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Journal articles on the topic 'National revolutionary movement'
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1
Lee, Hee-eul. "Kwon Oh-seol’s Acceptance of National Revolutionary Move- ment Discourse and Tactics of National Liberation Movement." Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History 44, no. 2 (February 28, 2023): 173–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.173.
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Kwon Oh-seol, who participated in the national liberation movement led by the communist group in Colonial Joseon in the 1920s, participated in the enlightenment movement before accepting socialism. Previous studies have identified his activities as influenced by the national independence movement in the 1910s, but did not to elaborate on his acceptance of socialism and the development of the national liberation movement centered on the popular movement. this paper tried to clarify the relationship between his activities and the national liberation movement by specifically reviewing his growth background and acceptance of socialism, and the theory of national revolutionary movement. Kwon Oh-seol was able to forming an enlightened consciousness of life improvement and a revolutionary class consciousness and possible to participate in the national liberation movement based on the national revolutionary movement. he planned The 6·10 National Movement in 1926 and tried to embrace the Old faction of Cheondogyo and the student class while attempting to raise the public’s consciousness of national liberation. Kwon Oh-seol’s national liberation movement were formed based on the consciousness of life improvement and Comintern’s theory of the National Revolutionary Movement.
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Kumari, Dr Kusum, and Dr R. V. R. Murthy. "Perceptions of Youth during Indian Freedom Struggle between 1905 to 1930s: A Study." Galore International Journal of Applied Sciences and Humanities 6, no. 2 (May 10, 2022): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/gijash.20220401.
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Like any other Freedom struggle, the Indian National movement too witnessed a great deal of revolutionary thought movement in the initial years of 1900AD. A section of people especially well educated in India supported the revolutionary ideas and contributed greatly to the awakening masses and consolidation of freedom struggle against alien rulers. As a result, the revolutionaries rationalized the fight against alien rulers and infused the idea of self-determination and self-reliance used as a tool to motivate the youth especially. Most of the revolutionaries had common parlance and opined that the British were for the exploitation of resources meant for Indians and nothing more than that. Therefore, the revolutionaries felt that salvation for the motherland thus lay in the attainment of Swaraj alone for Indians. In fact, this made them to think in terms of political independence and economic self-sufficiency was the mandatory requirement for attainment of Swaraj. The cult of Swadeshi movement became vanguard for the youth to imbibe sympathies were manifested in the revolutionary activities. This article elucidates the significant role played by youth in propagating the revolutionary ideals for making national movement as a mass movement. Furthermore, through this paper discussed various issues confronted by youth while profess the prospects of revolutionary thought movement. Keywords: Freedom struggle, Indian National movement, Indian youth.
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Danilov, Kirill. "Approaches to armed struggle and political action: a comparative analysis of the FARC and the Zapatistas." Polylogos 7, no. 3 (25) (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110028260-8.
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The article is a study of the radical movement in Colombia in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) is compared to another revolutionary movement created in Mexico, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). Both movements claimed to be public representatives in the areas of social justice and economic equality, but chose different approaches and strategies to achieve their goals. One chose the path of constant violence, while the other chose the path of dialogue and resolution of political and social problems.
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Muhsin, Fuad, Hani Hanifah, and Muhammad Hasan Al As Ari. "Islamic Defending Action And Fatwa Defenders Movement Indonesian Ulema Council." International Journal of Islamic Khazanah 10, no. 1 (July 31, 2020): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijik.v10i1.8412.
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TThe purpose of this study is to photograph the background of the birth of the National Movement for Defending Fatwa (GNPF) MUI and the methods used by the GNPF activist figures. By using social movement analysis and qualitative methods, this study successfully concluded that the GNPF-MUI and ABI are a consequence of the events and movements of group movements that occurred within the MUI, especially after the New Order. The existence of GNPF and ABI stems from the accommodating Islamist-puritan-conservative groups and tends to be revolutionary in the management of the 2015-2020 MUI. The strategy used by the GNPF actors was carried out by asking for support from revolutionary groups such as FPI to mobilize the period so that their actions receive sociological legitimacy from the Indonesian Muslim community
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ALLISON, MICHAEL E. "Why Splinter? Parties that Split from the FSLN, FMLN and URNG." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 4 (July 26, 2016): 707–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1600136x.
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AbstractFollowing the ends to the civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, the revolutionary coalitions that had led the fight against authoritarian regimes began to fracture. However, none of the splinter parties that broke from the Sandinista National Liberation Front, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, and Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unit has succeeded on their own as political parties. In this article, I argue that there is no single reason to explain the poor performances of the Democratic Party (PD), the Renovating Movement (MR), and the Democratic Front Party (FDR) in El Salvador, the Sandinista Renovation Movement (Renovate-MRS) and the Movement to Rescue Sandinismo (Rescue-MRS) in Nicaragua, and the New Nation Alliance (ANN) in Guatemala. However, their limited financial resources, alliances with non-revolutionary centrist and centre-right parties, and voter tendency to overlook internal ideological and personal debates within the original political parties, especially the FSLN and FMLN, have not helped.
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Agarwal, Prabal Saran. "Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna: Revolutionary Propaganda in Colonial UP, 1907–27." Studies in People's History 8, no. 1 (June 2021): 120–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448921999038.
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The revolutionary movement in United Provinces had its beginnings initially under the influence of the anti-Partition movement in Bengal from 1905 onward. It, first, appeared in radical papers established in 1909 in Urdu and Hindi. Initially, it supported Tilak’s National Party with a tinge of Hindu revivalism, but radical socialist views also began to develop under the influence of the Ghadr movement of 1914–15. Despite repression, the 1920s saw a great increase in propaganda and revolutionary activity, especially under the influence of the Soviet Revolution. Bismil, the revolutionary martyr, played a special role in both propaganda and armed activity. The article argues that though the Kakori case ended in the execution of Bismil and his comrades, the propaganda they had carried on had lasting effect on the ideology of the revolutionary movement and the radicalisation of popular feeling in Uttar Pradesh (UP).
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Fleming, K. E. "Primitive Rebels or Revolutionary Modernisers? The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey." History: Reviews of New Books 29, no. 4 (January 2001): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2001.10527850.
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Chang, Seok-Heung. "The national revolutionary movement and liberal ideas of Lee Hoe-yeong." A Laboratory of Korean Studies 49 (February 2, 2018): 353–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25232/ku.2018.49.353.
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Fender, Stephan. "The Mexican Labor Movement and the Global Scripts of Revolution, 1910–1929." Journal of World History 34, no. 3 (September 2023): 433–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2023.a902027.
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Abstract: This article examines the influence of global revolutionary scripts on the nascent labor movement in revolutionary Mexico. During the turmoil of the 1910s and 1920s, Mexican workers appropriated and utilized a wide range of revolutionary examples from the classical world, the French Revolution, the Paris Commune, and the October Revolution to create a frame and a narrative for events in Mexico. The influence of global scripts was determined by the agency of local actors. Over time, they formed a repository of mobilizing tools and were used or suppressed depending on the current framework of revolutionary politics. Since the historiography of the Mexican Revolution is predominantly national in its perspective, the examination of this process among subaltern actors opens the possibility for global comparative approaches that connect the Mexican case with the development and spread of revolutionary thought in other parts of the world.
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Liakhouski, Uładzimir. "“Red Landlord”. The Figure of Anatol Bonch-Osmolovsky and His Role in the Revolutionary Movement of Belarus." Studia Interkulturowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej, no. 13 (November 25, 2020): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2020-13.2.
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The article is devoted to the social and political activity of Anatol Osipovich Bonch-Osmolovsky, who was one of the best representatives of the neopopulist direction in the revolutionary movement of Belarus and Russia in 1905–1917. This political biography of one of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party leaders looks at the revolutionary process and the establishment of democratic institutions in a predominantly peasant country by following Bonch-Osmolovsky’s opinions. The attitudes of the “red landowner” to the farm program, to the SocialistRevolutionary Party’s terror, to the Belarusian national movement, and to the idea of Belarus’ political independence are analysed in this article.
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Ferree, Myra Marx. "Under different umbrellas: intersectionality and alliances in US feminist politics." European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510820x16068343934216.
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Macro-level forms of inequality work intersectionally to establish democracy normatively, as well as shape its institutions. Liberal democracies, once revolutionarily new political formations, rest on an equally revolutionary understanding of male domination based not on descent, but on economic arrangements (the new ‘breadwinner’ role) and political institutions (the ‘brotherhood’ national state). Over time, social movements have diminished liberal democracy’s original exclusions of women and minority ethnic men so that many citizens’ daily lives now contradict this once hegemonic normative order. The US party binary pushes contemporary movements to transform or restore this understanding of democracy under the political umbrellas of the competing Democratic and Republican parties. This polarisation then contributes to the gendering of movement claims and political representation. Gendered polarisation creates opportunities for cohesion among movements on both sides and yet blocks more fundamental reforms of US democracy.
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Šmigeľ, Michal, and Miroslav Kmeť. "Interetnické vzťahy v prostredí Rusínov a Slovákov (na Slovensku a na Dolnej zemi) v 19. storočí." Acta historica Neosoliensia 26, no. 1 (October 4, 2023): 5–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/ahn.2023.26.01.05-30.
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Rusyns and Slovaks, members of two culturally close ethnic groups, had lived for centuries in one state unit and in immediate neighbour contact. Complex socio-economic situation of the Rusyn settlement area in Slovakia had conditioned the poor development of both cultural and national needs. Rusyn intelligentsia from Greek-Catholic church circles had tended towards Hungarian culture or a broader Slavic consciousness. From the beginning of the 19th century and during the spread of pan-Slavism with the development of national movements and the formation of modern nations, Rusyns became the object of interest in Slovak intellectual circles. The Rusyn elite, inspired by Slavic and nonSlavic national movements, revived nationally in the revolutionary period of the 1840s. It was also the merit of Slovaks who supported the national awakening of Rusyns as their closest allies in the Kingdom of Hungary during the peak period of the Slovak national revival movement (1836–1848). The mutuality of RusynSlovak political cooperation had been manifested in the revolutionary years of 1948–1949 in the Habsburg Monarchy. Even though the revolution in the Kingdom of Hungary had failed, it had brought some significant changes in the sphere of social development, civil principles and the weakening of the influence of the state and the church. These new conditions had enabled the emergence and development of Rusyn national revival movement and the so-calledrevivalistic generation of Rusyns. Mutual contacts between the two national movements, especially in the post-revolutionary period, had symbolized social, political and literary activities of several nationalities. Even in the second half of the 19th century, Slovak elites had a positive influence on the development of the Rusyn national movement. Slovak environment had an inspiring effect on Rusyns. Of course, this relationship had not only worked from the side of Slovaks to Rusyns, but also in the opposite direction (in a lesser extent), i.e. from Rusyns to Slovaks. Finally, during the period of dualism (1867–1918), the reflection of Rusyn issue in Slovak literature was not as intense as before the revolution, which was related to strong national oppression of minorities by the Hungarian governments. The national movements of Rusyns and Slovaks had to cope with a very complicated political and social reality, so there was much less scope for wider cooperation and mutual reflection than before. Complex socio-economic situation of northern and northeastern Kingdom of Hungary at the end of the 19th century together with the rapidly increasing Slovak and Rusyn emigration had a significant influence on this.
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Bezgin, Vladimir B., and Kuzma A. Yakimov. "Socio-demographic portrait of political prisoners of the “revolutionary turning point” generation at the beginning of XX century." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2022): 1235–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-4-1235-1247.
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Study is devoted to analysis of social and demographic features of generation of the revolutionary turning point, which took an active part in the events of all-Russian revolutionary movement at the beginning of XXth century. The actuality of work is determined by necessity of study image of the left radical part of young peoples borned in 1890s. The biggest part of domestic and foreign researchers studying the similar issues take their attention on representatives of some parties or national groups, while the study of revolutionary movement through the "generational" section is resting poorly explored. According to author`s viewpoint using of generational approach will give possibility possible to deeply penetrate into the studying era, to understand the internal world and reasons of radicalization of moods of revolutionary turning point generation, which is the purpose of this study. The main source for writing the article was the biographical directory of the All-Union Society of Political Prisoners and Exiles, composed from personal profiles. The biographical data of participants in revolutionary movement formed basis for creation database table which gave possibility to analyze their main sociographic features. In order of study motivations for joining revolutionary organizations and reasons for radicalization of moods of young peoples, were studied the memories and autobiographies of political prisoners, preserved in the funds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). In context of specific aim of study the authors were guided in the same time by historical-comparative, retrospective, and quantitative methods. In result of analysis of the personalized electronic database, the authors made some conclusions. Firstly it was distincted the heterogeneous national composition of the revolutionaries in which largest share was represented by Jews. Secondly it was shown that largest part of studied group joined in revolutionary movement at the age of 15-17 and in this context it wasn`t surprising that the high point of their revolutionary activity felt on years of the first Russian revolution. Thirdly, the analysis of the structure of class origin indicates about predominance of people from the petty-bourgeois class, while the children from peasant families felt under the influence of revolutionary ideas, as a rule, already in the cities. The educative level of young revolutionaries was low, but their radicalism non-rarely served as reason for expulsion from educational institution. Big part of young people was spontaneously involved to revolutionary movement, thus expressing their dissatisfaction by existing regime.
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Kurzman, Charles. "Organizational Opportunity and Social Movement Mobilization: A Comparative Analysis of Four Religious Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 3, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 23–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.3.1.m5612124613760j2.
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When do nonactivist organizations become committed to social movement goals? Building on critiques of the "iron law of oligarchy," this article develops and tests the concept of organizational opportunity, analogous to political opportunity. It divides the concept along two dimensions, the attitudes and authority of organizational leaders. The article examines organizational opportunity in four religious organizations and the social movements that challenged their political quiescence: the civil rights movement in the National Baptist Convention, U.S.A., Inc.; Liberation Theology in the Latin American Roman Catholic Church; the Iranian revolutionary movement in the Shi`i Muslim ruhaniyat; and prodemocracy activism in the Burmese Buddhist sangha. Activist mobilization of these organizations since the 1950s and 1960s appears to be strongly related to variation in organizational opportunity.
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Ma, Li, and Jin Li. "The Tragic Irony of a Patriotic Mission: The Indigenous Leadership of Francis Wei and T. C. Chao, Radicalized Patriotism, and the Reversal of Protestant Missions in China." Religions 11, no. 4 (April 8, 2020): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040175.
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Motivated by a patriotic zeal for the national salvation of China, in the 1910s, US-trained Chinese intellectuals like Francis Wei and T. C. Chao embraced a progressive version of Protestantism. While Christian colleges established by liberal missionaries during this time initially contributed greatly to nurturing a generation of intellectual elites for China, its institutionalization of progressive ideas, and its tolerance and protection of revolutionary mobilization under extraterritorial rights, also unintendedly helped invigorate indigenous revolutionary movements. Meanwhile, in the 1920s, anti-Western and anti-Christian student movements radicalized in China’s major urban centers. When the communist revolution showed more promise of granting China independence, Francis Wei and T. C. Chao became optimistic supporters. However, neither of them foresaw the reversal of China missions under the Three-Self Patriotic Movement in the 1950s.
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Karyeva, A. K. "ROLE OF EDUCATION IN DEVELOPING NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS." Herald of KSUCTA n a N Isanov, no. 2-2021 (June 24, 2021): 205–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35803/1694-5298.2021.2.205-210.
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The article examines the development of the national identity of the Kyrgyz people at the beginning of the twentieth century and the influence of the educational movement on its development. The socio-political situation in Kyrgyzstan at the beginning of the twentieth century was closely related to the historical situation throughout the territory of Turkestan and the colonial policy of tsarist Russia. In the context of the Kyrgyz national identity, there are ideas such as free thinking, love of freedom, involvement in the development of the civilization of the era. The growth of national consciousness manifested itself during the revolutionary movement of 1905-1907, especially during the general uprising of 1916. Kyrgyz enlighteners were active participants, leaders and ideological inspirers of the uprising.
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Manyshev, S. B. "“The first Caucasian revolutionary”: Sheikh Mansur in Soviet historiography." Minbar. Islamic Studies 16, no. 3 (October 3, 2023): 513–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2023-16-3-513-536.
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The article deals with the secular historiography of the anti-Russian movement that emerged in the North Caucasus in the last quarter of the 18th century. The author analyzes the main concepts and the source base on which the main conclusions of historians were based. There are several periods in the development of the study of the movement of Sheikh Mansour, for each of which the main scientific works are considered. First, the early Soviet historiography is considered, which tried to fit the movement under the leadership of Sheikh Mansur into the general Soviet narrative. The next stage in the development of historiography is associated with the concealment of the figure of Mansur, which followed the deportation of the Vainakhs to Central Asia, and later declaring it inspired by Turkey. In the late Soviet period, such concepts as “national liberation”, “anti-colonial” and “anti-feudal” were assigned to the movement, even though Mansur did not fit into the concept of the so-called “voluntary integration” of Chechen-Ingushetia into Russia.
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Aiken, Síobhra. "‘Sinn Féin permits … in the heels of their shoes’: Cumann na mBan emigrants and transatlantic revolutionary exchange." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 165 (May 2020): 106–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.8.
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AbstractThe emigration of female revolutionary activists has largely eluded historical studies; their global movements transcend dominant national and regional conceptions of the Irish Revolution and challenge established narratives of political exile which are often cast in masculine terms. Drawing on Cumann na mBan nominal rolls and U.S. immigration records, this article investigates the scale of post-Civil War Cumann na mBan emigration and evaluates the geographical origins, timing and push-pull factors that defined their migration. Focusing on the United States in particular, it also measures the impact of the emigration and return migration of female revolutionaries – during the revolutionary period and in its immediate aftermath – on both the republican movement in Ireland and the fractured political landscapes of Irish America. Ultimately, this article argues that the cooperative transatlantic exchange networks of Cumann na mBan, and the consciously gendered revolutionary discourse they assisted in propagating in the diaspora, were integral to supporting the Irish Revolution at home and abroad.
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GARNER, JASON. "Separated by an ‘Ideological Chasm’: The Spanish National Labour Confederation and Bolshevik Internationalism, 1917–1922." Contemporary European History 15, no. 3 (July 19, 2006): 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003341.
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This article covers the relationship between the National Labour Confederation of Spain and the Comintern and its union adjunct the Profintern, from the Confederation's initial support for the October Revolution to its subsequent outright rejection of communist politics, with reference to the positions adopted by revolutionary syndicalist movements in other countries. During this period a small number of individuals attempted to tie the Confederation to the Communist International, but failed. The article covers an important period in Spanish labour history, and helps to explain the mistrust that would bedevil the Spanish revolutionary working-class movement until the Civil War. Previous research has presented the battle for control of the CNT as a straightforward battle between anarchists and communists. This was not the case. The pro-communists were a miniscule faction, led by men recently affiliated to the CNT and who had no understanding of the depth of rejection of politics by Confederal militants. They only managed to take control of the national committee by chance. Aware of their weakness they were forced to act in a secretive and often underhand manner. Using material not consulted in previous studies this article shows the extent of their subterfuge and of the opposition this created in the Confederation, as well as demonstrating that the CNT was not the only revolutionary organisation to reject the Bolshevik International.
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Kurmanalina, N., O. Muhatova, and O. Kuanbay. "KENESARY KASSYMOV İN PRE-REVOLUTİONARY HİSTORİOGRAPHY." edu.e-history.kz 30, no. 2 (October 5, 2022): 176–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_30_2_176-186.
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This article considers the directions and features of the study of the national liberation uprising against the colonialism of tsarism, led by Kenesary Kassymov in 1837-1847 in the work of pre-revolutionary authors Kenesary Khan is a personality, his name occupies a special place in the history of not only Kazakhstan, but also Central Asia.He became famous for being a sultan («аксүйек»aristocracy -auth.) belonged to the tyure («төре » representatives of the Genghis Khan family - auth.)was the last khan of the Kazakhs, also a batyr (knight, hero - auth.) and leader of the national liberation uprising.M.I. Venyukov cited the name of Kenesary only as an example to clarify the methods of warfare. L.Meyer provided relatively complete data on the activities of Kenesary Kassymov. N.I. Krasovsky acknowledged that for the Kazakhs, the unity and independence of the people were the main values.According to V. Potto, every year the colonization of the Zhetisu (Semirechye - auth.) is intensified by foreigners from the interior of Russia, mainly in the south of the region. Although M. Terentyev showed Kenesary's high level of power, he likened his warriors to pirates. Zavalishin described the movement ofKenesary Kassymov as an uprising, not just a riot or robbery. It is known that Ch.Ch. Valikhanov called Kenesary the most courageous rebel.А. Kenesarin's note tells about the life and work of the Kenesary, the details of his death. N.A. Sereda recognized Kenesary as a political opponent of the Russian Empire and its long struggle as a war of the Kazakh people for the restoration of independence. In А. Yanushkevich's works, there are conflicting opinions about Kenesary. A. Dobrosmyslov estimated that Kenesary was the last false khan of the Middle Horde.
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Kurmanalina, N., O. Muhatova, and O. Kuanbay. "KENESARY KASSYMOV İN PRE-REVOLUTİONARY HİSTORİOGRAPHY." edu.e-history.kz 30, no. 2 (October 5, 2022): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_30_2_177-186.
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This article considers the directions and features of the study of the national liberation uprising against the colonialism of tsarism, led by Kenesary Kassymov in 1837-1847 in the work of pre-revolutionary authors Kenesary Khan is a personality, his name occupies a special place in the history of not only Kazakhstan, but also Central Asia.He became famous for being a sultan («аксүйек»aristocracy -auth.) belonged to the tyure («төре » representatives of the Genghis Khan family - auth.)was the last khan of the Kazakhs, also a batyr (knight, hero - auth.) and leader of the national liberation uprising.M.I. Venyukov cited the name of Kenesary only as an example to clarify the methods of warfare. L.Meyer provided relatively complete data on the activities of Kenesary Kassymov. N.I. Krasovsky acknowledged that for the Kazakhs, the unity and independence of the people were the main values.According to V. Potto, every year the colonization of the Zhetisu (Semirechye - auth.) is intensified by foreigners from the interior of Russia, mainly in the south of the region. Although M. Terentyev showed Kenesary's high level of power, he likened his warriors to pirates. Zavalishin described the movement ofKenesary Kassymov as an uprising, not just a riot or robbery. It is known that Ch.Ch. Valikhanov called Kenesary the most courageous rebel.А. Kenesarin's note tells about the life and work of the Kenesary, the details of his death. N.A. Sereda recognized Kenesary as a political opponent of the Russian Empire and its long struggle as a war of the Kazakh people for the restoration of independence. In А. Yanushkevich's works, there are conflicting opinions about Kenesary. A. Dobrosmyslov estimated that Kenesary was the last false khan of the Middle Horde.
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Zizeva, Elina V. "Organizational structure of the Tupamaros National Liberation Movement in Uruguay (1965-1972)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 292–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-292-301.
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The article represents the first in Russian historiography attempt to consider in detail the structure of the revolutionary organization Tupamaros National Liberation Movement that acted in Uruguay in the 1960s and early 1970s. Due to the fact, that the Movement was clandestine, the data on the structure, strength, members could be reconstructed from both official documents and memoirs of members and leaders of the Movement. There are a lot of eminent persons of the contemporary history of Uruguay among them - ex President Jos Mujica, Vice President Luca Topolansky, former Minister of Defense Eleuterio Fernndez Huidobro and other important public figures. The study reveals the structural framework of the Tupamaros Movement and shows how were applied in practice two conflicting principles of the democratic centralism and internal autonomy of structural units of the organization.
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Singh, Gajendra. "Jodh Singh, The Ghadar Movement and the Anti-Colonial Deviant in the Anglo-American Imagination*." Past & Present 245, no. 1 (August 4, 2019): 187–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz023.
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Abstract This article is a study of an early Indian anti-colonial revolutionary movement (the Ghadar Movement) through the life and testimonies of Jodh Singh. Jodh Singh straddled the worlds of official imaginaries and revolutionary realities. He was a Punjabi Sikh and had been a migrant labourer, revolutionary, turncoat and approver before being imprisoned for refusing to give evidence in a courtroom in San Francisco in 1917 and suffering a psychotic breakdown in the early weeks of 1918. The detailed interviews and analyses of Jodh Singh’s madness offer some measure of intimacy with the rank and file of the Ghadar Movement about whom very little was ever recorded or preserved. It also becomes a prism through which an understanding can be reached of the neuroses that plagued both the United Kingdom and the United States. The desire to prosecute a trans-national and trans-Pacific conspiracy about which they knew very little, resulted in Ghadar assuming a fictive, nightmarish quality in the Anglo-American imagination. And Jodh Singh, diagnosed as possessing all the degenerative qualities of the ‘homosexual type’was one such victim.
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Kampwirth, Karen. "Inégalité de genre et mouvement zapatiste. Les femmes s’organisent au Chiapas." Cahiers du Genre 18, no. 1 (1997): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/genre.1997.1015.
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This article seeks to reconstruct the historical and geographical dynamics explaining the significant presence of women in the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). First appearing in the poor Mexican state of Chiapas in January, 1994, this new type of revolutionary movement is the culmination of a wide variety of changes modifying the life of indigenous men and women in the region, and particularly, the social relations between the sexes. Making up a third of the Zapatista forces, the women were able to integrate the question of gender and formulate the Revolutionary Law of Women. Without them, the EZNL would have no doubt been a very different kind of movement, even though remaining a military organization dominated by men.
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Иванов, А. А. "The “Violet” Spectrum of Russian Emigration." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history 7, no. 3 (September 15, 2023): 1059–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2023-7-3-9.
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В публикации рассматривается монография П.Н. Базанова, посвященная политической и издательской деятельности «просоветских» организаций русской эмиграции первой волны: сменовеховцев, младороссов, национал-максималистов и других представителей пореволюционного движения, отвергавших идею «активизма» – террористической и вооруженной борьбы с Советской Россией. Анализируются взгляды и деятельность эмигрантских движений, вышедших за пределы дореволюционных партийных рамок и политических концепций, сумевших творчески подойти к осмыслению большевистской революции и новой эпохи в жизни нашей страны. Особое внимание в рецензии уделено возникновению терминов «фиолетовые» и «ультрафиолетовые», проблеме появления лозунга «Царь и Советы», фактам биографии видных деятелей пореволюционного движения. The review examines the monograph by P. Bazanov devoted to the political and publishing activities of the “pro-Soviet” organizations of Russian emigration of the first wave: the Smenovekhovtsy, the Mladorossi, the National Maximalists, and other representatives of the post-revolutionary movement who rejected the idea of “activism,” i.e. terrorist and armed struggle against Soviet Russia. The analysis focuses on the views and activities of the emigrant movements that went beyond the pre-revolutionary party framework and political concepts and managed to creatively approach the understanding of the Bolshevik revolution and the new era in the life of our country. Special attention in the review is paid to the emergence of the terms “violet” and “ultraviolet,” the problem of the appearance of the slogan “The Tsar and the Soviets,” and biographical facts of the prominent figures of the post-revolutionary movement.
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Milner, Susan. "The International Labour Movement and the Limits of Internationalism: the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres, 1901–1913." International Review of Social History 33, no. 1 (April 1988): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000008610.
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SummaryDespite an abundance of literature on the Second International relatively little is known about the work of the International Secretariat of National Trade Union Centres (ISNTUC). Foundect in 1901 by the German and Scandinavian labour leaders, this exclusively trade union International (the forerunner of the post-war International Federation of Trade Unions) included representatives of most of the major labour movements of Europe and the USA. Under German leadership it occupied itself with exclusively trade union issues, a limitation which was contested by revolutionary labour federations. Study of the ISNTUC therefore reveals much about conceptions of internationalism within the internationally organized labour movement.
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Meyers, William K. "Pancho Villa and the Multinationals: United States Mining Interests in Villista Mexico, 1913–1915." Journal of Latin American Studies 23, no. 2 (May 1991): 339–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014024.
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Pancho Villa is an intriguing figure of the Mexican Revolution. His popular movement dominated northern Mexico from 1913 to 1915, greatly influencing the revolution's course and the character of modern Mexican politics. As a revolutionary, Villa remains immortalised as a bold and charismatic military leader who rose from poverty to attack the wealthy and powerful while championing peasants' and workers' rights. He also stands as a prominent symbol of national pride, a leader who fought against foreign domination and dared to attack the United States directly. But how ‘revolutionary’ were Villa and the Villista movement? What did they actually accomplish? If Francisco Madero stands for political rights and democracy, Emiliano Zapata for land reform, and Venustiano Carranza for nationalism and the 1917 Constitution, whatdoes Villa represent?
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Savchenko, Grygorii. "Participation of Ukrainian Military of the Russian Army in Mass Revolutionary Events in Kyiv (March 1917)." Ethnic History of European Nations, no. 63 (2021): 106–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2518-1270.2021.63.13.
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The article examines the unfolding of the revolutionary events in Kyiv in March 1917. The participation of Ukrainian combatants in mass revolutionary events is considered in the context of the emergence of the Ukrainian military movement in the Russian army. Military Ukrainians were active organizers and participants in demonstrations, assemblies and meetings held in the city at the beginning of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921. The influence of military participation in mass events on the formation of their national identity is analyzed. The actions promoted the idea of the national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine among the military. It is determined that gaining national-territorial autonomy of Ukraine was one of the main demands at the meetings. The result of the mass events was the creation of governing bodies by the Ukrainian military movement, which led to its greater organization and determination. Ukrainians began to form national military units under the influence of mass events. In March 1917 the creation of the Bohdan Khmelnytsky Regiment began. The issues of forming a military unit were constantly discussed by Ukrainians at their meetings. They tried to involve the Kyiv Military. District Command in mass events and hoped for its help. Attention is drawn to the influence of the Polish military on the emergence of the Ukrainian military movement. It is concluded that the participation of the Ukrainian military in mass events in Kyiv gave impetus to the deployment of the Ukrainian military movement at the front and in the rear of the Russian army.
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Dirlik, Arif. "The Path Not Taken: The Anarchist Alternative in Chinese Socialism, 1921–1927." International Review of Social History 34, no. 1 (April 1989): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000009020.
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SUMMARYUntil the late 1920s, anarchism was still a significant presence in Chinese radical thinking and activity, and till the middle of the decade, gave serious competition to the Communists. The essay discusses the nature of the anarchist movement in China, anarchist criticism of Bolshevik Marxism, and anarchist revolutionary strategy and activity during 1921–1927. It argues that while anarchists were quite innovative with regard to revolutionary strategy, their repudiation of organized power deprived them of the ability to coordinate revolutionary activity on a national scale, and what success they achieved remained local and short-lived. Indeed, the Communists were able to make better use of anarchist tactics than were the anarchists themselves. Anarchist critique of power rested on a denial of a center to society (and history). While this undercut the anarchists' ability to organize the revolutionary movement, it is also revealing of a basic problem of socialist revolution: the problem of democracy. In ignoring the anarchist critique of power, the successful revolutionaries deprived themselves of a critical perspective on the problem of socialist revolution, and were left at the mercy of the new structures of power that they brought into existence. Hence the importance of recalling anarchism.
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Le, Thi Tuyet. "FRENCH ENLIGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTIONARY PATRIOTIC MOVEMENTS IN VIETNAM AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20TH CENTURY." Globus: social sciences 7, no. 4(38) (December 19, 2021): 23–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52013/2713-3087-38-4-5.
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The patriotic movement in Vietnam at the beginning of the twentieth century, to a certain extent, demonstrated the unity of two tasks: national liberation and social renewal with an orientation towards democracy, naturally, in relation to the conditions of that time. Vietnamese patriotic movements of that time, experiencing the influence of Western culture, including French, gradually moved away from feudal consciousness and over time came to understand the need to combine patriotism with bourgeois democratic values of the Western type. However, at the beginning of the twentieth century, Vietnamese patriots could not find a scientifically correct way to liberate their people.
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Jakopovich, Daniel. "A left „theocracy“: The church and the state in revolutionary Nicaragua." Filozofija i drustvo 25, no. 2 (2014): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1402157j.
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This paper analyses the antagonism between the established (Nicaraguan and global) Catholic Church and the Sandinista movement and government, which was one of the focal points for the ascendancy of a continental and global liberation theology movement. The paper provides a critical overview of the Nicaraguan liberation theology movement, as well as Sandinista strategies, primarily in relation to the social functions of religion and religious institutions. The central focus of this essay is to identify how the left-theological and Sandinista understanding of the imperatives of the counter-hegemonic project, the ?historical bloc? (conceived as a system of political and social networks and alliances) and the ?national-popular? strategy contributed to the tentative naissance of a novel state religion and a novel political project: a left-wing ?theocratic? social order. The Nicaraguan experience is useful for focusing the wider discussion about the importance of context-specific normative judgments about Church-state relations.
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Kaplan, Vera. "s." Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 9, no. 1 (October 17, 2016): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102388-00900005.
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The article surveys contemporary Israeli historiography of the 1917 revolutions, focusing mainly on studies that appeared in Hebrew, but also considering some works by Israeli historians that were published in Russian and English. The article examines the research problems addressed by Israeli historians, including such questions as the inevitability vs. unpredictability of the February and October revolutions; the conflicting character of the Russian revolutionary cultures; elements of modern utopianism in the revolutionary ideology; and individual and communal survival during the revolutionary era. Special attention is paid to the representation of the 1917 revolutions in Jewish history, including biographies of historical figures who were active in both the Russian revolutionary and the Jewish national movement in Palestine. The article claims that the studies of Israeli historians are characterized by a rich documentary basis and approach the 1917 revolution as a profound cultural, and not only political and social, event.
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Blanc, Eric. "The Rosa Luxemburg Myth: A Critique of Luxemburg’s Politics in Poland (1893–1919)." Historical Materialism 25, no. 4 (February 14, 2017): 3–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341548.
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Abstract This article challenges widespread uncritical portrayals of Rosa Luxemburg. By examining the politics and practices of Luxemburg and her SDKPiL party in Poland, I show that their commitment to proletarian emancipation was undermined by sectarian and doctrinaire tendencies that contributed to the defeat of Poland’s workers’ revolutions in 1905 and 1918–19. A critical analysis of their approaches to the national question, the Polish Socialist Party, German Social Democracy, and the role of the revolutionary party, undermines the prevailing romanticisation of Luxemburg. I argue that the Polish Socialist Party, Luxemburg’s main political rival, posed a viable Marxist alternative for Poland’s revolutionary movement.
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Smanova, A. "SCIENTIFIC ACTIVITY AND FORMATION OF THE WORLDVIEW OF AKHMET ZAKI UALIDI." edu.e-history.kz 31, no. 3 (October 20, 2022): 285–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.51943/2710-3994_2022_31_3_285-293.
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The article is devoted to one of the most pressing issues of modern historical science - the study of the scientific heritage of the outstanding orientalist Ahmet Zaki Validi. His pre-revolutionary works and the opinions of his contemporaries were studied, and on this basis an attempt was made to restore an objective view of the research activities of the scientist. Zaki Validi was not only a well-known orientalist, but also the leader of the Bashkir national movement of the early twentieth century, the founder of the Bashkir Autonomous Republic. It also shows the origin, formation and development of the Bashkir national movement at the turning points for the country, the most difficult and sometimes tragic sides of the struggle to resolve the national issue during the war years. The article describes in detail the outstanding role of the leader of the national movement Zaki Walidi and his associates in this struggle.
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Kiyasov, Sergey E. "The Age of Enlightenment and the transformation of freemasonry in England." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 22, no. 1 (February 21, 2022): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2022-22-1-57-64.
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The article studies the topical question of the masonry movement in England’s of the 18th century. It particularly focuses on the history of the Grand Lodge of England. The author touches upon a very important problem of the national Masonic organizations’ transformation. The close connection of the “new” Freemasonry with the events in post-revolutionary England is emphasized.
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Панеш, У. М., and Ю. А. Ашинова. "The evolution of enlightenment and the peculiarities of the formation of its revolutionary model in national literature." Вестник Адыгейского государственного университета, серия «Филология и искусствоведение», no. 4(307) (May 11, 2023): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.53598/2410-3489-2022-4-307-63-70.
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Анализируются теоретические вопросы формирования просветительского движения в разных странах, рассматривается его эволюция в русской культурно-исторической реальности разных эпох. Выявляется становление революционной модели Просвещения в российской многонациональной литературе послереволюционных десятилетий ХХ века. Определяются особенности нового варианта просветительства, проявившиеся в адыгских литературах и отразившие типологические черты общего художественно-эстетического процесса. The paper analyzes the theoretical issues of the formation of the educational movement in different countries, and examines its evolution in the Russian cultural and historical reality of different eras. The publication reveals the formation of a revolutionary model of Enlightenment in Russian multinational literature of the post-revolutionary decades of the twentieth century. The paper determines the features of the new version of enlightenment that manifested themselves in the Adyg literatures and reflected the typological features of the general artistic and aesthetic process
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Khalaf, Ass Prof Haider Ali. "Ibrahim Yazdi: His Life and Political Activities in Iran until 1979." Thi Qar Arts Journal 2, no. 42 (June 29, 2023): 330–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32792/tqartj.v2i42.442.
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Ibrahim Yazdi is considered one of the most mysterious revolutionary figures in Iran, as he worked with the movements opposing the Shah's regime early in his life. His political activity emerged since 1946 when he joined the "Servants of God Socialist" movement, and then became a prominent member of the National Front after the fall of the government. Dr. Muhammad Mossadeq in 1953, after which he emigrated to the United States of America in 1961 and led the opposition movement abroad until 1979, the year in which he returned to the country after a trip of absence that culminated in political activity opposing the Shah's regime. His name was associated with Mr. Khomeini in France and he returned with him to Iran, and although he assumed the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the country in the interim government formed by Mehdi Bazarkan, he soon resigned from it following the attack on the American Embassy on November 4, 1979 and its repercussions on Iran and its international isolation. The strongest opponent of the policy of what was known at the time as the "revolutionary government", because he believed that it contradicted the principles of human rights and international treaties.
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Yeh, Wen-hsin. "Middle County Radicalism: The May Fourth Movement in Hangzhou." China Quarterly 140 (December 1994): 903–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000052838.
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The May Fourth Movement of 1919 occupies a special position in scholars’ consideration of modern China as a result of the convergence of two sets of historical constructions. In China, according to official textbooks explaining the rise of the People's Republic that were first promulgated by the new socialist state in the 1950s, 1919 was identified as the very moment of origin when cultural iconoclasm was joined to a political activism of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle: the watershed affecting the flow of all subsequent revolutionary history. In the West, as presented in Chow Tse-tsung's highly influential 1964 volume, May Fourth was singled out as the time of patriotic awakening reached as a result of intellectual exposure to such Western liberal values as science, democracy, liberty and individualism. The May Fourth Movement has since been characterized variously as a response to Western liberal influence; as a product of education abroad in Japan, Europe or America; as an awakening to the call of international Bolshevism; and as an evaluative rejection of traditional Confucianism as the primary source of authority. Whether liberal or revolutionary, these intellectual developments were then seen as the inspiration for a unified national political movement that spread outward from Beijing and Shanghai into the provinces.
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Smit, Peter-Ben. "National, Catholic, and Ecumenical." Philippiniana Sacra 53, no. 159 (May 1, 2018): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.55997/ps2005liii159a5.
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The Iglesia Filipina Independiente (IFI) is one of the most remarkable churches in the Philippines, yet, its history is largely underresearched. This paper uses newly researched archival resources from the archives of this church and of partner churches to explore the way in which this “revolutionary church” came to be accepted as part of the broader ecumenical movement. Special attention is given to two of the most prominent full communion partners of this church, the Episcopal Church and the Old Catholic Churches of the Union of Utrecht. In this way, it is also clear that the IFI came to be recognized as a fully catholic church by other catholic churches, moving beyond any doubt of lingering Unitarianism (as it was part of the later theology of Gregorio Aglipay). The study also shows how various national, even nationalist churches were able to enter into international and intercultural relations with each other, thus creating a fellowship that spans the globe.
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Mofidi, Sabah. "The Left Movement and National Question; From Romanticism to Realism." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (June 28, 2016): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/48.
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This article studies the ‘national question’ and its importance in the Left thought and movement from a realistic and pragmatic perspective. It insists that during the history of this movement, the nationalistic reading on the Left thought even in main socialist countries led to confiscating Marxism in favor of the nationalistic interests, though it apparently emphasized on the internationalist slogans. And the theoreticians and pragmatic Marxist leaders of any country according to the different conditions and priorities had a special interpretation of Marxism. While in some third world countries, the oppressed nations’ nationalistic desires have been condemned by the Left organizations of the dominant nations as deviation from Marxism, to trivialize the national question. This climate affected some Kurdish Left parties so that they at first followed the romantic and idealistic leftists of the nations who don’t have the national question, but afterward with awareness of their theoretical and political mistakes, they tried to distance themselves from them and moved towards realism. So, the author seeks to answer, why it happened and what has its effects been on the Kurdistan politics? In this relation, the article in the different parts examines the importance of the national question and nationalism in the Marxist theories, the Left movement in Iran and Kurdistan totally, and Komala-Kurdistan Toilers Revolutionary Organization of Iran in particular.
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Favell, Adrian. "Brexit: a requiem for the post-national society?" Global Discourse 9, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378918x15453934506021.
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The 'fourth freedom' of freedom of movement of persons – somewhat misleadingly labelled 'European citizenship' – lay at the normative heart of the European project. Although sceptics have often suggested it was part of the building of a European fortress, or even a last gasp of elite European colonial privilege, the essential point of EU freedom of movement was its revolutionary introduction of a regionally expansive non-discrimination by nationality, going well beyond established abstract notions of 'personhood' and human rights on which other global egalitarian movements depend. For sure, it had been battered by roll back in national courts, suspension of Schengen, and new external borderings, well before the Brexit vote. Yet the practice of the fourth freedom in terms of everyday transactions and interactions struck at the heart of the core of the modern Hobbesian nation state: its sovereignty to decide on the boundaries of its own, increasingly de-territorialised population, which was also its power to shore up the most potent source of global inequalities – the birthright lottery which protects the 'wealth of nations' and the privileges of democratic 'peoples' from the unbounded effects of de-territorialised mobilities. As we are also seeing – and hearing among many ostensibly progressive academic voices – the putatively egalitarian voice of people's democracy can be used to further bolster the shrinkage of moral community within the nation state. The essay takes upon itself to evaluate what is being lost normatively in terms of the return of the national – methodologically as much as politically – as the slow motion car crash of Brexit happens and after it takes place.
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Bevzyuk, E. "Luzhitsky Ethnosaving Movement in the Revolution of 1848-1849." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-6.
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The national and cultural activities of the Lusatian Serbs in the period of the revolution of 1848-1849 are one of the brightest and most controversial pages of the past of this small Slavic people ofGermany. During the revolution, the Lusatian Serbs, through their ideologues, with their locallyprovincial patriotism, were oriented towards supporting paternalistic relations with the royal authorities. To the main factors of the participation of the least numerous Slavic people in the revolutionary events of the middle of the XIX century national-cultural and ethnopolitical should be considered. During the revolution of 1848-1849, Serbs from the broad democratic program chose the path of humanization and moderate social liberalization. The first met the national and cultural needs of the people, and the second did not set the ethnic group in opposition to the monarchical power and democratic forces of Germany. In our opinion, the assumption of a possible ethnic minority of wider national rights or autonomy, subject to decisive action during the revolution, is unfounded. Already at the beginning of the XIX century the Lusatian Serbs ethnic group was a statistical minority in its ethnic region, which was divided between the two European states (Prussia and Saxony), therefore calls for more determined national requirements in ethnically mixed areas were not widespread, and the radicalization of thenational movement could lead to ethno-lateral consequences.
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Glazov, Aleksandr. "The Catholic Social Teaching as the Ideological Basis of the Sinarquista Movement in Mexico." Latin-American Historical Almanac 40, no. 1 (November 24, 2023): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2023-40-1-89-105.
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The article defines the place of the Catholic social teaching in the ideology of the National Synarchist Union, which was founded in May 1937 and served as the mass base of the counter-revolutionary and right-wing conservative movement in Mexico in the 1930s and 1940s. Considering society as a single organism that needs protection from all encroachments of leftist forces, the Sinarquists turned to be supporters of corporatism and cessation of class struggle. They believed that private property is the basis of human freedom and the means for practical realization of the principle of the common good. They also sought a fair distribution of national wealth, as well as to build a society of propertied and free people.
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Kayyal, Majd, and Lubna Safi. "Palestinians inside Israel." Critical Times 3, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 496–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-8662376.
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Abstract The Palestinian student movement inside the Israeli academy was established within hostile universities. Palestinian students were not engaged in any institutional production of knowledge and therefore could not develop an alternative, anti-colonial framework within the Israeli academy. These conditions made the national student movement into a mirror of the traditional political parties in Israel, marked by the uncritical adoption of the traditional parties' positions. The student movement was administered by party power at all levels and was denied any organizational or intellectual autonomy. The parties remained dominant over student politics, and we have not seen any radical breaks with them. This strong tie has weakened the potential for a revolutionary, anti-Zionist approach within the Palestinian student movement and has resulted in its gradual collapse.
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Stratford, Will. "Rediscovering Revolutionary Socialism in America:." Moving the Social 68 (December 20, 2022): 33–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.68.2022.33-65.
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This article examines the pre-World War I editorials of America’s first Socialist con- gressman, Victor Berger, in order to recover the lost history of early twentieth-century American socialism from the obscuring lenses of Progressivism, Populism, anarchism, scientism, Soviet Communism, and American Exceptionalism. As I argue, talk of a Second Gilded Age today overlooks the vastly different roles “socialism” has played in the respective discourses. Rather than fighting for a stronger national welfare state, even the most conservative Socialists like Wisconsin Representative Victor Berger campaigned for the abolition of wage labour and the overthrow of global capitalism. Recognizing Populism’s failure to preserve its political independence as a working-class movement, Berger, like Debs, proposed that the working class should organize itself under the banner of a socialist party to take state power. In order to link the forma- tion of mass parties like the Socialist Party of America to a totalizing philosophy of history and international political revolution, Berger drew from Second-International Marxist dialogue in which it was enmeshed, not indigenous American traditions. The prolific editorial career of Victor Berger, head of the largest English-language socialist daily in the country, demonstrates how pre-war American Socialists did not merely “translate” Second-International Marxism but rather made up a constitutive part of its transatlantic development.
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Solana, Vivian. "Between Publics and Privates." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 40, no. 1 (May 1, 2020): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8186148.
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Abstract This article discusses the hypervisibility of the Sahrawi munaḍila (female militant) within dominant representations of a Sahrawi revolutionary nationalism. Drawing connections between nation-state building processes, the production of space, and gendered subjectivities, it destabilizes assumptions of institutions as devoid of political movement and shows how the spaces of the National Organization of Sahrawi Women allow women to inhabit the position of loyal critic toward their movement's dominant model of female empowerment. These positions reveal transformations to the way in which space is inhabited intragenerationally, and they reflect the regeneration of a Sahrawi female militancy under the conditions of a protracted struggle for decolonization.
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Demidova, Elena I., and Maxim A. Vasilchenko. "Czechoslovak National Council (Branch for Russia) and Its Activities during Revolutionary Events of 1917 and the Civil War." Herald of an archivist, no. 3 (2022): 848–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2022-3-848-861.
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The study of the Czechoslovak national movement, the activities of the Czechoslovak National Council and its branch for Russia during the revolutionary events of 1917 and the Civil War is one of the key topics for understanding the complexity of political situation in Russia, causes of the Civil War and its consequences. The article discusses the activities goals and objectives and decision-making mechanism of the Czechoslovak National Council for Russia, on the behalf of which negotiations were conducted between Soviet state bodies and the Czechoslovak corps leadership on the issue of passage of Czechoslovak echelons to their homeland. The study uses both general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, inductive method, comparative method) and special ones (historical-chronological and content analysis). The use of the historical-chronological method is to correlate documentary information with general historical picture of the period, while the use of content analysis is to create a more reliable picture of the activities of the Czechoslovak National Council and its branch for Russia. The study analyzes structure of this socio-political institution, its activities to prevent the Czechoslovak military corps from being drawn into the Civil War in Russia, and reveals contradictions between civil and military participants in the Czech national movement. It is to find out what the Czech national liberation movement in Russia was and how the activities of the department for Russia of the Czechoslovak National Council changed in 1917–18. It has examined all currently published materials of the Czechoslovak National Council. The documentary information has been brought in correlation with general historical picture of the period and desire to implement the principle of sovereignty, recreating a reliable picture of the Czechs’ and Slovaks’ perception of the Russian revolutionary events. The First World War and subsequent contradictory and ambiguous political events in Russia had a direct impact on the growth of the national consciousness of the Czechs and Slovaks, strengthening their desire for state self-determination. On the patriotic upsurge, guided by ideas of Slavic unity in their fight against the forces of the Quadruple Alliance, national military formations were created in Italy, France, and Russia, that took part in the hostilities of the First World War. The authors highlight the role and measured political line of the leader of the Czechoslovak National Council, the future first president of independent Czechoslovakia, T. G. Masaryk.
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Tran, Luong Thi Thu. "THE TREND TO GO ABROAD FOR NATIONAL SALVATION IN THE EARLY 20th CENTURY AND SOME EXPERIENCES FROM VIETNAM’S INTEGRATING PATH INTO THE WORLD." Science and Technology Development Journal 14, no. 2 (June 30, 2011): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v14i2.1957.
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The paper analyzes the setting and mobilization of Vietnamese revolution in the early 20th century to affirm that the deadlock of old-style struggles, the change and innovation of the world’s climate, and the urge of historical requirements brought to Vietnam of the early 20th century the going-abroad movement for national salvation by Leader Nguyen Ai Quoc. These going-abroad patriotic combatants seeking for ways to national salvation in the early 20th century were pioneers who did trigger a new era – the period of Vietnam’s revolutionary integration into the world’s revolution.
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Ishin, A. V. "Insurrectionary Movement of “White-greens” in Crimea in First Half of 1920s: National, Ideological, Structural Features." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 3 (April 28, 2022): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-3-395-414.
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The features of the “white-green” rebel movement in the Crimea in the first half of the 1920s are considered. It is indicated that a comprehensive study of its national, ideological, structural features is of fundamental importance for a comprehensive scientific understanding of the characteristics of the final stage of the civil war in Russia, as well as for the projection of the historical situation on the recent history of the Crimea and the south of Russia as a whole. The materials of five collections of the State Archives of the Republic of the Crimea, the data of the periodical press of the period under review, published documentary and narrative sources are analyzed. The causes of the genesis, the main stages, national, ideological, structural features of the insurrectionary movement are revealed, the reasons for its final defeat are characterized. The conclusions obtained by the author in the course of the work make it possible to designate a new vector in the understanding of social movements that directly affect the nature of the ethno-national development of the post-revolutionary Crimea and southern Russia. It is noted that this study can be legitimately considered in the light of studying the history of the civil war in the south of Russia, which continued after the liquidation of its “external” fronts. The author offers a systematic approach to the study of the insurgent movement in the Crimea.
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Гребенкин, И. Н., and А. С. Романика. "The Balkan crisis and evolution of Russian revolutionary democratic movement in the 1870s." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 2(79) (August 7, 2023): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2023.79.2.003.
Full textAbstract:
В статье исследуются роль и значение событий Балканского кризиса 1870-х годов в общественной жизни и политических процессах России. Представлен краткий обзор опыта изучения проблемы отечественной историографией. Установлены источники и характер общественных настроений в России в отношении положения славянских народов в Османской империи. Изложены взгляды идеологов русского социализма на международное значение революционного движения в России. Отмечается взаимное влияние борьбы славянских народов Балкан против турецкого господства и российского освободительного движения в пореформенный период. Рассмотрены примеры участия российских революционеров-демократов в событиях Балканского кризиса на его различных этапах. Даны выводы, раскрывающие значение освободительного процесса на Балканах для развития идеологии и методов революционного движения в России. The article examines the role and significance of the events of the Balkan Crisis of the 1870s in the public life and political processes in Russia. It contains a brief review of studies devoted to the problem in Russian historiography. We look into the origins and nature of public sentiments in Russia regarding the position of the Slavic peoples in the Ottoman Empire and define the views of Russian socialists on the international significance of the revolutionary movement in Russia. We observe mutual influence of the struggle of the Balkan Slavic peoples against Turkish domination and the Russian liberation movement in the post-reform period. Some Russian revolutionary democrats participated in the events of the Balkan Crisis at its various stages. The conclusions reveal the significance of the national liberation process in the Balkans for the development of the ideology and methods of the revolutionary movement in Russia.