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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'National security Asia, Southeastern'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Freeseman, Douglas D. "U.S. national security strategy in Southeast Asia : a reappraisal /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA303111.

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2

Snoke, Joshua H. "Human trafficking in Southeast Asia and U.S. national security." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45258.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
The United States government finds human trafficking to be an important subject and is placing increasing focus on the issue. The Southeast Asian portion of the Western Pacific encompasses a substantial portion of global trafficking, much of which has a final destination in the United States. This thesis asks the following question: How does trafficking in persons (TIP) affect U.S. national security interests and regional stability in Southeast Asia? To answer this question, this thesis examines how trafficking affects U.S. national security; the importance of combatting human trafficking in Southeast Asia to regional stability and to U.S. national security; levels of involvement the United States might seek to address the problem of human trafficking in Southeast Asia; and the possibility of an increase in maritime security efforts and interagency coordination in Southeast Asia to effectively combat human trafficking. U.S. national security is tied to regional stability through effects on economic interdependence and state partnerships. TIP threatens both, through its influence in transnational organized crime and the misuse of humans as an illegal resource. The thesis concludes by considering possible solutions to the problem that could be adopted by the United States military.

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3

Allen, Keith W. "Future of the U.S.-Japan security alliance : foundation for a multilateral security regime in Asia? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FAllen.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, Gaye Christoffersen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-119). Also available online.

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4

Staples, Mark T. "United States-Japanese national interests in Asia: security in the 1990s." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/26317.

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5

Huma, Zille. "China's foreign policy towards Central Asia : expanding the concepts of national interest and national security." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/53068/.

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The present study provides an analysis of China's foreign policy towards Central Asia to trace ‘culture of China's foreign policy'. The culture of China's foreign policy approach deals with China as an identity and process rather than being static or within boundaries. The present research highlights China's multilateral and cooperative policies in Central Asia and with Russia as an outcome of evolutionary process of construction of China's identity. The complex process of building relations with Central Asian region although within a short period of time (in post-Soviet context) are analysed to make a case for China's innovative (partially) political processes of dealing with frontier security and embracing multilateralism. This is explained by studying the evolution of China's identity and interests and the role of significant events that affect its perceptions of self and that are a prescription for its policy orientations as observed in case of foreign policy towards Central Asia. The theoretical foundation of Peter Katzenstein thesis is helpful premises upon which an argument in favour of the discourse of identity and security is developed to see how culture of national security of China and ‘complementarity' of Central Asian states is at work in security cooperation seen among these states. By problematizing the notion of ‘national interest', the present study argues that interests of the states can be contextualized in a broader environment referred as civilization to trace the relationship between interests and identities of China as at play in Central Asian region. By placing the political state of ‘China' in the broader context of civilization and as evolving, helps understand how Chinese political spectrum seeks to construct and maintain a great power identity while locating ‘self' against ‘others'. It further argues that the cooperative and multilateral policies of China in form of Shanghai Cooperation Organization can be understood best by studying how the configurations of identity of China has guided the policy formation process; that constructs and reconstructs interstate normative structure in form of SCO.

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6

Koo, Boncheul. "The impact of changes in state identity on alliance cohesion in Northeast Asia." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FKoo.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Moltz, James Clay. Second Reader: Knopf, Jeffrey W. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: State Identity, Collective Identity, Alliance, Alliance Cohesion, Constructivism, U.S.-ROK alliance, PRC-DPRK alliance, Common Values. Includes bibliographical references (p. 118-128). Also available in print.

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7

Narine, Shaun. "The evolution of ASEAN." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0001/NQ35264.pdf.

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8

Yu, Simin. "China's foreign oil security policy and its security implications to the United States in Asia." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?MR22186.

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9

Mukhamedov, Igor. "The domestic, regional and global security stakes in Kazakhstan." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FMukhamedov.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Roger McDermott. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-60). Also available online.

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10

Hollis, Simon John. "Abridging the Tyranny of Distance: European Union and New Zealand Security Cultures in the Asia Pacific Region." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1958.

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The rise in prominence of transregional security threats has heightened an awareness for an interdependent outlook on security threats, often requiring regional solutions to insure stability. The Asia Pacific security environment is not exempt from these security threats. Strategic challenges such as terrorism, environmental security or nuclear proliferation pervade the region and transcend its countries’ borders. Amongst a myriad of regional security institutions and dialogues with a focus on the region, the sub-regional security dialogue between the European Union (EU) and New Zealand administers an effective contribution to stability in South East Asia and the Pacific. This thesis explores the volume of the EU and New Zealand security dialogue in the Asia Pacific region. The amount of interaction that takes place and the quality of dialogue produced is analysed through constructivist and regionalist tenants; the security-focused identities of each agency is investigated and compared, in order to elucidate the ‘reality’ of the securitybased consultation. It is argued that continual social and political interaction between the EU and New Zealand will formulate a specific security identity and encourage further stability and peace in the Asia Pacific region. Thus, the research question can be formulated as what volume and form of cooperation exist between the European Union and New Zealand on security issues pertaining to the Asia Pacific region, and what efforts have been made to maintain, deepen and improve the relationship since 1999?

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11

Vance, Terence J. "Constructing a regional order Northeast Asia and the systemic constraints on Korean unification." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FVance.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Christopher P. Twomey. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-87). Also available in print.

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12

Ma, Yansheng 1956. "Dynamics of regional (in)security in the post-cold war era : China and Southeast Asia." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30186.

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This thesis has explored two basic themes in post-Cold War international relations. The first is the transformation of the global and regional security environments leading to a projected decline in the importance of traditional realist-style security problems. The second is the supposed shift in state behavior with conflictual strategies giving way to accommodation. These presumed trends are explored in the context of Southeast Asia and, more specifically, China's security strategies and relations in the region. This study argues that conventional security problems have declined in Southeast Asia in the short term but still remain prominent. In terms of policies, while China's goals remained partly revisionist with regard to territorial issues and status/power relationships, its approaches became more accommodative in coping with disputed issues in the region. This was manifested above all in its gradual acceptance of a multilateral framework for dialogue on regional security issues and in its willingness to undertake some confidence building measures in the military area. This shift can be explained partly in terms of China's external political concerns at both the global and regional levels. The more fundamental explanation, however, lies in China's drive for economic modernization with an accommodative regional strategy intended to ensure the flow of external resources required for this purpose.

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13

Quillen, Brian G. "Democracy - a tree without roots on the steppes of Central Asia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FQuillen.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Mikhail Tsypkin. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-90). Also available in print.

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14

McCallum, Christopher M. "Cooperative security in Northeast Asia : ramifications of change in the U.S. and ROK maritime strategies /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02sep%5FMcCallum.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, H. Lyman Miller. Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-76). Also available online.

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15

Craig, Timothy G. "The Shanghai Cooperation Organization : origins and implications." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03sep%5FCraig.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost, Lyman Miller. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-61). Also available online.

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16

Rice, Darren E. "Missile defense for Taiwan : implications for U.S. security interests in East Asia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03sep%5FRice.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): H. Lyman Miller, Gaye Christoffersen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-96). Also available online.

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17

Roberts, Christopher B. Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "ASEAN's Security Community Project : Challenges and Opportunities in the Pursuit of Comprehensive Integration." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/40261.

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In October 2003, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) proposed the establishment of a security, economic and socio-cultural community by the year 2020. Given that initiators of the ASEAN proposal were informed by the scholarly literature on the concept of a 'security community', this dissertation develops and then tests the concept in relation to the ASEAN states. Here, the concept of a 'security community' is understood as 'a transnational grouping of two or more states whose sovereignty is increasingly amalgamated and whose people maintain dependable expectations of peaceful change'. The application of the 'security community framework' developed in this study is necessary to provide a conceptual basis for critically assessing the major factors that could potentially impede ASEAN's evolution towards a security community. For the purpose of such an assessment, the study provides a detailed investigation of the most significant historical issues and contemporary security challenges that inform the nature of inter-state relations in Southeast Asia. As a complement to this approach, the dissertation incorporates the analysis of data obtained from extensive fieldwork in all ten of the ASEAN states involving over 100 in-depth interviews and two survey designs (one at the elite level and another at the communal level) involving 919 participants. While the survey work, especially at the communal level, is best considered a pilot study and the results are therefore to be considered as indicative, the research nevertheless represents the first empirical assessment of regional perceptions of trust, intra-mural relations, security, economic integration, and liberalisation and of a broad range of other factors relevant to the analysis. The interview data has also been invaluable in uncovering previously unpublished information and in contextualising the analysis. Despite a considerable strengthening of the region's security architecture since ASEAN's formation, the ten chapters in the study reveal that the Association has a long way to travel before it will satisfy the defining criteria of a security community. The region lacks a common sense of community and consequently the level of trust between the Southeast Asian states remains problematic. The political elite continue to engage in episodes of competitive behaviour, have been unable to resolve territorial disputes, and thus the continued potential for armed conflict undermines the prospect for 'dependable expectations of peaceful change'. Therefore, ASEAN's evolution towards the status of a security community, if it proceeds further, will likely occur over the course of many decades rather than by ASEAN's current goal of 2015.

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18

Kim, Duk-Ki. "Geo-strategic approaches to co-operative maritime security in northeast Asia : with particular reference to naval arms control, maritime confidence-building measures and maritime co-operation measures." Thesis, University of Hull, 1998. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:10446.

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The purpose of this study is to design a co-operative maritime security structure for Northeast Asia through the application of naval arms control and disarmament measures (both structural and operational), maritime confidence-building measures (MCBMs) and maritime cooperation measures (MCMs). In order to construct an analytical framework for such an application it is necessary to introduce sub-objectives. The first is to explore the options for providing co-operative maritime security, such as naval arms control. MCBMs and MCMs, and to assess the value of their contribution to the general co-operative maritime security framework. The second is to examine the particular points of the major regional powers' maritime security policies with a view to considering their relevance to the construction of a system of co-operative maritime security in Northeast Asia. The third is to delineate the regional geo-strategic security environment conducive to Northeast Asian co-operative maritime security in the framework of the various types of measures. The final part examines the potential conditions for the application of co-operative maritime security measures and suggests a priority of application on the basis of the regional maritime security environment. In the last decade, the United States and Russia have been forced to change their defence policies, trim their budgets, curtail operations overseas, and re-evaluate their fundamental purposes. Nonetheless, the medium powers, such as China and Japan, continue to build and deploy naval weapons and vessels that others find threatening. Unless they reconsider their positions toward co-operative maritime security, they may miss a critical opportunity to bring stability to the high seas. In Northeast Asia, the main boundary and territorial disputes are maritime in nature, e.g. Russia-Japan (South Kuril IslandslNorthern Territories), Korea-Japan (the Tok Islandsffakeshima), China-Japan (the Senkaku Islandsffiaoyu Tao), as well as Taiwan and, in the South China Sea, the Paracel Islands/Xisha Qundao (Vietnam-China), and the Spratly IslandslNansha Qundao (China, Vietnam, Malaysia, Taiwan, Philippines and Brunei). Multilateral security activities cannot replace formal diplomatic/legal negotiations to settle maritime boundary and territorial disputes, but co-operative maritime security measures may be particularly valuable in minimising the risk of conflict in such circumstances. Among the MCBMs, the most promising areas involve modifying existing INCSEA agreements, and establishing or expanding measures of transparency, such as compliance with the UN or an eventual regional arms register and the regular issue of credible official Defence White Papers. In the current context of strategic uncertainty and maritime force development in Northeast Asia, information exchange measures and communication measures may be the most valuable MCBM, applicable region-wide. Co-operative maritime security measures can offer a number of benefits. The main goals of MCMs are cost reduction through shared efforts or by joint operations for humanitarian purposes, joint development of marine resources, the protection of SLOCs and prevention of sea pollution. MCMs can also be used as confidence-building measures in themselves to maintain communication when tensions heighten. MCMs indicate that neighbouring countries can work together to look after certain problems at the regional or subregional level. This can help not onJy to deter potential adversaries but also to assure extraregional countries that no direct threat would be posed to their sea-borne trade. With functional and operational approaches, MCMs cover marine pollution, search and rescue, illegal activities, including drug smuggling, piracy and fisheries infringement. The first area of naval arms control to be considered covers constraints on naval activities as operational naval arms control measures. General operational arms control measures could be used to cover other naval activities, or they could serve as a model for similar agreements in other areas. The provisions for notification of dangerous activities, for instance, could be broadened to include mandatory notification of all naval exercises. After the 1972 Incidents at Sea Agreement, the United States and Russia developed stabilising rules of behaviour as their navies came into contact with each other across the world's oceans. With the expansion of naval forces in Northeast Asia and the increased likelihood of accident and miscalculation, one could make a case for the negotiation of regional INCSEA agreements, particularly on a bilateral basis. Such agreements already exist in the North Pacific: Canada and Russia, the US and Russia, Russia-Japan and Russia-ROK. The United States and China have also signed a related agreement on maritime consultation. Operational measures at sea could be implemented by imposing restraints on naval activities and geographical limitations. Structural measures, as the second aspect of naval arms control, consist of quantitative and qualitative approaches. A quantitative approach based on ratios would inevitably affect the relative size of forces of different countries. Such agreements are difficult to achieve because of differences in geostrategic goals and asymmetries of naval forces in the region. This thesis argues that the development of co-operative maritime security measures to the point where they become a significant aspect of the regional maritime security framework in Northeast Asia will not be easy. It is a very diverse region, where there are quite different security perceptions and maritime territorial and legitimacy conflicts which require resolution. There is also little tradition of security co-operation, at least on a multilateral basis. The maritime issues themselves are generally complicated, and the practical and operational factors involved in the establishment of effective co-operative maritime security regimes are extremely demanding. Maritime confidence-building measures offer the greatest potentiaL as an initial step. As subsequent steps, maritime co-operation measures and naval arms control measures could be followed. The important question is whether or not the application of co-operative security models can be brought to the point where they can enable the effective management of the increasing complexities and uncertainties which characterise the emerging maritime environment in Northeast Asia. Current fiscal constraints might clearly provide an opportunity for Northeast Asian countries not only to consider more closely their threat perceptions but also to pursue regional co-operative maritime arrangements which rely more on mutual understanding and less on a naval arms build-up.

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19

Denny, Martin Anthony. "Regional strategic considerations in the Spratly Islands dispute." Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1997. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B18061515.

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20

Peterson, Michael A. "China's great game in Central Asia : implications to U.S. policy in the region /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Sep%5FPeterson%5FMichael.pdf.

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21

King, Michael G. "Modern piracy and regional security cooperation in the maritime domain the Middle East and Southeast Asia /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FKing.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Dahl, Erik J. Second Reader: Moran, Daniel J. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Piracy, Maritime Security, Regional Security Cooperation, Cooperative Security, Middle East, Southeast Asia, Gulf of Aden, Straits of Malacca, Maritime Capacity. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-116). Also available in print.

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22

Li, Hak Yin. "China, India and Russia : cooperation and construction of the Asia-Pacific order in the 21st century." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/828.

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23

Chung, Christopher. "The Spratly Islands dispute decision units and domestic politics /." [Canberra, Australia] : University of New South Wales, Australian Defence Force Academy, School of Humanities and Social Science, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38658.

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24

Middleton, Samuel L. "The new fight on the periphery : Pakistan's Military relationship with the United States /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FMiddleton.pdf.

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25

Dorjjugder, Munkh-Ochir. "Correlation of identity and interest in foreign policy : implications for Mongolia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03sep%5FDorjjugder.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, Jeffrey Knopf. Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-148). Also available online.

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26

Ottosson, Björn. "A Cacophony of Voices : A Neoclassical Realist study of United States Strategy toward Central Asia and Southern Caucasus 1991–2006." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-137026.

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U.S. strategy toward Southern Caucasus and Central Asia has not been studied sufficiently. The present study, which takes the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the subsequent independence of the states of CASC (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) as its starting point, is probably the most detailed tracing of the evolution of U.S. strategy toward this specific region hitherto available. The study is methodologically committed to process-tracing and covers U.S. strategy toward CASC over a 15-year period covering three separate presidential administrations. A vast material has been collected and studied, and the primary contribution of the study is empirical. The study also sets out develop a neoclassical realist framework for analysing U.S. strategy, which introduces strategic culture as an intervening variable between the external actions of the U.S and the international environment. The theory in this study is based on three pillars. The first is structural realism. With its focus on the international environment and the pressure that is exerts, the study accepts the systemic imperative described by structural realists. The second pillar is cultural/constructivist theory. The study presupposes the notion of malleable norms and identities promoted by such theories. The third and most important pillar is neoclassical realism, which aims at finding intervening variables between a state´s external actions and the international environment. The definition of U.S. strategic culture relies heavily on American political and diplomatic history, the main argument being that U.S. policymakers constantly draw on U.S. strategic culture and have strong incentives to frame their policies so as to be culturally acceptable. The strategic culture thus both constrains and enables actions. The framework contributes to the ongoing effort to bridge the gap between realist and constructivist perspectives. This study will demonstrate that U.S. strategy toward CASC was shaped by specific U.S. strategic culture to a considerable extent. Throughout the entire period studied, the declared goal of the U.S. was the integration of CASC into the community of liberal market democracies. One very important theoretical finding of this study is that U.S. strategic culture had a powerful impact on U.S. strategy, independently of international pressures. This study will also demonstrate that U.S. strategy was incoherent, inconsistent, bureaucratically uncoordinated, susceptible to domestic pressure, and frequently subordinated to more important strategic goals outside of the region.

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AKTI, Serkan. "NATO-Russian relation status and prospectives." Thesis, Monterey, California, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1326.

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Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.
Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has attributed great importance to the development of cooperation with Russia. This thesis, first, evaluates the main developments in NATO - Russian relations since 1991. Although Moscow and the Alliance established a NATO - Russia Council (NRC) and asserted the initiation of a qualitatively new relationship, Russia still needs to fulfill some requirements for catching up the Western standards. Russia's external relations and political, economic and security factors internal to Russia will determine the future of the relationship. This thesis examines Russia's political development and transformation of its economic system, and establishes the problems in its political and economic systems. It also examines Russia's problematic external relations in the region, and their impact on the NATO - Russian relationship. It looks into Russia's National Security Concept, explores regional conflicts such as Chechnya and Georgia, and the U.S. - NATO presence in Central Asia. Then, it examines the oil and natural gas transportation problems created by the Russian monopoly, and evaluates Russian technology transfers to Iran, particularly in the nuclear sector. Consequently, it evaluates the internal and external interactions mentioned above and offers conclusions about the prospects for security and stability in Europe.
Lieutenant, Turkish Navy

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Seddelmeyer, Laura M. "All the Way with LBJ?: Australian Grand Strategy and the Vietnam War." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1236630726.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, March, 2009.
Title from PDF t.p. Release of full electronic text on OhioLINK has been delayed until April 1, 2014. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-108)

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Silva, Barbara Dantas Mendes da. "A atuação internacional do Japão no século XXI: as transformações da Doutrina Yoshida como norteadora do posicionamento internacional do país." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8157/tde-18102018-104340/.

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Este trabalho tem o objetivo de observar as alterações da Doutrina Yoshida como norteadora do posicionamento internacional do Japão no início do século XXI. Para isso, abordaremos a relevância que o Leste Asiático tem para a delimitação das ameaças e como a lógica regional influencia diretamente a atuação do país, principalmente quanto aos temas de segurança. Utilizar-se-á a teoria dos complexos regionais de segurança para compreender a forma de inserção internacional do Japão, bem como embasar o aspecto de instabilidade que levaram às alterações da Doutrina Yoshida. Dentre as principais ameaças ao país, destacamos a relação sino-japonesa e as disputas nas gray zones, bem como a nuclearização norte-coreana. A aliança com os EUA e outros países do entorno regional também serão analisadas a fim de corroborar com a atuação internacional do Japão. Abordaremos também como a criação da Estratégia Nacional de Segurança japonesa e o pacifismo proativo complementam os fundamentos da Doutrina Yoshida na manutenção dos interesses nacionais do país perante as crescentes instabilidades do entorno asiático.
This paper aims to observe the changes of the Yoshida Doctrine as the guideline of Japans international performance in the beginning of the 21st century. In order to do it, we will focus on the threats of East Asia region as well as the relevance of the regional logic and how it directly influences the country\'s performance, especially regarding security issues. The theory of regional security complexes is used to understand Japan\'s international insertion, as well as to base the instability aspect that led to the changes in the Yoshida Doctrine. Among the main threats to the country, we highlight the Sino-Japanese relationship and the disputes in the gray zones, besides the North Korean nuclear program. The US alliance, as other regional countries alliances will also be analyzed in order to corroborate with the international performance of Japan. We will also address how the creation of the Japanese National Security Strategy and proactive pacifism complement the fundamentals principles of the Yoshida Doctrine in order to maintain the countrys interests in the growing instability of the Asian environment.

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Gupta, Ananya. "The Politicization of Water: Transboundary Water-Conflict in the Indian Subcontinent." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin159016833466416.

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Bristow, Alexander. "The 1969 Summit within the Japan-US security treaty system : a two-level approach." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e25b695-def3-4854-a04a-033566034384.

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This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography

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32

Ferreira, Kelly de Souza 1987. "China e a Ásia Central : petróleo, segurança e os Estados Unidos." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279377.

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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T21:50:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_KellydeSouza_M.pdf: 993965 bytes, checksum: 3ef539284f8c3b0704d3e65c6c8c217e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012
Resumo: Nas últimas duas décadas, os Estados Unidos aumentaram substancialmente sua presença na Ásia Central. Por sua vez, a China sempre buscou construir um ambiente estável e pacífico ao redor de seu próprio território, tendo sob sua influência todos os países da Ásia Central; por isso,o incremento da presença norte-americana na região causou desconforto nos políticos chineses. Uma das formas utilizadas pelos últimos para se aproximar dos países dessa região se dá por meio do petróleo. Dessa forma, as companhias de petróleo da China compram direitos de exploração de reservas ou indústrias de petróleo e gás natural de países da Ásia Central e, por meio das empresas chinesas, estabelece e aprofunda os laços de amizade com países como Cazaquistão, Quirguistão, Uzbequistão, Turcomenistão e Tadjiquistão. A prática ficou conhecida como diplomacia do petróleo. Essa nova ferramenta do governo chinês possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região, o que desagrada os Estados Unidos, que, por sua vez, buscam ser ainda mais presentes na Ásia Central. O objetivo desta pesquisa é: como a diplomacia do petróleo possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região. E como os Estados Unidos usa sua presença na Ásia Central e nas rotas marítimas de transporte de petróleo para conter a expansão chinesa
Abstract: In the last two decades, the United States have substantially increased their presence in Central Asia. Therefore their presence left China in an uncomfortable position, as China seeks to build a stable and peaceful environment in its near abroad, having under its influence all the countries of Central Asia. One of the ways used by the Chinese government to get closer to the countries of this region is through the oil. Being so, the Chinese oil companies buy rights of exploitation of oil and gas reserves in Central Asia and through this establishes and deepens friendly ties with these countries. This practice became known as oil diplomacy. This new tool of the Chinese government has a double effect: it increases the projection of the Chinese power and dilutes the American influence in the region. In other words, it displeases the United States, and in turn tries to be even more present in Central Asia. The main goal to be worked in this study is how the oil diplomacy increases Chinese influence in Central Asia and dilutes American power in the region. It also aims to explain how the United States uses its presence in Central Asia and on sea lines of communication used to transport oil to contain the Chinese expansion
Mestrado
Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional
Mestre em Relações Internacionais

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33

Kundu, Apurba. "The National Democratic Alliance and National Security." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3560.

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No
This new collection examines the emergence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India and the ways in which its Hindu nationalist agenda has been affected by the constraints of being a dominant member of a coalition government. Religious influence in contemporary politics offers a fertile ground for political-sociological analysis, especially in societies where religion is a very important source of collective identity. In South Asian societies religion can, and often has, provided legitimacy to both governments and those who oppose them. This book examines the emergence of the BJP and the ways in which its Hindu nationalist agenda has been affected by the constraints of being a dominant member of a coalition government. The collected authors take stock of the party's first full term in power, presiding over the diverse forces of the governing NDA coalition, and the 2004 elections. They assess the BJP's performance in relation to its stated goals, and more specifically how it has fared in a range of policy fields - centre-state relations, foreign policy, defence policies, the 'second generation' of economic reforms, initiatives to curb corruption and the fate of minorities. Explicitly linking the volume to literature on coalition politics, this book will be of great importance to students and researchers in the fields of South Asian studies and politics.

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34

Zhang, Ming. "Economic interdependence and the formation of a security community in the Asia-Pacific region." 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32968202.html.

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35

Huang, Chien-Cheng, and 黃建誠. "Taiwan’s National Security Strategy within U.S.’ Asia-Pacific Security Policy: Perspectives from “Balance of Power”." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/99037239448575876041.

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碩士
淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所
91
Ideas of “Power” and “contests for power” are not only main streams of “Realism,” and also important parts of international relations studies; moreover, the manipulation of “Balance of Power” is one of the methods for nations to interact between each other. Therefore, the first purpose of this thesis is to find out any employment of “Balance of Power” in formulating process of U.S.’ Asia-Pacific policies. And the second purpose of this thesis is to explain the connection between different U.S.’ Asia-Pacific policies and different Taiwan’s national security strategies. Hans J. Morgenthau’s “Theory of Balance of Power” is used as the research approach in this thesis to identify influences of the transition of U.S.’ Asia-Pacific policies on Taiwan’s national security strategies. Eras in this thesis are distinguished and divided as “Cold War Era,” “Post Cold War Era,” and “Post 911 Era”; besides, Taiwan’s national security strategies are limited on 4 levels as national defense, diplomacy, economy and cross-strait relations. This research has discovered that different U.S.’ Asia-Pacific policies in each era can all be explained by those principles of “Theory of Balance of Power.” Meanwhile, they all have influenced the formulation of Taiwan’s national security strategies in each era and lead the transitions from “fighting back and regaining China” to “staying in Taiwan and viewing the whole world.” For the future, this thesis suggests a national security strategy of “maintaining stability and developing positively,” for adopting the transition of international environment and regional trends, and for pursuing maximum interests of national existence.

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Widyaningsih, Erlina. "Crisis management and regional security systems in Southeast Asia." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155908.

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This thesis examines what the management of crises can reveal about the type and the nature of regional security systems in Southeast Asia. It seeks to evaluate whether or not crisis management conducted by the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN) member countries helps to provide ways of conceptualising regional security systems, namely a security community, a balance of power, or a classical concert of powers. While there is a growing body of literature examining the relevance of the first two concepts for explaining the type of regional security system in Southeast Asia, there is a very limited literature that explores whether or not a regional classical concert of powers can provide a relevant explanation. Given that historically the notion of crisis management has been a useful indicator that sheds light the international system, this thesis specifically examines a possible connection between crisis management and security systems in Southeast Asia. The study approaches this task by investigating three case studies: the 1978-1991 Cambodian crisis, the 1999-2002 East Timor crisis and the 2008-2010 Cyclone Nargis crisis. The thesis has two key arguments. First, whether or not the three conceptualisations of regional security systems examined and their variations in the thesis have explanatory value depends on at least two conditions, namely the phase of the crisis - whether it is in an escalating, acute, or de-escalating period - and the nature of the crisis - whether it is traditional or non traditional. Second, the thesis argues that under the same conditions, there are times when the regional security system can best be conceptualised as a 'quasi concert of regional leading powers'. The introduction of this concept contributes to ongoing debate within academic literature about the nature of the regional security systems that operate in Southeast Asia. These two arguments also have additional implications for policy development in Southeast Asia. The first is that the management of crises in Southeast Asia needs to be reviewed and ways found to establish more robust policies and structures for managing crises. ASEAN member states need to set up formal dispute settlement and crisis management mechanisms and the role of the Secretary-General of ASEAN should be strengthened with monitoring and evaluation. The second policy direction that the findings point to is that the burdens of the crisis management should be shared by the regional leading powers and all ASEAN member states. Regional security requires dedicated effort by every Southeast Asian country.

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37

Saipiroon-Thiparat, Pranee. "ASEAN security co-operation problems and prospects /." 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/37953377.html.

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38

CHENG, SHENG-YANG, and 鄭昇陽. "A Study on National Security Strategy of Countries in Central Asia Region." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/97166972472272663054.

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碩士
國立政治大學
外交學系戰略與國際事務碩士在職專班
94
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, its dependent states such as Kazkstan, Kygyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan declared for independence respectively, which soon won support in the international community. With the advantages of geo-strategic importance and abundant resources, Central Asia region became the arena between superpowers. During the Cold War, the security of Central Asia region was closely tied to the Soviet Union’s party-state system and its red army. Following the collapse of Soviet Union, security mechanism disintegrated and resulted in “power vacuum” in this region. Besides, there are “traditional security” and “non-traditional security” threats behind. Thus, security threats and response strategies of the five newly established countries mentioned above are the nucleus of research of this thesis. 　　This thesis adopts the methodology of levels analysis, with reference to “the concept of actor (nation, region and war)” argued by Kenneth N. Waltz and studies the related issues from three different levels---nation, region and international. First, in terms of national level, the author analyzes state powers of the five countries from the structure of authority (such as geo-strategy, population, natural resources, military capabilities, political system, economic development, structure of society), proliferation of weaponry, transnational crimes, drug economy etc. Second, in regional level, the discussion focuses on the structure of religions, secessionism, religious extremism, international terrorism, utilization of water resource, regional conflicts and territorial disputes. Third, in terms of international level, the main points are national benefits, national strategy, geo-politics, geo-economy, international conflicts and international cooperation. 　　The national security strategy of Central Asian states aims at ensuring the integrity of territory, the independence of sovereignty, the right of existence and continuing developments. The connotations of those issues can be reviewed and analyzed in the aspects of diplomacy, economy, military and society. Generally speaking, for the deficiency comprehensive national power, it is very hard for Central Asian states to achieve the goals of national security strategy on their own. Consequently, these countries resort to “balance of power” and “full engagement diplomacy” and aggressively develop economic and military cooperation with the U.S., Russia, and PRC. In the meantime, they try to enhance relationships of other countries with emphasis on economic cooperation. Although the policy works as a whole, there are still vulnerable points. In particular, the formation of the regional security strategy in Central Asia hinges upon the ultimate pursuit of the consolidation and extension of the realistic regimes by the leaderships of various countries.

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39

Ma, Yansheng. "Dynamics of regional (in)security in the post-Cold War era China and Southeast Asia /." 1999. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51930050.html.

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40

Hoang, Haco. "Outward and beyond institutional change in Southeast Asia /." 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51891668.html.

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41

Ehrhardt, George Christofer. "Engagement and alliances in Northeast Asia the role of security consultation /." 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/54763501.html.

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42

Sherrill, Clifton W. Smith Dale L. "Deterrence and clarity U.S. security policy in the Asian-Pacific, 1950-1970 /." 2003. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11072003-161605/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2003.
Advisor: Dr. Dale L. Smith, Florida State University, College of Social Science, Dept. of Political Science. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Feb. 26, 2004). Includes bibliographical references.

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43

Lewis, Jason D. "The integration of Southeast Asia ASEAN's role in the creation of a security community /." 1999. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/49061114.html.

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44

Enemark, Christian. "Disease and security in East Asia : nature's plagues and biological weapons." Phd thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148550.

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45

Sherrill, Clifton W. "Deterrence and clarity U.S. security policy in the Asian-Pacific, 1950-1970 /." 2003. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/73832088.html.

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46

Brewster, David. "Great power ambtions : understanding India's strategic engagement with maritime East Asia." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151237.

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47

Kao, Shaw-Fawn. "China and ASEAN strategic interests and policy prospects /." 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/28047840.html.

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48

Soesilowati, Sartika. "ASEAN : sovereign recalcitrant or security community architect?" Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110273.

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This thesis demonstrates both the extent and the limits of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) ability to cooperate as a security community. The intent of the dissertation is to analyse the relevance and feasibility of preserving sovereign prerogatives within a framework of regional cooperation among the five core ASEAN member states: Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, Philippines and Thailand. The study particularly reflects the tensions between the individual member-states' traditional sovereign prerogatives and the Association's stated ambition to develop into a regional security community. ASEAN's experience of community building has shown that the member-states still have insufficient will to act to reconcile the existing regional system with a capacity for deeper security cooperation because the predisposition of ASEAN members for Westphalian style sovereignty restricts this possibility. ASEAN can be characterised as a 'loose security community' with a judicious idea of power, institutions, interests and norms of 'we feeling' prevailing in the process of security community-building. The thesis argues that to build a security community that can succeed in Southeast Asia, the ASEAN member-states must rely on managing 'adaptable sovereignty'. Adaptable sovereignty allows the adjustment of sovereign prerogatives enabling compromise that provides the impetus toward community-building, but not to the point where the primacy of sovereignty is surrendered. Two case studies examine how ASEAN manages sovereignty to permit security cooperation. The first analyses combating terrorism in Southeast Asia, while the second investigates how three ASEAN states have cooperated to improve maritime security in the Malacca Straits. The case studies indicate that building a security community within ASEAN can only occur if the member-states do not have to substantially sacrifice their national sovereignty prerogatives, while simultaneously strengthening their sense of community over time. Current collaborative security efforts demonstrate that ASEAN's key member states are capable of striking a judicious balance between their respective sovereign prerogatives and community building efforts, but not to the point where the primacy of sovereignty is extinguished. This 'adaptable' form of sovereignty can be seen in their simultaneous protection of state-centric primacy, while also pursuing the higher levels of institutionalisation and interdependence necessary for effective security cooperation to develop.

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Lee, Chi-Kit, and 李志杰. "Construct and Change of China Asia-Pacific Security Strategy (1979~2004) - Comprehensive National Power Perspective." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/59884810868491594152.

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碩士
國立暨南國際大學
公共行政與政策學系
93
Abstract: China became a strong and powerful state since “Reform and Open Policy” was conducted since 1979. As an important actor in the world, Chinese development is closely linked with Asia-Pacific region. So, China Strategy in Asia-Pacific is interrelated with China domestic and overseas security, and interrelated with changing of Asia-Pacific and global situation. Since Deng, Xiao-Ping came into power in 1978 and took “Comprehensive National Power” as the core interests of China. This led to a significant change of China’s security concepts. Deng, Xiao-Ping changed the subsistence-led strategy into a development-led strategy and performed the developmental strategy of “Reform and Open” to accelerate the fulfillment of developmental object of “The Four Modernization” so as to promote China’s “Comprehensive National Power” and to conserve China’s core interests. But in phase of Deng, Xiao-Ping is not to bring up the concept of “Comprehensive National Power”, since 1992, Jiang, Ze-min just to bring up the concept of “Comprehensive National Power”. The raised of China “Comprehensive National Power” to lead Asia-Pacific appear “The China Threat Theory” in 1990’s, and to bring influence of China to development “Comprehensive National Power”. So, Jiang, Ze-min advocated “New Security Concept, NSC” to settle the pressure of “The China Threat Theory”. Since Hu, Jin-tao came into power, except to continue cooperation mode of “New Security Concept”, and expand the security contents to “non-traditional security concept”. Hu, Jin-tao as well as advocate “China’s Peaceful Rise Theory” to settle the pressure of “The China Threat Theory”, can enhance rise of China’s “Comprehensive National Power”. This research tries to use the Comprehensive National Power Perspective to construct China Security Concept, and significance of China Asia-Pacific Security Strategy in Comprehensive National Power development, hope to know well the full view of China Asia-Pacific Security Strategy. Key word: Comprehensive National Power, China security concept, China Asia-Pacific Security Strategy, The China Threat Theory, China’s Peaceful Rise Theory.

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50

Russell, Robin L. "Changing roles of the United States and Japan in the security of Southeast Asia." 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32364017.html.

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