-pacific.vol38.iss0.2398.

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The presentation of ‘human security’ notion in 1990s signified transformation of international relations from nation-centred international system to people-centred international system. This concept not only redefined the term security, but altered the perceptions of both objects and subjects of threat as well. This development in the discourse of ‘security’ and the logic of linkage between national-interests and human-interests convinced states to reconsider and reframe their security policy. This article describes the notion of human security as a crux to chain the people across the world owing to the recognition of identical security challenges and responses. The concept of human security brought states closer and infused the sense of collaboration and cooperation to mitigate the threats to the security of human being. Methodologically, this paper presents qualitative and analytical study applying secondary data. This study presents the period 1995-2003 as a historical tenure regarding development of human security approach in the foreign policy of Japan. This research analyses how the Japanese governments under the leadership of some people-friendly Prime Ministers advocated the concept of human security and promoted it as a vital determinant of the foreign policy of Japan.
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43

Balkhi, Mirwais. "Balance of Power in Asia in 2020s: Locating Afghanistan." CenRaPS Journal of Social Sciences 4, no. 1 (April 3, 2022): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/cenraps.v4i1.68.

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Balance of Power is one of the main areas of discussion among the theorists in International Relations and national security. The state as a key player plays to balance power with other states against an offensive power within an order to maintain security by reducing threads. Asia has been a good model for studying the balance of power in different sub-systems and all-around Asia. I would discuss in this paper, how the formation of alliances happens in Asia’s various regions, Asia’s trans-regional spheres, and overall, Asia. The nature & significances of the Asiatic equilibrium of power, the role of the US as an outside balancer, and what we would be witnessed in the 2020s, are also at the core of this paper.
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44

Veneracion-Rallonza, Ma Lourdes. "Building the Women, Peace and Security Agenda in the asean through Multi-Focal Norm Entrepreneurship." Global Responsibility to Protect 8, no. 2-3 (May 24, 2016): 158–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00803005.

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Women, Peace and Security (wps) as a global agenda has gained traction since it was institutionalized in the United Nations Security Council fifteen years ago. By December 2014, 46 out of 193 Member States of the United Nations have adopted their National Action Plans to systematically implement their respective country commitments to wps. To date, 24 of the countries with National Action Plans are in Europe while 13 are in Africa; the Asia Pacific Region has 6 and the Americas have 3. In Southeast Asia, only the Philippines has developed a National Action Plan within the framework of the wps while other countries integrated it in the existing broad policy and programmatic frames such as addressing violence against women. At the level of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (asean), taking on the agenda of women, peace and security has yet to move beyond communicative rhetoric. This paper is an attempt to explore how wps can be made part of the regional agenda on human protection and mass atrocities prevention, by mapping out discursive and institutional entry points within several asean Member States and within asean itself through the idea of multi-focal norm entrepreneurship.
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45

Trapara, Vladimir. "Of the OSCE field operations in transition countries." Medjunarodni problemi 63, no. 1 (2011): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1101099t.

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Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) currently has 18 field operations in transition countries throughout Southeastern and Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Central Asia. These operations employ around 3000 staff members and spend 80 percent of OSCE annual budget. Effectiveness of these operations in performing their tasks in all phases of conflict cycle depends on consensus between Great Powers; they also employ an informal decision-making process to supplement the consensus in order to be flexible in responding to changes in the situation. Today, those operations are challenged by shifts in global power relations, and their future depends on the outcomes of the current security dialogue which takes place in the OSCE. That dialogue is also an opportunity for transition countries (including Serbia) to benefit from the OSCE field operations reform, in a way that the operations would now become more able to address the real security problems of these countries.
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46

Wilson, Alāna M., Sierra Gladfelter, Mark W. Williams, Sonika Shahi, Prashant Baral, Richard Armstrong, and Adina Racoviteanu. "High Asia: The International Dynamics of Climate Change and Water Security." Journal of Asian Studies 76, no. 2 (May 2017): 457–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911817000092.

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Asia, a region grappling with the impacts of climate change, increasing natural disasters, and transboundary water issues, faces major challenges to water security. Water resources there are closely tied to the dramatic Hindu-Kush Himalayan (HKH) mountain range, where over 46,000 glaciers hold some of the largest repositories of fresh water on earth (Qiu 2010). Often described as the water tower of Asia, the HKH harbors the snow and ice that form the headwaters of the continent's major rivers (Bandyopadhyay 2013). Downstream, this network of river systems sustains more than 1.3 billion people who depend on these freshwater sources for their consumption and agricultural production, and increasingly as a source of hydropower (Immerzeel, Van Beek, and Bierkens 2010; National Research Council 2012; Rasul 2014).
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47

Koirala, Kosh Raj. "Managing national security interests amidst military major powers' military engagements." Unity Journal 1 (February 1, 2020): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v1i0.35696.

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Existing literatures on the strategic competition between India, China and the US have largely focused on general patterns and trends of their cooperation and engagements in Nepal, including on how China has made its forays in Nepal with its assertive foreign policy overtures since 2008. What has been overlooked, however, is how these three countries are quietly competing with each other to enhance their engagement with the national army. The growing competition among these countries is likely to pose serious challenge to the national army as an institution to exercise its strategic autonomy in its decision making process if some cautions are not exercised in advance. This paper highlights on competing and conflicting interests of major powers to enhance their engagements with the national army in Nepal, and the ways to overcome potential challenges, such military engagements may entail in the future. It also offers a context of the discussion with a brief overview of changing strategic environment in the Asia Pacific in the past 10 years and how Nepal has transformed from a backwater to strategic epicenter for major powers.
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Fardhal Virgiawan Ramadhan. "Strategi Pertahanan Tiongkok dalam Mengoptimalkan Postur Pertahanan Negara." Jurnal Syntax Transformation 2, no. 1 (January 23, 2021): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.46799/jst.v2i1.201.

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Tiongkok meningkatkan kemampuan pertahanannya berdasarkan China’s National Defense in The New Era in 2019. Tiongkok melakukan peningkatan kemampuan pertahanannya tidak semata-mata untuk mengoptimalksan postur pertahanan negara untuk keamanan nasionalnya. Tetapi sebagai salah satu tindakan untuk menjaga stabilitas kawasan di Asia Timur. Berdasarkan China’s National Defense bahwa terdapat ancaman di kawasan Asia Timur yang dapat menimbulkan stabilitas negara di sekitarnya seperti perkembangan kemampuan pertahanan THAAD Korea Selatan, perubahan kebijakan pertahanan Jepang, kemampuan rudal balistik Korea Utara dan keterlibatan actor eksternal di Kawasan Asia Timur yakni Amerika Serikat. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk menjelaskan dan menganalisis strategi pertahanan yang dilakukan oleh Tiongkok berdasarkan permasalahan yang terjadi dalam China’s National Defense in The New Era 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan realisme, security dilemma, keamanan nasionnal, dan strategi pertahanan. Hasil dalam penelitian ini menunjukkan dengan adanya perubahan dan peningkatan kemampuan pertahanan negara di kawasan Asia Timur menimbulkan instabilitas di Kawasan. Hal ini menjadikan negara di kawasan Asia Timur menjadi distrust antara satu dengan yang lainnya. Atas distrust yang terjadi sangat penting bagi Tiongkok melakukan peningkatan kemampuan pertahanannya untuk mengoptimalkan postur pertahanan negaranya menjadi lebih kuat dan modern.
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Yan, CHANG. "CHINA AND RUSSIA IN THE CONDITIONS OF NONRADIATION CHALLENGES AND THREATS OF NATIONAL SECURITY." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 3/2 (August 4, 2018): 144–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-3/2-144-153.

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In this article, the author considers non-traditional challenges and threats to national security to the People's Republic of China and the Russian Federation. The author notes that the political and economic potential of these two countries is steadily increasing. The countries have solved a complex border issue, effectively cooperate within the framework of the SCO. At the same time, despite the warming of the general political climate in the Northeast Asia region, China-Russia security, as well as international security in general, continue to be threatened by various challenges of nontraditional security. To traditional security, the author refers to the state, political and military security of the country. Unconventional security exists in relation to traditional security, and includes, first of all, the issues of economy, culture, education, science and technology, the environment, as well as terrorism; environmental pollution; the spread of drugs and the spread of infectious diseases. The threats to unconventional security are peculiarities of non-state, non-state, transnational, unexpected and unpredictable and are located to rapid changes and from local ones can quickly turn into world challenges. That is why China and Russia need cooperation to prevent and stop unconventional challenges and threats to national security.
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Shvydko, V. "IMEMO-ANPOKEN: New Rally of Russian and Japanese Experts." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2014): 77–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-2-77-82.

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The publication presents major points of the discussion held by Russian and Japanese experts at the joint symposium organized by IMEMO and Tokyo-based Council on National Security Problems (ANPOKEN) in March, 2013. More than 30 specialists from the two sides exchanged views on security and business relations between Russia and Japan against the background of the present situation in Northeast Asia. The discussion covered major issues of domestic and foreign policy of the two countries as well as problems and prospects of their economies in the context of the growing role of external factors. The participants discussed reaction of political and business elites in Russia and Japan to external and domestic challenges as well as their perception of political, economic and economic situation in Northeast Asia and the Asia-Pacific region.
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