Academic literature on the topic 'National Nutrition and Social Development Programme (South Africa)'

Most children in South Africa attending public schools are predisposed to malnutrition due to poor infrastructure and social inequality. This is despite the implementation of the National School Nutrition Programme to address barriers to learning associated with hunger and malnutrition and the National Development Plan to reduce child malnutrition through provision of social grants. In view of this, we compared malnutrition indicators and associated socio-demographic factors among children in rural Mpumalanga and urban Gauteng in South African public primary schools selected using a multistage cluster random sampling. A validated researcher-administered questionnaire was used to collect socio-demographic data of caregivers, along with primary school children data collected on age, sex, learning grade, and anthropometric measures. Malnutrition indicators, which are stunting (low height-for-age z-scores), underweight (low weight-for-age z-scores), thinness (low body-mass-index-for-age z-scores), and overweight/obesity (high body mass index) were computed using WHO Anthro Plus 1.0.4 and data were analyzed using Stata 18. A total of 903 children (rural = 390 and urban = 513) with a mean age of 10 ± 2 years in the foundation phase (learning grades one to three) and the intermediate learning phase (learning grades four to seven) participated with their caregivers (mean age: 39 ± 8 years). Significant levels of poor socio-demographic status were observed among caregivers living in the rural setting compared to in the urban setting. Overall, thinness (18%), stunting (12%), underweight (10%), and overweight/obesity (24%) were observed among school children. Children in the rural schools had a significantly higher prevalence of stunting (20% vs. 3%; p < 0.0001), underweight (17% vs. 2%; p < 0.0001) and thinness (28% vs. 7%; p < 0.001) than their urban counterparts. In the urban, the odds of stunting, underweight and thinness were less among school children, while overweight/obesity was twice as likely in the urban setting. The multivariate final model showed lower odds of underweight [adjusted odds ratio (AOR) = 0.16; 95% confidence interval (CI): 0.06–0.42] and stunting [AOR = 0.33; 95% CI: 0.13–0.87] in the urban compared to the rural schools. The association of stunting with sex [AOR =0.53; 95% CI: 0.30–0.94] and the intermediate learning phase [AOR = 7.87; 95% CI: 4.48–13.82] was observed in the rural setting, while thinness was associated with living in households with an income of USD 52.51 to USD 262.60/month [AOR = 2.89; 95% CI: 1.01–8.24] and receiving the child social grant [AOR = 2.49; 0.90–6.86] in the urban setting. Overweight/obesity was associated with living in a household with an income of USD 52.51 to USD 262.60/month [AOR = 1.80; 95% CI: 1.02–3.10]. The findings suggest nutritional intervention approaches that are accustomed to the context of settings to effectively tackle malnutrition.

The rapid increase of poverty, crime, and unemployment in South Africa results in youth vulnerability. Youth not in employment, not in education, and not in training are most vulnerable to life setbacks, find it difficult dealing with criticism, rejection, and failure. Thus, youth workers responsible for the coordination of youth service programme need to design an autonomy-supportive programme that can prepare youth mentally before youth are placed in a youth development programme that seeks to enhance youth employability. The National Youth Development Agency in South Africa under the National Youth Service Programme has developed a mental toughness programme curriculum that NYS volunteers undergo before participating in youth skill development programme or community service programme for a minimum of five days. The aim of the study is to explore the impact of the Mental Toughness Programme on the positive development of youth through youth lived experience in the Western Cape Province, South Africa. This study made use of a qualitative research approach, non-probability sampling to sample eight youth who participated in the Mental Toughness Programme offered by the National Youth Development Agency. In this study, we recommend that the National Youth Development Agency knowledge and research division should conduct a longitudinal study that can evaluate the impact of the Mental Toughness Programme on positive youth development in South Africa. The National Youth Development Agency should revise the mental toughness programme curriculum in a way that the programme goes beyond five days and physical toughness should be cooperated in the curriculum to enhance social cohesion. Received: 27 July 2021 / Accepted: 6 October 2021 / Published: 3 January 2022

Since the coming of democracy in South Africa, the last decade has been marked by extraordinary, yet positive changes in policy development. Democratic organisation, both as a system of government and as a value system commanding the support of ordinary people, is of key importance in these developments and the implications for South Africa are still being analysed. Noticeable are the fundamental changes in the energy sector where there has been a shift from energy self-reliance and energy security to a more sustainable policy approach driven by economic efficiency, social equity and environment protection. Institutes of Democracy like IDEA (2004) concur with this trend that a strong democratic system must support poverty reduction for meaningful democratic change and, in practice; this is clearly the trend being defined. It is now a sustainable development issue, and voter’s confidence that is fast becoming the defining principle and drives for rapid policy change and service delivery in the form of an Integrated National Electrification Programme (INEP) in the energy sector. Policy makers in energy policy acknowledge this phenomenon as defining what is now seen as a ‘post-apartheid energy paradigm shift’. In this paper, it is suggested that the National Electrification Programme (NEP) has performed beyond expectation in increasing access to electricity for the poor in the country. It is also argued that, there is now an electrification and political democracy nexus exhibited in social and political development of this country. In this line of thought, the argument given is that one of the reasons why people voted for the ruling party in 1999 and 2000 was the NEP. Furthermore this identified linkage provides policy recommendations that suggest that the government should deliver other basic services in a similar manner in order to gain people’s confidence. In South Africa, because of the country’s unique social, economic and political history, a trade-off between basic social service delivery and linkage with democracy then becomes very crucial. Keywords

This article discusses the impact of the Integrated Food and Nutrition Programme (IFNP) in light of collaborative partnerships for poverty reduction in a developing municipal area in South Africa. The programme aimed to develop home, community and school food gardens to meet the daily nutritional needs of poor households and the process was then to be broadened into marketing surplus garden produce, providing employment and income-generating opportunities. The programme thus aimed to address more than just basic food and nutrition. The purpose of the research was to obtain data through participant observation, focus group discussions and extended household interviews. Drawing on the qualitative interviews conducted with the beneficiaries of the IFNP, the article describes the manner in which poverty can continue to entrench the social exclusion of the poor (despite a specific policy intervention to improve their circumstances) when appropriate stakeholder collaboration is not fully developed and harnessed. The research recommendations include improving weak institutional environments, which may hinder effective service delivery, identifying appropriate skills development for the poor, ensuring community involvement in policy processes, maintaining efficient communication in collaborative partnerships, and maintaining personnel training on policy development and in project management skills.

AbstractObjectivesThe present paper aims to review and report on the current and predicted future public health nutrition workforce in South Africa. Additionally, it examines ways in which the Department of Health (DOH) is striving to meet the increasing burden of nutrition-related diseases in South Africa.MethodsThe primary sources of data used for the review were reports from the Census office, South African health reviews, mortality and morbidity statistics, and documents from the Health Professions Council of South Africa.ResultsThere are fewer than 2000 registered dietitians in South Africa and fewer than 600 of them work in the public health sector. Furthermore, professional nurses – who are the backbone of the primary health-care system and deliver the rudiments of basic nutritional care – are not being trained in sufficient numbers to meet population growth; in 2004 there was only one nurse per 4000 persons. This situation is aggravated by the growing burden of conditions associated with both overnutrition and undernutrition, as well as the enormous demands of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The DOH is striving to meet these increasing needs by means of the Integrated Nutrition Programme as well as a National Human Resources Plan which includes numerous strategies to improve the quantity and quality of health professionals’ training, including dietitians and nutritionists. This plan includes the objective of increasing the public health nutrition workforce to more than 250 newly trained dietitians and nutritionists per annum by 2010.

The Department of Basic Education (DBE) in South Africa spearheads the National School Nutrition Program (NSNP), which is a holistic endeavour geared towards offering nourishing meals to students enrolled in public schools situated within financially disadvantaged neighborhoods. The selective responsive cluster training framework (SRCTF) aims to enhance skills development and competencies of food handlers, considering professional and ethical aspects. The key output of the NSNP is dependent on the skills competency levels of food handlers. The aim of the study was to develop a SRCTF for the NSNP for food handlers in Gauteng Province. Using mixed methods in the form of a convergent parallel design, the study includes structured questionnaires administered to NSNP food handlers, nutrition teacher coordinators, and school principals. The study identified both professional and ethical competencies as crucial factors for training through varimax rotation of a Likert scale questionnaire with 30 questions. The findings of this study highlight the lack of comprehensive training among NSNP food handlers in Gauteng Province, which is a common issue across South Africa and other countries. Pearson Chi-Square for independence confirms a significant relationship between training and skills competence levels among food handlers. For all food preparation competencies, the p-values were 0.000, indicating a significant relationship between training (independent variable) and competence levels (dependent variable). In response, a Selective Responsive Cluster Training Framework (SRCTF) is proposed specifically for NSNP food handlers in Gauteng Province. The two main competencies of the SRCTF will be the professional and ethical competencies. The main custodian of the NSNP is the DBE which should create a conducive environment for the training of food handlers within the identified clusters. Implementation of this framework would improve the overall performance and effectiveness of the NSNP. The food handlers training could lead to standard setting and certification of the NSNP food handlers on training. Key words: Training framework, Nutrition, Food handler, Competences, Skills development

South Africa's liberation, marked by the first democratic elections of 1994, ushered in an unprecedented expansion of large-scale redistributive arrangements. In the post-apartheid period, the collection of money into a central fund administered anonymously and bureaucratically has gained social and political importance, particularly for poor and lower-middle-class Africans. This is most evident in a rapid expansion of government social assistance—from 1997 to 2006 the number of beneficiaries of social grants increased from three to almost eleven million, and today at least a quarter of South African households receive welfare payments. Social assistance “has been the fastest-growing category of government expenditure since 2001, and now amounts to R70 billion [almost US$7 billion in 2006] a year, about 3.4 percent of gross domestic product.” The centrality of redistribution is clear in current debates over the establishment of a Basic Income Grant (BIG) for all South Africans. Political liberation has also brought an increase in redistribution through development projects such as the National Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) grants.

ABSTRACT: Asia is the second region after Africa to have the tallest prevalence of stunting in the world. Indonesia is one of the countries in Southeast Asia with the fifth highest prevalence of stunting in the world at 37%, or nearly 9 million children who experience stunting. This study aims to examine the factors that influence and risk the occurrence of stunting in children in Indonesia. The research method uses a type of qualitative research with a traditional literature review. This study found that stunting is influenced by several complex factors not only at the individual level but also at the family and community levels. A comprehensive synthesis of the available evidence on the determinants of stunting in children in Indonesia outlines who is most vulnerable to stunting, which interventions are successful, and what new research is needed to fill knowledge gaps. Keywords: Indonesian toddlers, stunting factors References: Adair, L. S., & Guilkey, D. K. (1997). Age-specific Determinants of Stunting in Filipino Children. The Journal of Nutrition, 127(2), 314–320. https://doi.org/10.1093/jn/127.2.314 Akombi, B. J., Agho, K. E., Hall, J. J., Merom, D., Astell-Burt, T., & Renzaho, A. M. N. (2017). Stunting and Severe Stunting Among Children Under-5 Years in Nigeria: A Multilevel Analysis. BMC Pediatrics, 17(1), 1–16. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12887-016-0770-z Asfaw, M., Wondaferash, M., Taha, M., & Dube, L. (2015). Prevalence of Undernutrition and Associated Factors Among Children Aged Between Six to Fifty Nine Months in Bule Hora District, South Ethiopia. BMC Public Health,15(1), 41. https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-015-1370-9 Badan Penelitian dan Pengembangan Kesehatan. (2018). Hasil Utama RISKESDAS 2018. Bardosono, S., Sastroamidjojo, S., & Lukito, W. (2007). Determinants of Child Malnutrition During the 1999 Economic Crisis in Selected Poor Areas of Indonesia. Asia Pacific Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 16(3), 512–526. Best, C. 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Seasonal Variation In The Proximal Determinants Of Undernutrition During The First 1000 Days Of Life In Rural South Asia: A Comprehensive Review.Global Food Security, 19, 11–23. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gfs.2018.08.008 McGregor, S. G., Cheung, Y. B., Cueto, S., Glewwe, P., Ritcher, L., Strupp, B., & International Child Development Steering Group. (2007). Developmental Potential in The First 5 Years for Children in Developing Countries. The Lancet, 369, 60–70. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(07)60032-4 Mugianti, S., Mulyadi, A., Anam, A. K., & Najah, Z. L. (2018). Faktor Penyebab Anak Stunting Usia 25-60 Bulan di Kecamatan Sukorejo Kota Blitar. Jurnal Ners Dan Kebidanan (Journal of Ners and Midwifery), 5(3), 268–278. https://doi.org/10.26699/jnk.v5i3.art.p268-278 Ntenda, P. A. M., & Chuang, Y.-C. (2018). Analysis of Individual-level and Community-level Effects on Childhood Undernutrition in Malawi. 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The voices of South African feminists and womanists are relatively absent from public debates concerning women’s participation and empowerment in sport. This paper represents a contribution to the gender discourse, drawing on feminist paradigms and reflecting on the marginality of South African women in society and in sport. The findings of two separate studies, undertaken in 1977 and 1999 respectively, are reported. The research focused on the assessment of the impact of the Sports Leaders Programme (as part of the South Africa-United Kingdom Sports Initiative) and the junior component of the sports development programme initiated by the Australian Sports Commission (Super Kidz). Data were collected by means of structured interviews from different stakeholders at macro- (national), meso- (community/institutional) and micro- (individual) levels. A representative sample for the Sports Leaders Programme included 17 co-ordinators and facilitators (at national and provincial levels) and nine sports leaders at community level. To obtain qualitative data concerning the Super Kidz Programme, two provinces were targeted for data collection. A quota sample of seven schools was selected as the experimental group (having introduced the programme) and five schools in close proximity acted as controls. One hundred and forty-four role-players at different levels of participation were interviewed. To obtain some triangulation of data, 110 role-players also participated in focus groups. The data reflecting the position and involvement of women in these programmes were analysed. Against the reality of the majority of women living in conditions of chronic poverty, exposed to patriarchy, being ideologically stereotyped and structurally marginalized, they were, to a large extent absent, and their efforts unrecognised in the institutionalised domain of sport. It was concluded that sport is a severely gendered domain in which male hegemony is acted out and perpetuated whereas women in impoverished communities view access to sport as peripheral in their everyday struggle for material survival. National agencies should therefore not rely on female volunteers to facilitate sports development in impoverished communities but to strategize differently while also redressing ideological and structural gender inequalities in the wider social context.

As South African cities urbanise alongside climate change, resource constraints, and socio-economic challenges, water sensitive (urban) design (WSD) is slowly gaining traction as a framework to address water security goals and entrench resilience. This article reflects on the progression of WSD in South Africa and discusses the broadening of its initial association with stormwater and physical infrastructure to include critical governance and institutional arrangements and social engagements at the core of a water sensitive transition. The approach is being adapted for the socio-economic challenges particular to South Africa, including basic urban water and sanitation service provision, WSD related skills shortages, a lack of spatial planning support for WSD, and the need for enabling policy. Since 2014, a national WSD Community of Practice (CoP) has been a key driver in entrenching and advancing this approach and ensuring that the necessary stakeholders are involved and sufficiently skilled. The WSD CoP is aimed at promoting an integrative approach to planning water sensitive cities, bridging the gaps between theory and practice and blending the social and physical sciences and silo divisions within local municipalities. Three South African examples are presented to illustrate the role of a CoP approach with social learning aspects that support WSD : (1) the “Pathways to water resilient South African cities” interdisciplinary project which shows the institutional (policy) foundation for the integration of WSD into city water planning and management processes; (2) the Sustainable Drainage Systems training programme in the province of Gauteng which demonstrates a skills audit and training initiative as part of an intergovernmental skills development programme with academic partners; and (3) a working group that is being established between the Institute for Landscape Architecture in South Africa and the South African Institution of Civil Engineering which illustrates the challenges and efforts of key professions working together to build WSD capacity.

The purpose of this study was to explore the extent to which a School Nutrition Programme can catalyse community-based environmental learning and promote food security in the school and the community. This is an interpretive case study of a junior secondary school in the rural Eastern Cape province of South Africa. The school is located in an area characterised by high levels of poverty and under-nutrition. The school’s food garden, a central focus of this study, contributes to the School Nutrition Programme, which falls under the National School Nutrition Programme (NSNP). The aim of the NSNP is to alleviate poverty in public schools. This case study was conducted by means of questionnaires, semi-structured interviews, and document analysis and field observations. The data set was analysed, firstly, to ascertain if the School Nutrition Programme functions as a community of practise (Wenger, 1998). Thereafter, the data set was analysed to identify the knowledge related to food security and environmental sustainability that is learned and shared in the School Nutrition Programme, and also how such learning took place. The study found that the School’s Nutrition Programme was indeed operating as a community of practice and that it created a platform for sharing explicit and tacit knowledge and skills related to food security and environmental sustainability. The case study also revealed the contextual and experience-based nature of knowledge related to food cultivation.

The RDP is a plan to address the many social and economic problems facing our country — problems such as...violence, lack of housing, lack of jobs, inadequate education and health care, lack of democracy, a failing economy. The RDP recognises that all of these problems are connected. For example, we cannot successfully build the economy while millions do not have homes or jobs. And we cannot provide homes and jobs without rebuilding the economy. We need policies and strategies to address all of the problems together. The RDP aims to do this. The RDP is a programme to mobilise all our people and all our resources to finally get rid of apartheid and build a democratic, non racial and non sexist future. The RDP was drawn up by the ANC-led alliance in consultation with other key mass organisations and assisted by a wide range of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and research organisations. This inclusive approach to developing and implementing policy — involving as many organisations as possible — is unique in South Africa’s political history. The ANC — because it is a liberation movement and based on the traditions of the Freedom Charter — is the only political organisation which can bring together such a wide range of social movements, community-based organisations and numerous other sectors and formations. This widespread and broad-based support throughout South Africa will allow the ANC within a Government of National Unity successfully to implement the RDP.

This study evaluates the school feeding programme at Magog Primary School. It sets out as its objective to find out how the programme operates and its potential impact on school children, including challenges, if any, and recommends solutions to mitigate the challenges. It was motivated by the need to provide information which could be used as a basis to ensure that the nutritional and educational objectives of the National School Nutritional Programme are achieved. A review of literature demonstrated that, within the developmental framework, the point of view of civil society, government and the academia on the school feeding programmes are a valuable strategy to intervene in the nutritional and cognitive development of learners. It also made it evident that there are diverse views as to whether the School Feeding Programme is achieving its intended objectives. The findings of this study suggest that, although the programme has the potential to improve nutrition and health, enrolment, attendance and cognitive development, there are still some challenges and areas that need to be addressed and improved. These challenges arise as a result of lack of effective monitoring and evaluation, geographical location of the schools and other implementation flaws. The consequences are that the objectives of the National School Nutritional Programme are placed at risk.
Development Studies
M.A. (Development Studies)

Submitted in fulfillment of requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Food and Nutrition, Durban University of Technology, 2017.
The focus of this study is to develop a capacity building programme that prepares students for service learning (SL) with the purpose of developing social responsibility and active critical citizenship underpinned by a social justice paradigm at a University of Technology (UoT). In developing countries such as South Africa that still experience severe injustices and inequality of access to, for example, certain services such as health services, it is impossible to ignore issues of human and social development and poverty reduction when promoting the university’s role in development. The developmental role of HEIs has been reinforced through the introduction and formalization of Community Engagement (CE) as a core function of higher education together with teaching and learning and research. When examining the role of universities in educating students for social responsibility and critical citizenship, it is evident that the biggest area of growth of CE has been in the form of Service Learning (SL) and community service. The study posits that in the South African context of HEIs, the potential for fostering, specifically critical discourse and creative thinking exists in what are termed as traditional universities because of the nature of the varied disciplines offered at these institutions. On the other hand, UoTs focused predominantly on the technical study field and on training students for the market place. The emphasis on Work Integrated Learning (WIL) and industry placements narrowed the focus and excluded insights into South Africa’s diversity and socioeconomic issues in the curriculum. The concept of social responsibility within a social justice paradigm is a foreign concept at UoTs in particular. To facilitate SL within a social justice paradigm and to address issues of injustice and inequality in SA at universities, the question that needs to be asked is: how should the preparation of students be shaped to adequately prepare them to become justice-orientated, socially and civically responsible students without compromising their work preparedness? This bigger question leads to the specific question of the study, which is: if the department of Food and Nutrition Consumer Sciences at the Durban University of Technology (DUT) is to develop justice orientated, socially and civically responsible students, what theoretical and philosophical considerations should guide the development of a SL capacity building programme? To achieve the purpose of the study the following objectives were identified: firstly, establish the effectiveness of the current preparation of Food and Nutrition students for SL to foster justice-orientated social and civic responsibility; secondly, determine the theoretical and philosophical considerations that should guide the development of students’ justice-orientated social and civic responsibility through SL in the field of Food and Nutrition; thirdly, develop and implement a SL capacity building programme to foster social responsibility and critical active citizenship within a social justice paradigm; finally, develop a framework for a social justice-orientated SL capacity building programme post evaluation A sequential exploratory mixed methods research protocol was applied in this study. The research process consisted of three phases. Phase I entailed the exploration of the research question with qualitative data collection (focus groups) and analysis. This phase was followed by a developmental phase (Phase II) during which the qualitative results and the theoretical and philosophical considerations evident in the literature were used to develop a capacity building programme. The programme was implemented and the impact of the programme was evaluated in Phase III through the application of the Civic Attitudes and Skills Questionnaire (CASQ). Purposeful sampling was applied in Phases I (qualitative phase) and III (quantitative phase). During phase I five focus groups were conducted (n = 43). Phase III sample consisted of two groups namely, the experimental group (n = 19) and a control group (n = 24). Focus group interviews were recorded and transcribed verbatim after which the data was coded followed by a thematic analysis. The data from the CASQ was captured on Microsoft Excel® and analysed according to CASQ scales using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 23 to determine mean and standard deviations. A paired sample 2-tailed t-test was used to determine statistical significant differences between the pre- and post-test. Results from phase I confirmed students’ understanding of CE is mostly a charitable view with little emphasis on addressing social justice issues. The results showed that SL as currently planned and executed seems to perpetuate and reinforce existing social hierarchies and paternalism. The most common expectation of participating in CE from students was to apply skills and theoretical knowledge in a community setting. Students also commented that they expected to be developed personally and to learn about others. Additionally, it is evident from the results that students did not indicate any changes in their social justice awareness. The programme developed in phase II was within the framework of four dimensions including self-awareness, awareness of others, awareness of social issues and change agent as critical to preparing students for SL with the purpose of fostering social responsibility and active critical citizenship within a social justice paradigm and guided by the Ubuntu philosophy, Freire’s critical pedagogy and Mezirow’s transformative learning theory. The results of phase III showed that the experimental group who participated in the capacity building programme showed a significant increase in the social justice related subscales indicating their intentions of future civic action and change in social justice attitudes. The results in the control group demonstrated a decrease in the mean values in the post-test for the social justice subscales. The experimental group also showed an increase in the interpersonal and problem-solving skills, leadership skills, diversity attitudes and course value subscales but it was not significant. An opposite pattern was demonstrated in the control group with significant decreases in the interpersonal and problem-solving skills, leadership skills, diversity attitudes and course value. The results showed the significant impact of the capacity building programme on students’ awareness and understanding of social justice issues. Overall, the findings of the various phases assisted in refinement of the framework for a social justice orientated SL capacity building programme. The developed framework consists of five key components: philosophy that guides social justice oriented service learning; theories that underpin service learning; a pedagogy that would effectively enhance a social justice oriented SL experience; and praxis that integrates theory and practice.
D

Under President Lula (2003–2010), Brazil’s foreign aid program expanded significantly into the area of South-South cooperation. This included the “soft power” fields of social protection, food security, agricultural research, and humanitarian assistance, among others, with a particular emphasis on supporting Sub-Saharan Africa, notably but not exclusively Portuguese-speaking countries. Much of this aid was provided with the support of technical assistance from UN agencies such as UNDP and FAO and bilateral aid bodies, via trilateral agreements, under the coordination of Brazil’s International Cooperation Agency (ABC). South-South collaboration is considered to be morally superior to conventional aid arrangements, being supposedly demand-driven and “non-exploitative,” thus empowering recipients in the process. Brazilian policymakers sought to transfer national anti-poverty initiatives to Africa. This was based initially on the Bolsa Família conditional cash transfer (CCT) program, but other nutritional food security initiatives followed, such as boosting small farmer production as well as supporting agribusiness.

Like many national curricula around the world, South Africa’s curriculum is rich in environment and sustainability content. Despite this, environmental teaching and learning can be challenging for educators. This comes at a time when Sustainable Development Goal 4 via Target 4.7 requires governments to integrate Education for Sustainable Development into national education systems. Teaching and Learning for Change is an exploration of how teachers and teacher educators engage environment and sustainability content knowledge, methods, and assessment practices – an exposition of quality education processes in support of ecological and social justice and sustainability. The chapters evolve from a ten-year research programme led out of the DSI/NRF SARChI Chair in Global Change and Social Learning Systems working with national partners in the Fundisa for Change programme and the UNESCO Sustainability Starts with Teachers programme. They show the integration of education for sustainable development in teacher professional development and curricula in schools in South Africa. They reveal how university-based researchers, teachers and teacher educators have made theoretically and contextually reasoned choices about their lives and their teaching in response to calls for a more sustainable world in which education must play a role. Teaching and Learning for Change will be of interest to education policymakers in government, advisors and educators in educational and environmental departments, NGOs and other institutions. It will also be of interest to teacher educators, teachers and researchers in education more generally, and environment and sustainability education specifically.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

Abstract Social protection has risen to a prominent position on the global development agenda since the turn of the millennium. This chapter charts the global spread of social transfer programmes, highlighting the diverse global and national political processes that have driven expansion and variation in programme design. The chapter argues that social transfer programmes are inherently political, and that a focus on the distribution of social transfers raises important, and thus far relatively neglected, questions concerning the impact of state capacity and politics on programme implementation. This book therefore examines how the distribution of social transfers is shaped by state officials, politicians, and social actors in case studies drawn from across Africa and South Asia. It is these interactions and power struggles that define the distributional politics of social transfers and, in turn, shape the ability of social transfer programmes to deliver on their objectives.

The general education and training certificate: adult basic education and training provides learners with foundational learning through the acquisition of knowledge and skills needed for social and economic development and the promotion of justice and equality. However, national statistics show that the number of learners who enroll for the programme exceeds those who complete it. The qualitative study was conducted to explore strategies that can be used to motivate adult learners to complete the GETC: ABET. Interactive individual and focus interviews (=35) led to findings indicating that interventions used by teachers to encourage learners to complete their studies, and support given, minimise, or eliminate barriers against completing the programme. Thereupon, the Department of Higher Education and Training has an opportunity to strengthen the teachers' stratagems in ensuring that more learners complete the programme. Accordingly, this chapter proposes strategies found to be essential in this study, for consideration by community colleges.

South Africa stands out for its social protection response to Covid-19, especially regarding the expansion of programmes, number of beneficiaries and benefit amount. At the height of the pandemic, the government introduced the emergency Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant was introduced for over 10 million unemployed adults and informal workers through a digitised system. Despite successes in expanding the grant system, digitisation of the system presented challenges and led to exclusion errors. An alternative to the country’s school feeding scheme, the National School Nutrition Programme which regularly fed around 10 million children, could not be found.