Academic literature on the topic 'National mythologies'

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Journal articles on the topic "National mythologies"

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Velikonja, Mitja. "Slovenian and Polish Religio-National Mythologies: A Comparative Analysis." Religion, State and Society 31, no. 3 (September 2003): 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0963749032000107054.

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Pennell, Beverley. "Allan Baillie’s Secrets of Walden Rising as Critical Dystopia: Problematising National Mythologies." Papers: Explorations into Children's Literature 15, no. 2 (July 1, 2015): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/pecl2005vol15no2art1248.

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In lieu of abstract, here is the first paragraph of the article: Allan Baillie’s Secrets of Walden Rising (1996) is a novel about ‘the politics of history’ (Fernandez 2001, p. 42) and an examination of the text’s significant challenges to the dominant historical stories of its time seems appropriate as Australia’s ‘history wars’ continue. In this paper I examine the critical dystopian strategies employed in Secrets of Walden Rising to subvert some of the utopian national mythologies of white settler Australia. Baccolini (2003 p.115) argues that critical dystopias tend to be ‘immediately rooted in history’ and that the critique they carry out exposes the revisionist impulse of historical narratives and the erasures they inevitably sanction. In Secrets of Walden Rising the control of national narratives and its erasures are represented as the underside of utopian national mythologies. In this text, the dystopian discourse opposes the pursuit of agricultural profits where this requires a disregard for the sustainability of the natural landscape, critiquing the pursuit of profit when it depends upon violence and social hierarchies for its continuation. The critical dystopian conventions of the novel set up a dialogue between past and present society, between the contemporary dystopian experience of a despoiled rural Australia and the older national mythologies that construct utopian versions of ‘Australia’ as either a pastoral idyll, or as an exciting frontier gold-mining town where fortunes are made, or as a working man’s paradise. Secrets of Walden Rising is apocryphal in its closure, offering a caution for the present time with regard to environmental sustainability in the face of a society where economic imperatives remain central to its raison d’être. Baccolini and Moylan (2003, p.7) argue that traditional dystopias ‘maintain utopian hope outside their pages, if at all; for it is only if we consider dystopia as a warning that we as readers can hope to escape its pessimistic future’. However in the critical dystopia, Baccolini and Moylan (2003, p.7) argue that hope is offered within the text. Secrets of Walden Rising is bleak in closure and the cognitive engagement outside the reading of the text is part of its pleasure and pain. However insofar as the novel’s closure invites readers to note the warning signs seen by the main protagonist, Brendan, the novel offers a ‘horizon of hope’ (Baccolini and Moylan 2003, p.6) within the text.
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Blanc, Jacob. "The Bandeirantes of Freedom: The Prestes Column and the Myth of Brazil's Interior." Hispanic American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 101–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-8796484.

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Abstract The Prestes Column rebellion is among the most mythologized events in modern Brazil: from 1924 to 1927, a group of junior army officers marched nearly 15,000 miles through Brazil's vast interior regions. This Homeric epic into the so-called backlands launched the careers of some of Brazil's most important figures, and for nearly a century it has attained a mythic status in folklore and political history. Seeking to both explain and intervene in this legend, I argue that the myth of the Prestes Column emerged from and remained tethered to the stigmatized image of the interior. As a corrective to the column's dominant narrative and intervening in scholarship on myths more generally, this article reimagines the interior as both a place and an idea. The enduring symbolism of the backlands shows that exclusion, rather than a byproduct of national mythologies, is the pillar on which the ideas of inclusionary myths are based.
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Bhattacharya Mehta, Rini. "Ur-national and secular mythologies: popular culture, nationalist historiography and strategic essentialism." South Asian History and Culture 2, no. 4 (October 2011): 572–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19472498.2011.605300.

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Glassheim, Eagle. "National Mythologies and Ethnic Cleansing: The Expulsion of Czechoslovak Germans in 1945." Central European History 33, no. 4 (December 2000): 463–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916100746428.

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Beginning in January of 1946, trains filled with Sudeten Germans—forty wagons, thirty passengers per wagon—left Czechoslovakia daily for the American Zone of occupied Germany. By the end of 1946, the Czechoslovak government completed the “organized transfer” of almost 2 million Germans, and it did so in a manner that in many respects fulfilled the mandate of the Potsdam agreement that the resettlement be “orderly and humane.” But a focus on these regularized trainloads of human cargo obscures the extent of the humanitarian disaster facing Germans during the summer months of 1945, immediately after the Nazi capitulation. By the end of 1945, Czech soldiers, security forces, and local militias had already expelled over 700,000 Sudeten Germans to occupied Germany and Austria. As many as 30,000 Germans died on forced marches, in disease-filled concentration camps, in summary executions, and massacres.
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Pehe, Veronika. "National Mythologies in Central European TV Series: How J.R. Won the Cold War." Central Europe 13, no. 1-2 (July 3, 2015): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14790963.2015.1109969.

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Bohus, Kata. "National mythologies in Central European TV series. How J.R. won the Cold War." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 22, no. 6 (November 2, 2015): 981–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2015.1064233.

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Scherer, Jay, and Jordan Koch. "Living With War: Sport, Citizenship, and the Cultural Politics of Post-9/11 Canadian Identity." Sociology of Sport Journal 27, no. 1 (March 2010): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.27.1.1.

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If sport scholars are going to contribute to a critical (inter)national dialogue that challenges “official versions” of a post-9/11 geo-political reality, there is a need to continue to move beyond the borders of the US, and examine how nationalistic sporting spectacles work to promote local military initiatives that are aligned with the imperatives of neoliberal empire. In this article we provide a critical reading of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation’s nationally-televised broadcast of a National Hockey League game, colloquially known as Tickets for Troops. We reveal how interest groups emphasized three interrelated narratives that worked to: 1) personalize the Canadian Forces and understandings of neoliberal citizenship, 2) articulate warfare/military training with men’s ice hockey in relation to various promotional mandates, and 3) optimistically promote the war in Afghanistan and the Conservative Party of Canada via storied national traditions and mythologies.
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CHAMBERS, CLAIRE MARIA. "Mythologizing the Global with the ‘Korean Original Musical’." Theatre Research International 39, no. 3 (September 16, 2014): 168–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883314000443.

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Because South Korea's national sovereignty is a matter of cultural production, Seoul boasts an energetic programme of world-class performances that educate both foreigners and Koreans about the nation's struggle to assert its subjectivity throughout centuries of invasion, colonization and displacement. Three musicals re-present episodes from Korea's mythical past in ways that demonstrate a ‘primordial’ uniqueness of Korean global presence. The Celestial Clock addresses a Korean audience, unfolding outdoors against the backdrop of Gyeonghuigung Palace. Miso: The Original Korean Musical – Love Songs from Chunhyang, a showcase for traditional performing arts, uses pantomime and subtitles to guide an international audience through a popular legend; and Miso II: Land of the Gods stages Korean mythical history in breathtaking spectacle. The musicals, by arguing for the ‘always already’ global viability of Korean national sovereignty, also work to destabilize current ‘mythologies’ of what it means for a state to achieve ‘global’ status.
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Sampatakakis, George. "From national panegyrics to stage scandal: Athanasios Diakos in history." Journal of Greek Media & Culture 7, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 281–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jgmc_00041_1.

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On 26 March 1894 a panegyric titled ‘Athanasios Diakos in history’ was delivered at the Society of the Friends of the People. At the dusk of the nineteenth century, this speech summarized the literary programme of a nationalizing attachment to the heroes of 1821 and their romantic monumentalization. More than a century later, the theatrical scandal of Lena Kitsopoulou’s Athanasios Diakos: The Return (Greek Festival, Athens, 2012) was a typical response to the breach inflicted on the canonical meanings and the established interpretations of the myth of Diakos. Amid a national crisis, the transformation of Diakos into a modern-day kebabhouse owner who harasses his wife and his immigrant employee performed a critical transposition of the hero into a toxic unheroic present. After reviewing the histories and mythologies of Athanasios Diakos, this article discusses Kitsopoulou’s production and its reception in order to argue that the playwright called upon a dramaturgy of suspicion that threatened the credibility of a heroic past, destabilizing thereby national expectations and assumptions.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National mythologies"

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Montgomery, Kenneth Edward. ""A better place to live": National mythologies, Canadian history textbooks, and the reproduction of white supremacy." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/29239.

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This thesis examines how high school Canadian history textbooks authorized for use in Ontario from 1945 to the present have represented knowledge about race, racism, and opposition to racism in relation to the nation and national identity. Through a Foucault-informed critical discourse analysis, the thesis documents how racism permeates the taken-for-granted structures of schooling, how the imagined community of Canada is reproduced, and how ideas about the nation, race, racism, and opposition to racism are put into cultural circulation as normalized regimes of truth. My findings can be summarized briefly as follows: (1) Canadian history textbooks continue to circulate the 18th century idea that humanity is divided into sets of biological or naturally occurring races, in spite of it having been recognized for some time that races are social constructions, not facts of nature; (2) Racism has consistently been reduced to irrational, abnormal, extreme, and individualized problems of psychological or moral deficit and represented as either foreign to Canada, isolated incidents within Canada, or part of a distant past and with consequences solely for the racially subjugated; and (3) Opposition to racism has been represented in these textbooks as a state-driven enterprise stressing tolerance of the Other and privileging the idea that racism can be eradicated or stopped wherever it is seen to start. I argue, moreover, that the circulation of this knowledge about race, racism, and opposition to racism helps to prop up particular nationalist mythologies, most notably the myth of Canada as a uniquely tolerant and pluralistic nation-state which has effectively resolved the problem of racism. The effect is to depict Canada as a 'better place to live,' a model for other nations to emulate, and a place with a moral responsibility to uplift apparently inferior places in the world. I conclude by discussing how the institutionalized arrogance necessary to represent Canada as a space of vanquished racism or as a place of antiracist achievement perpetuates mythologies of white settler benevolence as it at once obscures the banal racisms upon which the modern nation-state is built and re-built.
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Brock, Stephen James Thomas, and brock stephen@saugov sa gov au. "A Travelling Colonial Architecture: Home and Nation in Selected Works by Patrick White, Peter Carey, Xavier Herbert and James Bardon." Flinders University. Australian Studies, 2003. http://catalogue.flinders.edu.au./local/adt/public/adt-SFU20070424.101150.

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This thesis is a study of constructions of home and nation in selected works by Patrick White, Peter Carey, Xavier Herbert and James Bardon. Drawing on the work of postcolonial theorists, it examines ways in which the selected texts engage with national mythologies in the imagining of the Australian nation. It notes the deployment of racial discourses informing constructions of national identity that work to marginalise Indigenous Australians and other cultural minority groups. The texts are arranged in thematic rather than chronological order. White’s treatment of the overland journey, and his representations of Aboriginality, discussed in Chapter One, are contrasted with Carey’s revisiting of the overland journey motif in Oscar and Lucinda in Chapter Two. Whereas White’s representations of Indigenous culture in Voss are static and essentialised, as is the case in Riders in the Chariot and A Fringe of Leaves, Carey’s representation of Australia’s contact history is characterised by a cultural hybridity. In White’s texts, Indigenous culture is depicted as an anachronism in the contemporary Australian nation, while in Carey’s, the words of the coloniser are appropriated and employed to subvert the ideological colonial paradigm. Carey’s use of heteroglossia is examined further in the analysis of Illywhacker in Chapter Three. Whereas Carey treats Australian types ironically in Illywhacker’s pet emporium, the protagonist of Xavier Herbert’s Poor Fellow My Country, Jeremy Delacy, is depicted as an expert on Australian types. The intertextuality between Herbert’s novel and the work of social Darwinist anthropologists in the 1930s and 1940s is discussed in Chapter Four, providing a historical context to appreciate a shift from modernist to postmodernist narrative strategies in Carey’s fiction. James Bardon’s fictional treatment of the Papunya Tula painting movement in Revolution by Night is seen to continue to frame Indigenous culture in a modernist grammar of representation through its portrayal of the work of Papunya Tula artists in the terms of ‘the fourth dimension’. Bardon’s novel is nevertheless a fascinating postcolonial engagement with Sturt’s architectural construction of landscape in his maps and journals, a discussion of which leads to Tony Birch’s analysis of the politics of name reclamation in contemporary tourism discourses.
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Monteil, Marquetoux Madeleine. "Du drame wagnérien à la mythologie nazie." Paris 10, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA100055.

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Lecomte, Jean-Philippe. "Représentations et réalités des fonctions sociales du service militaire dans la société française (1868-2001)." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001IEPP0023.

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L'étude des politiques du service militaire conduites en France de la fin des années 1860 à la fin des années 1990, met en lumière les logiques prioritairement, sinon exclusivement militaires auxquelles obéi͏̈ssent l'institution, les transformations et la suppression d'un instrument militaire permettant l'adaptation du format des armées. Simultanément, un vaste ensemble de discours et de représentations construisant cette institution comme l'opératrice privilégiée de très importantes "fonctions sociales" s'est développé. D'origine et d'intention diverses, les récits de la vie de caserne, mais surtout les discours politiques d'un service remplissant d'essentielles fonctions d'intégration et de socialisation comme les critiques révolutionnaires de "l'armée de classe" et du "dressage", constituent autant de représentations de la contribution supposée du service à la conservation de l'ordre social et politique. L'analyse de ces représentations suppose de les saisir en tant que telles et de cerner les liens qu'elles entretiennent avec les réalités du service militaire. Liens souvent ténus et incertains: ces représentations, aussi importantes soient-elies dans les discours politiques, n'ont jamais eu d'influence décisive sur la construction des politiques du service et la réalité de ces "fonctions sociales", en fréquente contradiction avec les logiques de l'institution militaire et les réalités de la vie de caseme, apparaît limitée. Plus que par l'objet qu'elles se donnent, c'est par ce à quoi elles servent qu'il paraît possible de comprendre ces représentations. Si la critique s'éclaire dans l'intention de ses auteurs, les discours et représentations des acteurs politiques, eux, appellent un questionnement plus vaste, considérant ces discours, non seulement comme formes de légitimation de l'institution, mais aussi comme reflet d'un système de croyances relatif aux fondements du système politique et du rapport des sociétés occidentales à la violence et à la guerre.
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Posocco, Lorenzo. "Représenter la nation. Musées, pouvoir et mythologie nationale en Turquie sous le gouvernement du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (AKP)." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0152.

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Cette étude se concentre sur la construction de musées en Turquie sous le parti de la Justice et Développement (AKP). Celle-ci se développe à partir d'un ensemble d'études existantes qui prouvent un changement dans la politique culturelle du AKP qui, guidé par la devise Yeni Türkiye (Nouvelle Turquie) vise à créer une différence entre un avant et un après AKP. La nouvelle Turquie s'appuie sur une nouvelle idéologie nationale : le Nationalisme Musulman Turc (White 2009), qui met l'accent sur l'héritage ottoman, turc et islamique de la Turquie plutôt que sur d'autres patrimoines culturels également importants tels que le grec, le romain, le byzantin et le plus récent passé de la Turquie républicaine tourné vers l'ouest. En fonctionnant comme des vitrines qui représentent l'idéologie nationale du parti au pouvoir, les nouveaux musées parrainés par l'État reflètent le rêve de l'AKP: une nouvelle Turquie, technologique, capitaliste tout en restant nationaliste et islamiste. J'ai ainsi examiné trois de ces nouveaux musées et j'ai étudié les liens entre l'État, qui sous la direction de l'AKP favorise cette idéologie nationale, et les musées qui exposent un récit national musulman turc. En développant un cadre théorique sociologique-politique original basé sur la Théorie des champs de Pierre Bourdieu, je cadre les musées dans des champs dominés par les relations de pouvoir. Je soutiens que le champ du musée est inextricablement lié à d'autres champs tels que le champ de la production culturelle, de l'économie, de l'éducation ainsi que le champ politique. De plus, comme dans tous les autres champs, le champ du musée existe dans le champ national. Je dirais que les musées et les personnes travaillant dans / pour les musées font parties intégrantes des États-nations qui les gouvernent à travers les pouvoirs législatif, judiciaire et exécutif. Ils les financent, réglementent leurs fonctions et appliquent ces règlements. En s'appuyant sur la littérature récente et moins récente, sur le musée (Crooke 2016 et 2007; Newmann et Mclean 2006; Macdonald 2003; Fyfe 2011), j'ai tenté de fournir d'autres preuves que l'analyse du nationalisme (l'idéologie qui caractérise notre monde des États-nations) au sein du musée, révèle des aspects clés du musée. Les musées et les États qui embrassent le nationalisme semblent être strictement liés, de sorte que tous les musées sont soumis au symbolisme national, et des changements dans un champ, comme celui du politique par exemple, peut se répercuter sur le domaine du musée. Le nationalisme sous sa forme variée, incarné par les agents sociaux, objectivé dans les objets du musée ayant une signification nationale, ou institutionnalisé dans les bâtiments de musées à symboles nationaux, semblait être la puissance qui absorbe entièrement le musée. Sur la base de mes données, je proposerai une conclusion hétérodoxe selon laquelle tous les musées sont des musées nationaux. Je ne veux pas insinuer que tous les musées racontent et enseignent l'histoire nationale, mais que tous les musées fonctionnent comme des symboles de l'État-nation et certains créent même des symboles nationaux sous la forme de récits nationaux, de mythes, de héros, de discours des grands hommes, de drapeaux et de l'histoire nationale. En se concentrant sur les musées récemment construits en Turquie, j'expliquerai les récits nationaux au sein des musées en termes de ressources et d'approvisionnement, où le musée fonctionne comme une ressource et une multitude de discours nationaux toujours positifs, d'identité nationale et d'histoire nationale fabriqués par la classe dirigeante turque (ou "champ de pouvoir" selon Bourdieu) pour les Turcs. Par conséquent, le musée est considéré ici comme un engrenage d'un système d'identité, alors que le nationalisme, en particulier le Nationalisme Musulman Turc, est l'idéologie (ou logique doxique comme Bourdieu l'appelle) derrière cela
This study focuses on recently build museums in Turkey under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). It develops from a body of existing studies providing evidence about a change in cultural policy carried out by the AKP that, guided by the motto Yeni Türkiye (New Turkey) aims to set a divide between pre-AKP and post-AKP era. The Yeni Türkiye builds on a new national ideology, Turkish Muslim nationalism, which emphasizes the Ottoman, Turkish, and Islamic heritage of Turkey rather than other likewise important heritages, such as the Greek, Roman, Byzantine, and the more recent, Western-oriented past of the Republic. By functioning as performative cabinets exhibiting the national ideology of the ruling party, new state-sponsored museums mirror the AKP’s dream of a new Turkey: technological, capitalist, and yet nationalist and Islamist. I looked into three of these new museums and investigated the links between the state which ruled by the AKP advertises this national ideology and museums exhibiting Turkish Muslim national narrative. By developing an original sociological-political theoretical framework based on Bourdieu’s theory of field, I frame museums in fields of changing power relations. I argue that the museum field is inextricably linked to other fields such as the field of cultural production, the field of economy, the field of education, and the political field. In addition, as with any other field, the museum field also exists within the broader national field. I will argue that museums, and people working in/for museums, exist as integrated into nation-states through the legislative, judicial, and executive powers that rule them, fund them, regulate their functions and enforce said regulations. By drawing upon the works of museum studies scholars (Crooke 2016 and 2007; Newmann and Mclean 2006; Macdonald 2003; Fyfe 2011), I attempted to provide further evidence that the analysis of nationalism (as the ideology that characterizes our world of nation-states) within the museum reveals key aspects of the museum’s significance. Museums and states embracing nationalism seem to be strictly connected, so much so that all museums are subject to national symbolism, and changes in one field, e.g. in the political field, carry potential changes in the museum field. . Nationalism in its variety of forms, embodied in state (and non-state) social agents, objectified in museum artefacts which were given national significance, or institutionalized in museum buildings with national symbols, was the force which absorbed the museum. On the basis of my data, I will suggest the rather heterodox conclusion that all museums are national museums. Not in the sense that all museums display national history but in the sense that, as I will point out, all museums function as symbols of the nation-state and some even create national symbols in the form of national narratives, myths, heroes, discourses of the big men, flags and national history. By focusing on recently built museums in Turkey, I will explain national narratives within museums in terms of resources and supply, where the museum functions as a resource and host of ever-positive national discourses, national identity, and national history manufactured by and within the Turkish ruling class (or field of power in Bourdieu’s terminology) to be supplied to the masses. Hence, the museum is seen here as a gear of a system of identity-making, whereas nationalism, particularly Turkish Muslim nationalism is the ideology (or doxic logic as Bourdieu called it) behind it
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Yaquinto, Marilyn. "POLICING THE WORLD: AMERICAN MYTHOLOGIES AND HOLLYWOOD'S ROGUE COP CHARACTER." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1143469295.

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Serna, Dimas Adrian. "Les hommes devenus tigres. Fait colonial, mythologie nationale et violence dans le bassin moyen du fleuve Magdalena, Colombie." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0132/document.

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La thèse montre les résultats du projet de recherche doctorale intitulé « Colonialisme, conflit armé et luttes pour la mémoire. Une étude anthropologique de la région du Magdalena Medio, Colombie, Amérique du Sud ». Le projet fut réalisé dans le Laboratoire d’Anthropologie Sociale LAS – Collège de France et l’École Doctorale en Anthropologie Sociale et Ethnologie (ED286) de l’École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales de Paris EHESS, sous la direction de Mme. Tassadit Yacine-Titouh. La région du Magdalena Medio s’étend sur le bassin moyen du fleuve Magdalena, une vaste vallée entre la Cordillère oriental et la Cordillère central, deux chaînes de montagnes des Andes Septentrionales en Colombie (Amérique du Sud). Jusqu'à récemment, la région du Magdalena Medio fut une frontière intérieure d’une apparence sauvage, qui hébergeait les survivants des anciens peuples indigènes de filiation Karib ou Caraïbe ainsi que certains vieux hameaux et villages d’origine espagnole appauvries. La région était une enclave par l’absence de moyens de communication, un refuge fréquente des groupes séditieux, dissidents ou insurgés et un territoire ouvert tant pour la colonisation des paysans pauvres que pour l’acquisition de terrains de la part des grandes entreprises commerciales. De la même manière, cette région était historiquement connue pour abriter quelques unes de plus grandes richesses du pays: les principales mines de l’or et d’émeraudes, les exploitations forestières comme la quinquina, les cultures tropicales comme la canne à sucre, le tabac, l’indigo, le café et le palmier à huile, l’élevage de bétail dans les plaines, les industries du gaz et pétrole et, plus récemment, les cultures de coca et de pavot. La coexistence de marginalité et richesse fut déterminant pour que la région du Magdalena Medio ait été l’épicentre de la violence colombienne au cours du dernier siècle : la violence des partis politiques libéral et conservateur depuis les années 1930, la violence des bandes des bandits (ou bandoleros) depuis les années 1950, la violence associée à l’apparition des guérillas de gauche depuis les années 1960, la violence déclenchée par les groupes de justice privée depuis les années 1970 et la violence provoquée par les paramilitaires depuis les années 1980. Dans le contexte de ces violences furent commis certains des crimes le plus horribles de la longue histoire de la violence colombienne. Cette recherche doctorale eut pour objectif principal de clarifier quel rôle joua la culture de chaque province de la région du Magdalena Medio dans la production et la reproduction d’une violence de caractères « quasi » endémiques et ses implications en la construction d’une mémoire régionale
The thesis exposes the results of the project titled “Colonialism, armed conflict and the disputes for memory. An anthropological study of Magdalena Medio, Colombia (South America)”. The project was made from Laboratory of Social Anthropology – Collège de France and Doctoral School of Anthropology [ED286] at The School of Advanced Studies in the Social Sciences (EHESS in French) under the direction of Tassadit Yacine-Titouh. The region of Magdalena Medio is located on middle basin of Magdalena River, a wide valley between the Cordillera Oriental and Cordillera Central, two mountain ranges of the Northern Andes in Colombia (South America). Until a few decades ago, the region of Magdalena Medio was an interior border, with wild appearance, which was the lodging the last survivors of the indigenous peoples Caribes or Karibs and the jurisdiction of ancient villages and towns of Spanish origin (16th-17th centuries) and new settlements arose from recent colonization (19th-20th centuries). The region was an enclave due to the absence of roads and highways, a frequent refuge of seditious, dissident and rebel groups, and an open territory for both peasant colonization and the occupation of big capitalist companies. The region is also historically known for having the most important national wealth: the mines of gold and emeralds, the forest exploitation as the quinine, the tropical agriculture of sugarcane, tobacco, indigo, coffee and oil palm, the livestock farming on the plains, the gas and petrol industries and, more recently, the coca and poppy cultivations. The coexistence of wealth and poverty turned the Magdalena Medio in one of the nation’s most violent regions. The region of Magdalena Medio was the epicenter of violence between political parties since the 1930’s, the violence of bandits or bandoleros since the 1950’s, the violence of leftist guerillas since the 1960’s, the violence of private justice groups since the 1970’s and the violence of paramilitary forces since the 1980’s. In these contexts were perpetrated some of the most shameful facts of the Colombian history. The project tried to clarify the role of culture in each province in the production and reproduction of a violence of “quasi” endemic character and their implications en the construction of an regional memory
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Poitras, Mathieu. "« Ma dambura ne ment pas » : musique et identité chez les Hazāra d’Afghanistan." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32195.

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Cette thèse porte sur l’articulation entre la dambura et l’identité Hazāra contemporaine. La dambura est un instrument de musique traditionnel présent dans le centre et le nord de l’Afghanistan. Les Hazāra sont une minorité ethno-culturelle et religieuse d’Afghanistan touchée historiquement par une stigmatisation multiforme qui persiste toujours jusqu’à ce jour. Ils forment aujourd’hui une communauté transnationale aux multiples diasporas. Dans le cadre d’un éveil identitaire transnational contemporain, l’affirmation identitaire hazāra a enfin libre cours. La dambura devient alors le médium d'une poésie non seulement traditionnelle mais aussi engagée, exprimant un discours identitaire qui aura contribué à la consolidation d’une conscience ethno-nationale. En cernant les pratiques, les discours et les significations reliés à la dambura pour les musiciens et les non-musiciens hazāra, et en examinant ce que révèle le corpus poétique du répertoire musical à la dambura, nous voyons comment la dambura se trouve élevée au statut de symbole identitaire.
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Ellinger, Pierre. "Recherches sur les situations extrêmes dans la mythologie d'Artémis et la pensée religieuse grecque autour de la légende nationale phocidienne et des récits de guerre d'anéantissement /." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37613480w.

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Ellinger, Pierre. "Recherches sur les "situations extrêmes" dans la mythologie d'Artemis et la pensée religieuse grecque : autour de la légende nationale phocidienne et des récits de g uerre d'anéantissement." Paris, EHESS, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988EHES0014.

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A partir de l'etude de la legende nationale phocidienne, cycle de recits racontant les guerres d'independance du peuple phocidien contre les thessaliens a l'epoque archaique, celebrees au sanctuaire federal phocidien d'artemis elaphebolos d'hyampolis, il est montre que les grecs de l'epoque archaique et classique ont developpe une pensee complexe et systematique des exceptions a leurs propres regles de la guerre hoplitique. Contre les guerres d'aneantissement qui menacent l'existence meme des peuples et des cites, il est fait appel a artemis, pour qu'elle insuffle l'audace et le courage de faire face au risque le plus grand, qu'elle inspire les parades qui permettront de l'emporter dans ces guerres qui transgressent toutes les limites admises, et de faire triompher la civilisation la-meme ou elle paraissait devoir s'abimer dans la sauvagerie. Cette reflexion grecque sur les formes extremes de la guerre est a replacer dans le cadre plus vaste d'une pensee des "situations extremes", par laquelle, en s'opposant au radicalisme extremiste de courants mystiques comme l'orphisme, qui la denonce comme le mal absolu, la cite s'efforce d'explorer et de tracer les limites de la condition humaine a distance gardee aussi bien du pire que d'un impossible meilleur. Ainsi concu, ce travail tout entier se veut une contribution a l'etude des rapports du mythe et de l'histoire
Starting from the phokian national legend which consists in a cycle of tales reporting the wars of independence of the phokians against the thessalians in the archaic age, celebrated at the phokian federal sanctuary of artemis elaphebolos in hyampolis, it is shown that the greeks of the archaic and classical periods developped a complex and systematic thinking about exceptions to their own rules of hoplitic war. When wars of annihilation threatened the very existence of peoples and cities, artemis was called to instil the boldness and the courage to face the greatest risks, to inspire the devices to win these wars which transgress every admitted limit and to make civilization triumph where it seemed doomed to sink into wildness. The pondering of the greeks about the extreme forms of war is to be placed in the larger frame of a consideration on "extreme situations" by which the city, opposing the extreme radicalism of mystic trends like orphism which branded her as the absolute evil, endeavoured to explore and draw the limits of human condition at a distance of both the worst and the impossible best. Thus conceived, this whole work is intended as a contribution to the study of the relations between myth and history
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Books on the topic "National mythologies"

1

Nos mythologies. Paris: Plon, 1995.

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American mythologies: Semiological sketches. Farnham: Ashgate Pub., 2011.

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Combesque, Marie Agnès. Mythologies américaines: Repères pour un autre voyage. Paris: Editions du Félin, 1996.

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Canada, National Library of. Let us compare mythologies: Half a century of Canadian poetry in English. Ottawa: National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1989.

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Frank, Williams John. Modernity, the media and the military: The creation of national mythologies on the Western Front 1914-1918. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2009.

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Karel, Vanhaesebrouck, and Maele Brecht van, eds. Kleine Vlaamse mythologieën. Aalst: Het Balanseer, 2014.

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Hartwich, Wolf-Daniel. Deutsche Mythologie: Die Erfindung einer nationalen Kunstreligion. Berlin: Philo, 2000.

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De l'impossibilité de devenir français: Nos nouvelles mythologies nationales. [Paris]: LLL, Les liens qui libèrent, 2012.

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Ritchot, Gilles. Québec et tabous: Géographie régionale structurale, rapport Québec-Canada, mythologie. [Québec, Qc]: Editions Nota bene, 2003.

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Le retour des héros: La reconstitution des mythologies nationales à l'heure du postcommunisme. Louvain-la-Neuve: Academia Bruylant, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "National mythologies"

1

Rohde, Carsten. "Faust-Bilder im öffentlichen Raum – Erinnerungskultur und nationale Mythologie." In Faust-Ikonologie, 69–78. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05641-2_8.

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Karner, Christian. "National Mythologies:." In Myths in Austrian History (Contemporary Austrian Studies, vol. 29), 21–42. University of New Orleans Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1f8xc9w.4.

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"Is Science Our National Religion?" In Digital Mythologies, 178–81. Rutgers University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36019/9780813568058-030.

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"The National Team." In Barthes' Mythologies Today, 119–20. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203568422-28.

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"SPORT, MEDIA AND NATIONAL MYTHOLOGIES." In MediaSport, 135–39. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203014059-20.

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"6. American Mythologies." In The American Musical and the Formation of National Identity, 119–52. Princeton University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691186207-009.

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"7. Counter-mythologies." In The American Musical and the Formation of National Identity, 153–78. Princeton University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691186207-010.

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"Moral Anxieties, National Mythologies and Football Violence." In Violence and Racism in Football, 51–80. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315655284-9.

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Slater, Jerome. "The Onset of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1917–47." In Mythologies Without End, 44–61. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190459086.003.0004.

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This chapter describes the onset of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the 1917–47 period. It argues that the word “tragedy” is typically overused in descriptions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, for it implies a false symmetry between the Zionist and Palestinian narratives, when in fact, the Palestinian narrative is much closer to the historical truth. However, it is more persuasive to describe the origins of the conflict as a genuine tragedy: two national movements, two peoples, both having legitimate but irreconcilable claims over the Land of Palestine. Among the topics examined are the onset of the conflict; Zionist “transfer” policies; the development of Palestinian resistance and the subsequent expulsion of the Palestinians; and the ongoing impact of the “Iron Wall” concept in Zionist and Israeli policies.
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Slater, Jerome. "The Creation of the State of Israel, 1947–48." In Mythologies Without End, 62–70. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190459086.003.0005.

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The 1947 UN partition plan divided Palestine into Jewish and Arab states, with Jerusalem designated as an international city. The Zionist leaders “accepted” the plan, but only as a temporary tactic, until Israel could later expand and take over all of historical Palestine. The Palestinians rejected the plan, unwilling to compromise their claim to Palestine and aware of the Zionist expansionist plans. American policies toward the creation of a Jewish state in Palestine were mixed. Roosevelt was sympathetic to Zionist goals, but he was unwilling to jeopardize US ties to the Arab states in the Middle East, especially because of their control of oil vital to the US economy. Similarly, Truman was advised by the State and Defense Departments that it was against the national interests for the United States to support the creation of Israel, but for reasons of both morality and domestic politics, he overrode them.
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Conference papers on the topic "National mythologies"

1

Shamin, Sergey A. "Тhe Other As A Sacred Principle Of National Meanings." In International Scientific Conference «PERISHABLE AND ETERNAL: Mythologies and Social Technologies of Digital Civilization-2021». European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.12.03.72.

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Panova, Elena P. "Mythologems Of Heroism And Their Literary Representations (A. Rybakov “The Dirk”)." In International Scientific Forum «National Interest, National Identity and National Security». European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.02.02.103.

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Panova, Elena P. "Mythologemes Of Heroism And Their Representations (P. Blyakhin “The Little Red Devils”)." In International Scientific Forum «National Interest, National Identity and National Security». European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.02.02.93.

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Shamin, Sergey A. "Dynamics Of Nation Personal Meanings In Context Of Individualization Of The Sacred." In International Scientific Conference «PERISHABLE AND ETERNAL: Mythologies and Social Technologies of Digital Civilization-2021». European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.12.03.87.

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