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1
Corbett, Charles R. "VESSEL RESPONSE PLAN REQUIREMENTS: OBSERVATIONS BY INTERTANKO." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 1993, no. 1 (March 1, 1993): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-1993-1-259.
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ABSTRACT The U.S. government has elected to proceed unilaterally with respect to oil spill response plans for vessels—despite the fact that it is party to two important treaties which support a globally unified system. While the timetable for implementing the vessel response plans required by U. S. legislation moves forward for tanker owners, the U. S. executive branch has not kept pace by providing badly needed guidelines—demanded by the same legislation. Of particular importance are the failure of revisions to the U. S. National Contingency Plan, area contingency plans, and oil spill cleanup contractor approval procedures and guidelines to appear.
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Dragosavljević, Vasilije. "ŠTAMPANA GLASILA JNP ZBOR O POLITIČKOBEZBEDNOSNOJ SITUACIJI U BANOVINI HRVATSKOJ (1939–1940)." Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 231–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.231d.
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In this paper, I shall analyse a number of articles published by the Yugoslav People’s Movement Zbor (JNP Zbor) in its party papers and newssheets, with the aim of reconstructing the attitude adopted by this political organization regarding the political and security situation in the Banate of Croatia in the period 1939-1940. In particular, the focus shall be on the process of the downfall of the regime established by the Croatian Peasant Party in the Banate of Croatia, which resulted from the persecution of Serbs and other non-Croat population and concurrent conflicts within the Croatian national movement. Special attention shall also be paid to the repressive measures taken by the Croatian Peasant Party regime against the Serbian population, whose sufferings were a prelude to the genocide that the Ustashe regime eventually perpetrated against the Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) during the World War 2.
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Guštin, Matko. "ZAŠTITA PROCESNIH PRAVA DJETETA U UPRAVNIM POSTUPCIMA S POSEBNIM OSVRTOM NA POSTUPANJA U VEZI S OSOBNIM STANJIMA GRAĐANA." Dijete i obitelj u suvremenom društvu 1, no. 1 (2024): 27–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/dosd/31050.
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Considering that administrative law regulations cover a significant number of areas important for citizens’ lives, administrative procedures are the most common procedures in which citizens, including children, exercise their rights and impose obligations on them. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, as well as General Comment No. 12 of the Committee on the Rights of the Child on the child’s right to be heard, determine the child as an active legal subject. This applies to all procedures in which the child participates, including administrative procedures. Due to legal and therefore procedural capacity, the child is represented by legal representatives in the administrative procedure, which does not reduce the active role of the child in the procedure, who has the right to be heard, that is, to express an opinion on issues related to him. Therefore, this paper aims to present the position of the child in the administrative procedure in the Republic of Croatia, that is, its procedural rights from the aspect of representation and the right to be heard. In the first part of the paper, the assumptions of the child’s party activity in the administrative procedure are analyzed, after which the representation of the child according to the Family Law Act and the General Administrative Procedure Act is presented. In the central part of the paper, de lege lata, the child’s right to be heard is analyzed in the context of international law and national regulations, in relation to administrative procedures. Taking into account the importance of the status law issues, the paper presents the position of the child in administrative procedures related to personal name, identity card, travel documents, Croatian citizenship, and residence, analyzing the legal arrangement of the child’s representation and its right to be heard, that is, to express its opinion.
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Raikivskyi, I. Y. "UKRAINIAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY IN THE PARTY-POLITICAL LIFE OF THE GALICIA OF THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1930-s." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 4(56) (December 27, 2019): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2019-4(56)-122-136.
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The activities of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP), founded in 1899, in the second half of the 1930s are highlighted. This party tried to combine the national idea and Marxism, took an active part in political life in Western Ukraine (until September 1939). The USDP used parliamentary methods for the creation of an independent Ukrainian socialist state, opposed the Ukrainian nationalist underground, and had a relationship with Polish and Jewish socialists. Since 1935, for the third time in the pre-war decade, the party has been a participant in the consolidation process of legal Ukrainian parties of national-state movements in Poland, which have periodically emerged under the influence of a number of internal and external factors. On the eve of the Second World War, the crisis of democratic forces, the rise of authoritarianism in various forms across Europe negatively affected the public influence of the USDP, as well as Social Democracy in general in the Second Polish Republic.
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MUHAMMAD, AMINU YAHAYA. "Intra-Party Conflict and the Future of Nigerian Democracy: Examining the All Progressives Congress (APC)." Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (December 4, 2018): 20–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v2i4.248.
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This study is an analysis of the nature and pattern of intra-party conflict in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic with specific reference to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Intra-party conflict has been the norm in Nigerian politics leading to crises, setback and failure of many parties to forge ahead for proper democratisation in Nigeria including the ruling parties in many instances. The problem is the way in which intra-party conflict is becoming the bane of democratisation and good governance in Nigeria for many decades and despite the previous experiences, the phenomenon continued unabated. The study investigated the new dimension of intra-party conflict in Nigeria taking the All Progressives Congress as the case study. The study used a qualitative method of data collection and analysis. Primary and secondary sources of data were used. The primary data involved an in-depth interview with some selected informants from the relevant institutions and agencies related to the APC and the crises such as the national party executives, senior officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and academicians that are experts in the area of study. The secondary sources include books, journals, newspapers, internets and other documented materials. The data obtained were discussed using content analysis where thematic analytical interpretations were used in the discussions. The research discovered that, the intra-party conflict under the APC has taken a new dimension where the members of the ruling party constituted an opposition and a stumbling block for the party’s progress and governance. The work recommends that intra-party conflict of APC and other Nigerian political parties can be resolved through constitutional reforms, institutionalisation of party ideology and principles and strict sanctions from the national leaders of the party.
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Semashko, N. "SOCIALIST IDEOLOGY IN THE VIEWS OF S. PETLIURA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20th CENTURY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.10.
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The article considers the peculiarities of the social-democratic views of the prominent statesman Simon Vasilyevich Petliura in the period 1902-1917, that is, at the stage of forming his political worldview. The role of S. Petliura as one of the leading ideologues of the Ukrainian social democracy of the beginning of the XX century is determined. The attitude of S. Petliura to the Russian variants of marxism is analyzed, his views on European social democracy, the main issues of development of the Ukrainian people, and solving them through the prism of socialist ideas. His views on party building are studied, relations between the Ukrainian Social Democratic Workers 'Party and the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party. The key positions of the Russian Social Democrats have been identified, which became the subject of sharp criticism of S. Petliura. It turned out that Simon Petliura was a supporter of the European version of Social Democracy, in particular on the issue of the right of nations to selfdetermination. S. Petliura entered into a sharp controversy with representatives of the Russian Social-Democracy, argued the falsity of their views on non-recognition of the right of the Ukrainian people to autonomy, appealing to the works of Karl Kautsky. S. Petliura did not share the centralizing policy of the Russian Marxists regarding party building, defending the right of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Workers' Party to an independent organizational structure. Socialist ideology in views S. Petliura was dominant, but had bright national features. The key stages of formation of the worldview of the figure are determined. The transformation of its ideological foundations is determined.
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Campagnini, Kathryn, and Tim Gunter. "Creation of National Strike Force Center of Expertise: U. S. Coast Guard Deployable Specialized Forces “Stem-to-Stern” Review." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 2527–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2017.1.2527.
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Abstract The United States Coast Guard conducted a review of the National Strike Force’s alignment with the Coast Guard organization following direction from Admiral Papp, Commandant of the Coast Guard, for a “Stem to Stern” review of all Deployable Specialized Forces. The Deployable Specialized Force program and its support structure has made significant progress building and sustaining a highly specialized community. Some of these successes include the Incident Management Assist Team. The full purpose and integration of all Deployable Specialized Force units has still not completely achieved full operational capability. One of the recommended courses of action for Coast Guard Deployable Specialized Forces is to maintain proficiency and provide value across the Coast Guard’s mission spectrum included: Establish Centers of Expertise for disaster/incident response with functionality to include standardization teams, external assessment, and Tactics, Techniques and Policy integration. The review concluded that a separate unit should be established to conduct third party assessment of the National Strike Forces’ three Strike Teams. As a result, the National Strike Force Center of Expertise was created under the oversight of the Coast Guard Force Readiness Command. This paper will review the reasons for creation of the National Strike Force Center of Expertise and why it was placed under the Coast Guard Force Readiness Command as a detachment of Training Center Yorktown. Several functional statements of the National Strike Force Center of Expertise will be presented regarding managing environmental response and equipment standardization among the Strike Teams and how the National Strike Force Center of Expertise concept of operations will support future progress for the NSF mission.
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Lynn, Denise. "Native Fascism: Evansville’s 1948 Wallace Riot." Indiana Magazine of History 119, no. 3 (September 2023): 233–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.02.
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ABSTRACT: In April 1948, Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry A. Wallace arrived in Indiana to much controversy. The conservative state did not welcome Wallace, and veterans’ organizations actively organized to disrupt his speaking engagements. On April 6, at the Progressive Party’s Evansville campaign event, a mob attacked Wallace supporters, causing injuries and pushing the isolated town into the national spotlight. In the wake of the riot, a local professor was fired for his involvement in the Wallace campaign, and the radical CIO Local 813 became the subject of U. S. House committee hearings. Anticommunist hysteria gripped the Evansville community. What happened in Evansville on April 6 was part of a populist fascism in the United States propelled by anti-communism and enacted by veterans’ organizations. While national politicians dominate histories of anti-communism, some of the greatest damage done during the 1940s and 1950s occurred when other Americans, specifically veterans’ groups, violated the constitutional rights of their fellow citizens.
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Lynn, Denise. "Native Fascism: Evansville’s 1948 Wallace Riot." Indiana Magazine of History 119, no. 3 (September 2023): 233–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a905288.
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ABSTRACT: In April 1948, Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry A. Wallace arrived in Indiana to much controversy. The conservative state did not welcome Wallace, and veterans’ organizations actively organized to disrupt his speaking engagements. On April 6, at the Progressive Party’s Evansville campaign event, a mob attacked Wallace supporters, causing injuries and pushing the isolated town into the national spotlight. In the wake of the riot, a local professor was fired for his involvement in the Wallace campaign, and the radical CIO Local 813 became the subject of U. S. House committee hearings. Anticommunist hysteria gripped the Evansville community. What happened in Evansville on April 6 was part of a populist fascism in the United States propelled by anti-communism and enacted by veterans’ organizations. While national politicians dominate histories of anti-communism, some of the greatest damage done during the 1940s and 1950s occurred when other Americans, specifically veterans’ groups, violated the constitutional rights of their fellow citizens.
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Кrivolapov, O. "The U.S. Missile Defese Policy Perspectives during the J. Biden Administration." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-15-23.
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The article provides an analysis of the state of affairs in the field of the U.S. missile defense, inherited by the Biden administration from the previous administration. The U. S. missile defense policy can be roughly divided into three components: homeland missile defense, regional missile defense, and advanced developments related to these both parts. Conclusions are made about the prospects of missile defense policy, taking into account such factors as the views of experts from think tanks close to the Democratic Party, funding of programs, and measures taken in the field of missile defense. The development of the homeland missile defense systems faces technological challenges which create uncertainty about the whole architecture. Regional missile defense systems are going to be platforms for development of systems to intercept intercontinental ballistic missiles and hypersonic weapons. The National Space Defense Architecture is planned to include layers which are supposed to be part of homeland and regional defenses. The main obstacles to these programs are the position of Democratic members of the U. S. Congress, an urgent need for funds for recovery of the national economy after the COVID‑19 pandemic, and other defense policy priorities (e. g., nuclear modernization). In connection with these findings, the author presents an overview of options of a missile defense deal between Russia and the United States as part of the arms control regime. Although every option has its disadvantages and potential obstacles, a bilateral executive agreement on transparency in missile defense seems to be the most feasible option.
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Biryukova, O. "National Security Issues in US Trade Policy." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 4 (2022): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-26-34.
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National security becomes a strong determining factor while implementing trade policy measures, and this raises many legal and political questions. The article shows that, historically, the United States, as a Contracting Party to GATT 47, experienced serious domestic difficulties in developing rules regarding security exceptions. The confrontation between the U. S. Department of State and War Departments, who were charged with post-war U.S. military and defense planning, left its mark of ambiguity in the wording of some trade rules. In recent years, Washington has actively used trade restrictive measures, invoking articles on security exceptions in the World Trade Organization (WTO) rulebook. Panel report on the dispute “Russian Federation – measures in relation to transit of goods” contributed greatly to the interpretation of the relevant exceptions. At the same time, the definition of the “boundaries” of the use of such measures remains largely open. The urgency of the problem becomes even more evident when we note how the current discourse is shifting towards sources of national security problems other than military threats. In the long term, national security issues might be linked to food and energy security, and in the near future – to climate change. The deviation from the paradigm of multilateral liberalism towards economic nationalism requires rethinking of the approaches laid down in the foundation of the multilateral trading system. The author concludes that the United States is not interested in clarifying the WTO rules related to national security, while maintaining the status quo, which allows it to have wide policy space.
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Akhtar, Zia. "China's Evolution from Socialist Legality: The Expansion in the Role of Judges and the Redress of Grievances." Journal of Politics and Law 15, no. 1 (December 24, 2021): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v15n1p52.
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The Chinese state implemented a conscious transfer to a market economy after 1977 when the Four Modernisations were inaugurated and the new Constitution promulgated in 1982 raised the possibility for the separation of powers. The new framework introduced judicial review into the structure of the legal system that was to provide redress of grievances from mal administration. The transition to a new leadership in 2011 allowed the National Peoples Congress to enact administrative reforms, and further amendments to the Chinese Constitution in 2018 have promulgated the Judges Law. The judicial reforms promote the values of an independent judiciary and there is an effective machinery of justice which promotes judicial review. This paper argues that the centralisation of power by the Communist Party does not preclude the functioning of judicial administration that conforms to rule of law and an emerging trend of public interest litigation and participatory justice.
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Bholanath, P., and K. Cort. "National Scale Monitoring Reporting and Verification of Deforestation and Forest Degradation in Guyana." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XL-7/W3 (April 29, 2015): 315–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsarchives-xl-7-w3-315-2015.
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Monitoring deforestation and forest degradation at national scale has been identified as a national priority under Guyana‟s REDD+ Programme. Based on Guyana‟s MRV (Monitoring Reporting and Verification) System Roadmap developed in 2009, Guyana sought to establish a comprehensive, national system to monitor, report and verify forest carbon emissions resulting from deforestation and forest degradation in Guyana. To date, four national annual assessments have been conducted: 2010, 2011, 2012 and 2013. <br><br> Monitoring of forest change in 2010 was completed with medium resolution imagery, mainly Landsat 5. In 2011, assessment was conducted using a combination of Landsat (5 and 7) and for the first time, 5m high resolution imagery, with RapidEye coverage for approximately half of Guyana where majority of land use changes were taking place. Forest change in 2013 was determined using high resolution imagery for the whole of Guyana. The current method is an automated-assisted process of careful systematic manual interpretation of satellite imagery to identify deforestation based on different drivers of change. The minimum mapping unit (MMU) for deforestation is 1 ha (Guyana‟s forest definition) and a country-specific definition of 0.25 ha for degradation. <br><br> The total forested area of Guyana is estimated as 18.39 million hectares (ha). In 2012 as planned, Guyana‟s forest area was reevaluated using RapidEye 5 m imagery. Deforestation in 2013 is estimated at 12 733 ha which equates to a total deforestation rate of 0.068%. Significant progress was made in 2012 and 2013, in mapping forest degradation. The area of forest degradation as measured by interpretation of 5 m RapidEye satellite imagery in 2013 was 4 352 ha. All results are subject to accuracy assessment and independent third party verification.
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Oseni, Jessinta, Ayobami Adebayo, Nilesh Raval, Jee Young Moon, Viral Juthani, Roy S. Chuck, and Anurag Shrivastava. "National Access to EyeSi Simulation: A Comparative Study Among U.S. Ophthalmology Residency Programs." Journal of Academic Ophthalmology 15, no. 01 (January 2023): e112-e118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0043-1768933.
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Abstract Purpose The aim of this study was to evaluate regional disparities in access to EyeSi surgical simulation training among U.S. ophthalmology residency programs. Methods Access to EyeSi simulation was determined from sales data (2021) provided by VRMagic. Key demographic metrics of the primary counties of U.S. residency training programs were retrieved from the U.S. Census Bureau Database (2019) and PolicyMap (2021). Demographic metrics, Veterans Affairs (VA) hospital affiliation, and Doximity residency program ranking (2021) were compared using the Mann–Whitney U test and Fisher's exact test. Results A total of 124 residency training programs across 95 U.S. counties were included. Regional density (number of EyeSi simulators/million people) was calculated; the west had a significantly lower density when compared with the northeast (NE), south, and midwest (0.4 vs 1.0, 1.3, 1.1, respectively). In the NE, there was a significantly lower population of Blacks (p = 0.01), Hispanics (p = 0.028), and Native Americans (p = 0.008) residing in counties with access to EyeSi, compared with counties without EyeSi access. Programs with EyeSi access (N = 95) had a median Doximity ranking of 52.5, whereas programs without EyeSi access (N = 35) had a lower median ranking of 94 (p < 0.001). Conclusion Our analysis demonstrates significant disparities in access to EyeSi simulation training in the United States that could disproportionately impact minority communities. Access to an EyeSi simulator was associated with higher residency ranking independent of VA affiliation.
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Ovsiienko, Stanislav. "«Split» of the Peopleʼs Movement of Ukraine in 1999 (retrospective analysis)." Dialog: media studios, no. 28 (March 31, 2023): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2308-3255.2022.28.268495.
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Among all national political parties there are the «right-wing» parties, which have always stood for the protection of state interests stand out. Among these parties, the People’s Movement, which was the hegemon of the national-democratic camp during the 1990s, occupies a special place. The «split» of the NRU in 1999 was a resonance event, because the crisis embrace the largest state-owned party, the situation in which depended on the future path of the country’s development. O. Melnikova, A. Rusnachenko, S. Hrytsai, l. Rozhkova, G. Honcharuk addressed the problem of the NRU «split» in 1999 in their researches. Therefore, the goal of the article is an attempt to rethink such a phenomenon as the NRU «split» in 1999, which was the subject of the dissertation study, its causes, the course of events against the background of nationwide processes, consequences, coverage in the press, based on the challenges of the Ukrainian present time. Biased media were inclined to accuse political rivals of the centrality of internal party processes in the NRU. The «split» in the NRU in 1999 is a natural crisis process that had a subjective and objective nature. The crisis in the NRU and the «split» as its consequence arose as a result of the activities of the party (political and business) leadership. The situation in the NRU and in the entire party environment was an objective process that was caused by the method of creation and development of the party movement in Ukraine. The analysis of the course of events in the NRU since the 1998 elections gives grounds to assert that the «split» was not a surprise. The problem of the «split» in the NRU took place against the background of the problem of the participation of movement activists in the elections and the problem of the unity of the National Democrats and the nomination of a single candidate. The reasons for the Movement’s defeat in the presidential elections were both purely party factors and formal factors of campaigning. The end of 1999 was the final stage in the «split» of the NRU, on the basis of which two parties were formed. As a result of the «split», the influence of the Movement on processes in the country weakened both at the higher and local levels; a tangible blow was inflicted on the entire national-democratic camp. The «red threat» to the existence of independent Ukraine was the factor that forced the majority of national democratic parties to vote for l. Kuchma, as the «lesser evil». An analysis of a number of periodicals from the end of 1999 to 2001 showed that crisis processes continued in the NRU and UNR. The oligarchic system formed in the times of Leonid Kuchma and Russian threats were the challenges that at the beginning of the 21st century forced the Movements and other right-centered forces, despite the party egoism, to unite around new leaders, political projects and together with the nationally conscious part of society to fight for civil rights and freedoms, for the territorial integrity and independence of Ukraine.
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Ahmetović, Amir. "Social and political divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina after the 1990 elections." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.163.
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Bosnia and Herzegovina represents a very suitable experimental space for the analysis of integrative policy in the conditions, war and long-lasting crisis, of a devastated society which, due to the challenges of history, is deeply divided. In such a space, applying the analytical model designed and used by Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokan, the paper deals with the detection of social divisions that underlie party preferences in the 1990 elections for the Assembly of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzes of pre-election and post-election activities of political entities show the existence of an important link between ethno-confessional characteristics and attitudes on political issues and party preferences, which in accordance with the used theoretical model creates preconditions for talking about social divisions that have turned into party divisions. It can be determined that they are bh. political parties formed, with all their specifics, on the basic lines of Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. In the analysis of the relationship between social and political space and the influence of the structure of society on political relations and divisions, it is possible to determine that party divisions and divisions, their segmentation and polarization are conditioned, above all, by the depth and dynamics of fundamental Bosnia and Herzegovina social divisions. The divisions that emerged in the pre-election period of 1990 (we can conditionally define them as divisions communism vs anti-communism) were pushed into the background in the first post-election year and priority was given to the split that S. Lipset and S. Rokan defined as the center-periphery split. (or the territorial-cultural split as, after adaptation, Professor Nenad Zakošek called it). The second part of the paper presents an overview of the most important political parties in the 1990 elections and continues to examine the applicability of S. Lipset and S. Rokan's theory of turning social divisions into party divisions, this time in the first year of ethno-confessional parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Analyzing the basic lines of historical ethnic and confessional divisions in Bosnia and Herzegovina society and in the sphere of political (sub) system through indicators such as: predominant (ethnic, confessional, linguistic, cultural and regional) identifications, the relationship between ethno-confessional and civil, the relationship to the rights and freedoms guaranteed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. According to the Constitution, the attitude towards different solutions to the state question (remaining in the common state of Yugoslavia vs. the independent Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina) tested the hypothesis that historical lines of ethno-confessional splits represent the basic determinant of political goals. It can be seen that the territorial-cultural divide (primarily in the form of center-periphery conflict) is actually a kind of complete split, given that it is a split that involves conflict between stable social groups (residents of the center and periphery but also members of different ethnic and confessional communities). In the Bosnia and Herzegovina case, these are (ethnic and confessional) communities that have different views on the most important issues of the social organization of the common state, which results in open conflict on the political scene in the form of voting for different political options, which can be transformed by ethnopolitical elites. (very easily) into various forms of violence against others and different in the territory that is under their political (and police) control.
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Mishima, Ko. "“Institutional Conversion of Japan’s National Personnel Authority: How Indigenous Forces Have Reshaped a U.S. Occupation-imposed Bureaucratic Institution”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, no. 4 (October 28, 2018): 384–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02504002.
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The National Personnel Authority (NPA), Jinjiin in Japanese, was an unwelcome gift from the U.S. occupation ruler. It was fundamentally alien to Japanese bureaucratic traditions. It was a U.S.-style independent agency and aimed to remake the Japanese bureaucracy on the American model. This article analyzes the NPA’s survival in the post-occupation era from the perspective of historical institutionalism. It argues that the NPA has been successful because of institutional conversion in indigenizing itself. Soon after Japan’s recovery of independence in April 1952, the NPA abandoned its original mission of Americanization. Instead, it repositioned itself as the promoter of harmonious industrial relations in the public sector to contribute to promotion of Japan’s high-growth economy. Moreover, with the end of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)’s hegemony in the 1990s, the NPA has reactivated the function of safeguarding the bureaucracy’s partisan neutrality. This development represents the paradox of foreign-imposed institutions because the NPA ignored its responsibility for protecting bureaucratic neutrality for many years under the LDP’s monopoly of power.
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Кузмінець, Наталія. "Утвердження монополії більшовицької партії на владу в Україніна початку 1920-х рр." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University Series History, no. 26 (December 8, 2018): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2018-26-48-54.
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The article examines the hostile attitude of the Bolshevik Party towards its political opponents, shows the actions of the party's top leadership of the RCP (b), party and Soviet bodies and special services to eliminate the opposition national-communist and socialist parties, and the establishment of the soviet one-party system in Ukraine in the early 1920s. In the article, the author traces the stages of the elimination of opposition parties by the Bolsheviks in Ukraine in the early 1920's. Initially, the Bolsheviks were forced to establish their power, relying for the the parties union, as a purely Ukrainian and so a all-Russian. After consolidating in the country, the Bolshevik Party decided to eliminate the Borotbists and bobbyists and their independent political activity, which was aimed at building Ukraine according to theirs own views. Applying ideological methods of influence on Borotbists and bobbyists, the Bolsheviks led these parties to self-destruction, leaning of the leaders of these parties. The left side of these parties has joined the ranks of the Bolsheviks.The second stage was more connected with the gradual cessation of the activities of All-Russian Socialist-Revolutionary and Menshevik parties in Ukraine. With the introduction of the NEP increased pressure for these parties. It was in 1921 that the Bolsheviks started a course the sole political existence. The SRs and the Mensheviks made a number of attempts to restore their former influence on the population, but all their attempts were neutralized by the Bolsheviks. The last UPP ceased to exist in 1925 in Ukraine and one-party regime was established . The status of the ruling party with all the institutions of power gave advantages to the Bolsheviks in relation to other parties. Using political, ideological, moral pressure, repression and terror, the Bolsheviks successfully completed the task of eliminating their political opponents. Multipartyism could not be from an ideological point of view.
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Bandžović, Safet. "Slovenci u Antifašističkoj borbi u Bosni i Hercegovini i izgradnji federativnih osnova Jugoslavije (1941-1945)." Historijski pogledi 6, no. 9 (June 20, 2023): 113–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.9.113.
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Understanding the socio-historical processes after the April War of 1941 and the dismemberment of Yugoslavia presupposes a deeper knowledge of opposing national perspectives since 1918, when this country was created, of the events between the two world wars, as well as their multidimensional characters, since they largely determined wartime polarizations and alignments. The Second World War is one of the most problematic historical periods in the post-Yugoslav area, from a scientific and political point of view. With numerous relief and insufficiently explored components, it still belongs to the so-called “hot memory”. The disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1941 was greeted by its peoples and political subjects with different visions of whether (and if so: how) a new Yugoslavia should be established. The anti-fascist struggle was led by a partisan movement with the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) playing a dominant role. Each Yugoslavia (“old” and “new”) also meant “a new constitutional concept of the relationship between its main peoples/political groups” (Dejan Jović). The history of the Slovenes, wrote Edvard Kardelj at the end of the thirties of the 20th century, “is nothing but a long chain of oppression and trampling of a small nation”. After the First World War (the “Great War”), the Treaty of Versailles in 1919 and the collapse of Austria-Hungary divided the Slovenes among four countries. The parcelization of the Slovenian ethnic space did not end there. The territory of Slovenia (Drava Banovina) after the fragmentation of Yugoslavia in 1941 was divided between Germany, Italy and Hungary, into six parts, with different administrative regimes. The Slovenian people were torn apart, humiliated, threatened with destruction and disappearance from the ethnic map of Europe. This people was one of “the most fragmented in Europe and all the occupiers planned to wipe it out through persecution, assimilation and denationalization. Research on refugees and exile is closely related to issues of human rights, nationalism, genocide and ethnocide. This issue has a humanitarian, political, legal and moral dimension. Part of the exiled Slovenes also came to Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941, which was part of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Slovenes have a specific place in the history of Bosnia and Herzegovina since the end of the 19th century. They also contributed to the development of the National Liberation Movement ( NOP) in Bosnia and Herzegovina, by acting in an illegal revolutionary movement and partisan units, as well as participating in the constitution of the new government and defining the future internal structure of post-war Yugoslavia. The war in the territory of occupied Yugoslavia was, among other things, a civil war that destroyed the idea that this monarchist state can be restored in the form in which it was created in 1918. The ranks of the NOP included Slovenians who lived in Bosnia and Herzegovina before the war, as well as those who came as exiles in 1941. Major events related to the construction of the “new” Yugoslavia took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which Slovenians participated, important for the history of Slovenia as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina. By actively participating in the anti-fascist war, the engagement and visions of their prominent representatives at the top of the NOP (Edvard Kardelj and others) and in the activities of the AVNOJ in 1943, determining and making its landmark decisions, the Slovenians had a significant share in the victory and establishment of a new, federal the Yugoslav state and the construction of the statehood of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Complex Yugoslav federalism, with scattered forms and models, represented a specific historical phenomenon.
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Shelemba, Mykhailo, and Marta Shelemba. "The current state of the nationalization of the party systems in the Slovak Republic and Ukraine." Economic Annals-ХХI 188, no. 3-4 (May 10, 2021): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21003/ea.v188-06.
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The paper assesses the current state of the nationalization of the party systems in the Slovak Republic and Ukraine based on the results of the latest parliamentary elections. By using formalized methods, the authors of the paper analyzed the composition of the party systems at the empirical level. The results of the conducted research show that the party landscape of the Ukrainian Parliament has changed in the direction of electoral preferences in favour of new participants of the political process. The analysis with the use of the Nagayama triangle showed that the electoral advantage of one political party was provided in most of the regions of Ukraine (the political party «Servant of the People»). Under the M. Jones’ and S. Mainwaring’s technique, a high level of the party system nationalization (0.70) was established while conducting the research. According to the methodology by G. Golosov, a Russian scientist, the nationalization index in 2019 was equal to 0.56. It was proved that the factors of presidentialism, socio-political delimitations of the political regime, forms of government, the entry barrier, and regionalization have impacted nationalization of the party system. Six political parties entered the Slovak Parliament. With the opposition center-right conservative political force «Ordinary People and Independent Individuals» being the leader of this election campaign. Parliament’s The assessment of the Slovak Parliament with the use of the Nagayama triangle shows that in most parts of Slovakia, no political force has been formed as a result of the elections, which would dominate the level of voters support and that competition provides a minimum gap between the two political forces. The analysis indicated that the nationalization of the party system of the Slovak Republic is 0.89 (the high value) according to the Jones and Mainwaring method and 0.67 (the above-average value) with regard to the Golosov method, being a higher value compared to a relatively similar indicator for Ukraine. It should be emphasized that the main factors impacting the actual state of the studied indicator were the entry barrier and the political regime in the country. The predominance in the level of nationalization of the party system of Slovakia, if compared with the relevant indicator in Ukraine is due to the fact that all political forces that entered the National Council of the Slovak Republic are stable and participate in electoral cycles.
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Vdovychenko, Heorhii. "MODERN UKRAINIAN PHILOSOPHICAL SINOLOGY AT THE NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENCES OF UKRAINE: CLASSIC AND INNOVATIVE WAYS TO THE ORIGINS." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Philosophy, no. 9 (2023): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2523-4064.2023/9-1/15.
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B a c k g r o u n d . According to the genre characteristics, the article is a form of publicizing analytical conclusions from the experience of research in the field of the philosophical Chinese studies at the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine from 1991 to the present day. The material for understanding was supplied from the environment of scientific professional activity of prominent figures of Ukrainian philosophical Sinology from the H. Skovoroda Institute of Philosophy of the NAS of Ukraine and the A. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies of the NAS of Ukraine. The scientific achievements of academic Sinologists, who are leading researchers of Chinese philosophical education, science and culture from the archaic to modern times, are highlighted. They are, namely: V. Kiktenko, V. Pyrohiv, V. Hamianin, S. Kapranov, Y. Hobova and A. Usyk. M e t h o d s . The article uses an analytical approach based on the study of historical and philosophical sources. The methodological basis of the research is the main methods of historical and philosophical science: problem-categorical analysis, socio-cultural analysis and biographical analysis. At the same time, the methods of situational and contextual analysis of scientific texts are applied. R e s u l t s . Four conditional thematic vectors of the progress of academic philosophical Sinology in modern Ukraine are classified, namely the study of: 1. the history of ancient Chinese philosophy, especially Confucianism; 2. the history of Chinese philosophy in the 19th – early 21st centuries; 3) the history of Ukrainian Sinology in the 18th – early 21st centuries; 4. the history of modern foreign Sinology. The director of the A. Krymskyi Institute of Oriental Studies of the NAS of Ukraine and the head of the Ukrainian Association of Sinologists V. Kiktenko very effectively studies all these vectors, especially the last three of them. His colleagues at the institute V. Pyrohiv, V. Hamianin and Y. Hobova mainly research the first of these vectors, and primarily the history of Confucianism. Employees of the H. Skovoroda Institute of Philosophy of the NAS of Ukraine S. Kapranov and A. Usyk are also focused scientific attention on the history of Confucianism, in particular, the second of them studies social ethics and anthropology of Confucius. C o n c l u s i o n s . As a result it was established that modern domestic philosophical academic Sinology is a qualitatively new and innovative direction of Oriental studies in independent Ukraine. This discipline was formed as a result of the two-century progress of Ukrainian Chinese studies from the era of Hetmanshina until now. V. Kiktenko and his colleagues have made a significant and already internationally recognized contribution to the study of both the classical philosophical schools of Ancient China and their ideological heirs, in particular, the leaders of the PRC and the CCP from Deng Xiaoping to Xi Jinping during these thirty years. V. Kiktenko also laid the foundations for the study both of the history of Ukrainian Chinese studies and of modern foreign, primarily Western European and North American, Sinology.
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Rani, Manisha, and Aparna Nandurkar. "Comparison of third-party disability between normal hearing siblings of children using hearing aids and those using cochlear implants." Journal of Otolaryngology-ENT Research 14, no. 3 (December 19, 2022): 108–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15406/joentr.2022.14.00516.
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Purpose: Historically, research tends to focus on the experiences of deaf children and the difficulties faced, as well as the difficulties their parents endure. Less attention has been focused on siblings of children with hearing impairment (CWHI). This study aimed to compare the Third-Party Disability between normal hearing siblings of children using hearing aids (HAs) with those using cochlear implants (CI). The objective was to develop International Classification of Functioning, Disability and Health (ICF) based-tools across different domains and categories that describe third-party disability in siblings of children with hearing impairment. Method: 45 Normal Hearing Older Siblings (NHOS) from the two groups of children with hearing impairment using HAs and CI participated in the study. A tool was developed and mapped onto ICF components of Activities and Participation and Environmental factors. The developed tool consisting of 43-items across six-domains was administered through interviews, independent of the sibling. Frequency distribution and descriptive statistics were obtained. Shapiro-Wilk test was performed to assess normality of the distribution. Mann Whitney U test was administered to compare the domain-wise distributions for the two groups. Results: NHOS of CWHI using HAs perceive greater third-party disability as compared to the NHOS of CWHI using unilateral CI across all the six domains included in the study. The differences were striking in the domain of communication, interpersonal interaction and relationship, support and relationship. There were differences across the other three domains which were not found to be statistically significant. Conclusion: Hearing loss is a disabling condition that not only effects the individual, but is an experience shared by immediate family members including siblings. The extent of third-party disability in NHOS is influenced by the hearing device. This study has provided insights into the difficulties faced by normal hearing siblings of children with hearing impairment. Implication: Utilization of an ICF-based tool has provided an idea about the specific domains(s) in which they perceive maximum difficulties, which will help clinicians counsel parents, focusing not only on the needs and issues of the CWHI but also the hearing siblings. Keywords: children with hearing aids, children with cochlear implants, normal hearing siblings
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Alavi, Hamed. "Remedies to Fraud in Documentary Letters of Credit: A Comparative Perspective / Opravné Opatrenia Pri Podvodoch S Dokumentárnymi Akreditívami: Komparatívna Perspektíva." EU agrarian Law 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eual-2016-0001.
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Abstract Article 4 of the Unified Customs and Practices of Documentary Letters of Credit establishes the notion of autonomy principle by separating credit from underlying contract between account party and beneficiary. Article 5 by recognizing the autonomy principle confirms that effectuate the payment under credit, banks only deal with documents and not with goods. As a result, while documentary letters of credit are meant to facilitate the process of international trade, their sole dependency on compliance of presented documents to bank by beneficiary to actualize the payment will increase the risk of fraud and forgery in the course of their operation. Interestingly, UCP (currently UCP600) takes a silent status regarding the problem of fraud in international LC operation and leaves the ground open for national laws to provide remedies to affected parties by fraudulent beneficiary. National Laws have different approaches to the problem of fraud in general and fraud in international LC operation in particular which makes the access of affected parties to possible remedies complicated and difficult. Current paper tries to find answer to the questions of (i) what available remedies are provided to affected parties in international LC fraud by different legal systems? (ii) And what are conditions for benefiting from such remedies under different legal systems? In achieving its objective, paper will be divided in two main parts to study remedies provided by intentional legal frameworks as well as the ones offered by national laws. Part one will study the position of UCP and UNCITRAL Convention on Independent Guarantees and Standby Letters of Credit (UNCITRAL Convention) and remedies, which they provide to LC fraud in international trade. Part two in contrary will study available remedies to LC fraud and condition for access them under English and American legal system.
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Triawanti, Triawanti, Didik Dwi Sanyoto, Dewi Rahayu, Gastin Gabriel Jangkang, Faradhiba Tantri Lemba, Muhammad Reyhan Firdaus, and Tyas Ningrum Rahmadayanti. "Empowerment for Keliling Benteng Ulu Village�s PKK Group in Overcoming Stunting to Achieve Nutrition Independent Village." Jurnal Berkala Kesehatan 9, no. 1 (May 31, 2023): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20527/jbk.v9i1.14189.
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Stunting is a failure to achieve optimal growth measured by height per age (TB/U) categorized into short and very short. South Kalimantan has a prevalence of stunting under five according to SSGI data in 2021, which is 30.0 exceeding the national prevalence and is the 5th largest in Indonesia. This activity aims to increase public knowledge, especially PKK mothers about stunting and how to overcome it, as well as improve the skills of PKK mothers in the Keliling Benteng Ulu Village in processing local food ingredients into nutritious and economical food. The method used in this activity is the empowerment of the PKK group in the Keliling Village of Benteng Ulu in July 2022.This activity has three stages which include preparation, implementation, and evaluation of activities. Most (46%) of the participants are 20-30 years old who are still active and productive and the highest education level of the participants is elementary school at 46%. Most (54%) participants experienced an increase in knowledge. Overall, the participants agreed and strongly agreed that the CERDAS Pocket Book was interesting, useful, and increased the knowledge of the trainees. Most of the participants agreed and strongly agreed that this training activity was interesting and had benefits and the objectives were clear and the participants would try to process seluang pumpkin nuggets at home after the activity was over. The result of this training is that the processing of seluang pumpkin nuggets, empek-empek, pentol can be an alternative in preventing stunting in toddlers.
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Krstić, Dejan. "Attempts at reviving the Torlak identity in the Pirot region during the 90's of the 20th century." Pirotski zbornik, no. 45 (2020): 81–171. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/pirotzbor2045081k.
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In 1994 two books were published - "A contribution to ethno-history of the Torlaks" by Kosta Kostić and "Torlak" by Vitomir Zivković, in which the authors, independent of each other, tried to revive the term the Torlaks in Pirot region in the broad sense. Both books caused some reaction. This paper gives evidence of these attempts at reviving the Torlak identity in the Pirot region and reactions to them. Data were collected mainly through interviews, during my fieldwork in 2007, 2008, 2009 and 2010 (I carried out the interviews for my PhD thesis ‚The construction of the Torlak identity in Serbia and Bulgaria' which I defended on the Faculty of philosophy, University of Belgrade in 2014). The content of this paper shows the motives of the two authors and promoters of the book for affirming of this term, the influence of the books on the wider population's awareness of its own identity and the response of local intellectual circles to them. In specific, complex and very frustrating local-political and identity-wise circumstances, the responses were mainly negative. Even though the authors and promoters didn't intend to use the term in order to endanger either national identity, they were misunderstood: in Dimitrovgrad, the term was considered as an ill-intended attempt at undermining national Bulgarian identity and regional Shop identity, and, on the other hand, in Pirot, it was seen as a danger to Serbian national identity. Yet, there were individuals who considered the term as acceptable.
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Özdoğan, Günay Göksu, and Büşra Ersanlı. "Obstacles and opportunities: recent Kurdish struggles for political representation and participation in Turkey." Southeastern Europe 35, no. 1 (2011): 62–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633311x545689.
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AbstractHaving gone through different phases of political action and facing various forms of suppression by the state, the Kurdish movement from 1990's persisted in establishing legal parties despite recurrent bans by the Constitutional Court. In the 2007 national elections DTP (after its ban the BDP) running as independent candidates formed a group in the Parliament which was followed by an extensive regional representation in eastern and southeastern Turkey in local elections of 2009. At the three levels of political activity (parliament, local government, civil society) the extent of women's presence exceeds well over the general percentage in Turkey while various civil society organizations at both the national and regional levels lend support for extension of minority/human rights. Although the new legal and political reforms as of early 2000's in line with Turkey's bid for accession to the EU have opened up a new venue for legitimization of Kurdish identity and recognition of various cultural, civil and cultural rights, strictness of the electoral law impedes fair representation and certain discriminatory attitudes and practices still persist in the civil and military bureaucracy, mass media and political parties in contention. Whether Kurdish participation in Turkey's politics will fare in 'normal' terms in the future is largely dependent on Turkey's democratization process in which the Kurdish politicians' claims to function as a non-regional Turkey party constitute an important but only one of the impacting factors, e.g., rehabilitation of the PKK, decentralization and empowerment of local government, extension of human rights, and a non-exclusionary definition of Turkish identity.
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Čičak-Chand, Ružica. "Obilježja multikulturalizma i sekularizma u indijskom društvu." Migracijske i etničke teme / Migration and Ethnic Themes 37, no. 1 (2021): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.11567/met.37.1.3.
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In the context of research into the relationship between secularism and multiculturalism in contemporary India, this paper points to their specific interrelatedness and the distinctive Indian approach to secularism through the idea of a principled distance as a way to adjust to religious pluralism that has a close affinity with multiculturalism. Contrary to opinions that secularism is alien to the Indian civilisation, by a selection of instances through Indian history, the paper illustrates the broader meaning of “Indian” religious and secular thinking and also points to the significance of interaction among various religious cultures and subcultures, particularly between Hinduism and Islam/Sufism. However, the paper focuses on the analysis of Indian constitutional secularism and legally warranted multiculturalism. Debates on multiculturalism follow two distinct directions: the first examines multiculturalism as a state policy in the form of federalisation of its political system, whereas the second is concerned with the meaning of multiculturalism and its implications for the issues of individual and group rights, culture, religion, and secularism. It also touches upon the influence of the British colonial rule on the shaping of interreligious relations in independent India. The last section questions the ascendancy of Hindu nationalism, particularly in view of the rise to power of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014, its appropriation of the new “idea” of India, especially the Hindu nationalist narrative, which endangers India’s official ideology of secularism, as well as the position of the minorities, in particular of the Muslim minority. The article is divided into seven sections. The Introduction outlines, in general, the main distinction between secularism and multiculturalism and their relationship, referring to the two principal approaches to secularism: (1) neutrality between different religions, and (2) prohibition of religious associations in state activities. Indian secularism tends to emphasise neutrality in particular rather than prohibition in general. The second section, Traces of the Indian Secular Thought through History, examines the view, particularly pervasive among Hindutva supporters, that secularism is alien to the Indian civilisation from the perspectives of history and philosophy, which both provide evidence that “the constituents of secularism which make up the concept are not alien to Indian thought” (Thapar, 2013: 4). In this context, the most evoked name in connection with religious tolerance is that of Ashoka Maurya, who in his edicts called not only for the co-existence of all religious sects but also for equal respect for those who represented them. Many centuries later, Moghul Emperor Akbar supported dialogue across adherents of different religions, including atheists. He laid the formal foundations of a secular legal structure and religious neutrality of the state. The paper here also points to the significance of interaction among various religious cultures and subcultures, the more so between Hinduism and Islam/Sufism. It focuses on extending the meaning of “Indian” religion in the sense that it includes multiple religions, such as Brahmanism, Buddhism, Jainism, Bhakti, Shakta, Islam/ Sufism, Guru-Pir tradition, which, but for Brahmanism, challenge orthodoxy by giving greater weight to social ethics rather than to prescriptive religious texts. The third section, Multiculturalism in Indian Context, refers to the Indian legally warranted multiculturalism and relating debates followed by two distinct directions. The first examines multiculturalism as a state policy in the form of federalisation of its political system; a process which involves the political accommodation of ethnic identities, which remains the most effective method of management and resolution of conflicts. The second direction is concerned with the meaning of multiculturalism and its implications for the issues of individual and group rights, culture, religion, secularism. According to Rajeev Bhargava (1999: 35, 2007), cultural particularity might undermine the “common foundation for a viable society”, and might also lessen individual freedom, thus invalidating the values of liberal democracy. From there follows the question of constitutional protection of personal laws of religious communities, which is, in a way, in collision with the primary secular identity, that of a citizen (Thapar, 2010, 2013). The fourth section, Characteristics of Indian Secularism, analyses in some detail the Articles of the Indian Constitution concerned with the basic understanding of secularism, i.e., that religion must be separated from the state “for the sake of religious liberty and equality of citizenship.” The analysis indicates that, while some Articles (Indian Constitution, Articles 25–26) depart from the mainstream western secularism, others are close to the Western liberal leanings, like those stipulating that the state will have no official religion (constitutional amendment 42) or that no religious instruction will be allowed in educational institutions maintained wholly out of state funds, as well as that no person attending any educational institution receiving financial aid from state funds shall be required to take part in compulsory attendance at religious instruction or worship (Articles 27–28/1/). But, more specifically, the idea of a principled distance from religious pluralism points to India’s highly contextual, thus distinctively Indian, version of secularism. The fifth section, The Question of Indian Identity, argues that, with the inauguration of democracy in India, multiculturalism was adopted as a policy of recognising and respecting diversity, guaranteeing the protection and rights of minorities and positive discrimination for the historically marginalised, and emphasising intergroup equality, while leaving the issue of intragroup equality somewhat aside. In the last section, Challenges of Hindu Nationalistic Ideology, the author points to some manifestations of the current ascendency of Hindu nationalism, particularly resulting from the Bharatiya Janata Party coming to power in 2014, such as the increasing identification of state leaders with Hindu cultural symbols and, at the same time, decreasing official support for the public festivals of minorities, Mus lims and Christians in the first place. According to Hindu nationalists, most Muslims and Christians are converts from Hinduism and should therefore recognise the precedence of the Hindu culture in India. Anti-Muslim prejudice in India stems not from the ideas of their racial or cultural differences but, above all, from questioning their loyalty to India. Here emerges the question of the “secular nationalism” of the Congress Party as opposed to the “Hindu nationalism” of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which insists on Hinduism as the essential token of the Indian national identity, implying cultural and political pre-eminence of Hindus in India. The Conclusion summarises some of the main points regarding the relationship between secularism and multiculturalism in the Indian context, indicating that despite the present challenges that Hindu nationalism poses to both, “…the Indian experience suggests that some form of moderate secularism will continue to remain necessary as a state framework to check the advance of religious majoritarianism” (Bajpai, 2017: 224). The author assumes that the article offers some constructive avenues for future studies on secularism and multiculturalism, which should not only provide further insights into the Indian case but also enhance the understanding of the varieties of secular trajectories worldwide, as well as their implications for democracy.
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Moser, Maiia. "YAROSLAV ROZUMNYI’S EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES AIMING AT THE DISSEMINATION OF IVAN FRANKO’S CREATIVE LEGACY AMONG UKRAINIAN EMIGRANTS." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 28 (2021): 73–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.28.12.
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The article analyzes the pro-Ukrainian activities carried out by Yaroslav Rozumnyi, the renowned Canadian Ukrainian emigrant, linguist and literary scholar, a doctor of philosophy and Slavic studies. It was primarily the third of four waves of Ukrainian emigration to North America that was marked by a high percentage of migrants with an intellectual and scholarly background. These emigrants, among them Yaroslav Rozumnyi, gathered in nonprofit non-party organizations that represented and supported the Ukrainian community, contributed to the development of Ukrainian organizations, to the cultural, religious and political vitality of Canada's Ukrainians. Their major goal was the representation of Ukrainians in the diaspora, the establishment and coordination of international relations, the development of a civic society among Ukrainians with their Ukrainian national identity, spirit, and language. These people were united by their commitment to the idea of an independent Ukrainian state and the renovation of Ukraine's sovereignty. They did not cease to protest against the ongoing Russification of Ukrainian culture and the Ukrainian language, stood up against arrests or the physical destruction of Ukrainian dissidents. Yaroslav Rozumnyi, who was forced to leave his native country for political reasons, devoted his entire life to his major principle “to carry on the burden and one‟s duty for the Motherland.” As a consequence, he, in the period from 1990 to 1992, became a co-founder and chairman of the Manitoba branch of the supporters of the party “Narodnyi Rukh Ukraiiny” (“National Movement of Ukraine”). While living and working in Canada, Rozumnyi's heart kept beating for Ukraine. While analyzing various aspects of Franko's texts in German-language scholarly organs, Rozumnyi used them for a broadening of the perception of Ukrainian culture in the world and disseminated Ivan Franko's creative legacy among Ukrainian emigrants. Although Yaroslav Rozumnyi was a resident of Canada he contributed a lot to the revival of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy. In 1992, he became the representative of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy in Canada and, subsequently, a member of its International Consultative Counci. In 1996, Yaroslav Rozumnyi was awarded the title of honorary professor at the National University of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy.
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF VSEVOLOD HANTSOV." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 138 (2018): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.11.
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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Vsevolod Mykhailovych Hantsov. He worked at the Petersburg university until 1918, then, in February 1919, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Hantsov have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of V. Hantsov's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Hantsov came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of V. Hantsov's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD) 1920-1924, which sought to restore the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic). In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP (New Economic Policy) and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including V. Hantsov, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
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Mohylnyi, L., and O. Liashchenko. "SOCIO-POLITICAL VIEWS OF HRYGORYI HOLOSKEVYCH." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.6.
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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th century the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Hrygoryi Kostantynovych Holoskevych. He worked at the Petersburg publishing house ''Drukar'' until 1917, then, in August 1917, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Central Rada and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Holoskevych have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of H. Holoskevych's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Holoskevych came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of H. Holoskevych's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD), which sought to restore the UPR. In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including H. Holoskevych, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
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Fallaw, Ben. "Limits on the Press and Civil Society during the Maximato." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 36, no. 1-2 (2020): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2020.36.1-2.43.
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In October 1931, Governor Bartolomé García Correa and Socialist Party activists violently closed Carlos R. Menéndez’s Diario de Yucatán for being reactionary. Defenders of the Diario denounced the governor for illegally silencing the voice of what today we would understand to be civil society. After a seventeen-month struggle in the courts, the national press, and in Mexico City’s bureaucracy, Menéndez prevailed. This article closely examines the conflict, using regional and national archives and abundant contemporary press coverage, paying careful attention to discursive expression of socioethnic inequalities. It reveals significant limits on the regional independent press and the concept of civil society during the formative period in postrevolutionary Mexico known as the Maximato (the 1928–35 era dominated by Plutarco Elías Calles as hyperexecutive or Jefe Máximo). During the Maximato, the postrevolutionary state employed authoritarian measures to centralize power. The Maximato state, however, could not govern without acknowledging both the Constitution of 1917’s classical liberal civil rights, such as freedom of the press and guarantees of associational life, and the revolutionary political legacy of popular action against “reaction.” In the Yucatecan case, the muzzling of the regional independent press was not simply top-down illiberalism. Yucatecan socialists believed it would help create a more egalitarian and inclusive socio-political order to supplant civil society. The Diario’s exclusivist definition of civil society and the national press’s personal attacks on García Correa reflected widespread beliefs that people of indigenous and African descent were incapable of taking part in civic life. While Menéndez eventually prevailed in the courts, it was due more to his economic and cultural capital and prominent Mexico City allies than to legal protections for press freedom or civil-society resistance. The case helps us to understand how the latter two varied so significantly over place and time in postrevolutionary Mexico, and why Tocquevillian notions of civil society require careful qualification when applied to poor, overwhelmingly indigenous regions of Mexico.
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Haseljić, Meldijana Arnaut. "Genocid(i) u Drugom svjetskom ratu – Ka konvenciji o genocidu (ishodišta, definiranje, procesuiranja)." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 239–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.239.
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The twentieth century began and ended with the execution of genocide. At the same time, it is the century in which large-scale armed conflicts were fought, including the First and Second World Wars. The Second World War was marked, among other things, by genocides committed against peoples that were planned for extermination by Nazi projects. In the first place, it is inevitable to mention the genocide (Holocaust) against the most numerous victims - the Jews. The Holocaust resulted in millions of victims. Mass murders of Jews were carried out, but in the Second World War, about a million people who were members of other nations were also killed. The Nazis carried out the systematic extermination of Jews and other target groups in concentration camps established in Germany, but also in occupied countries. Hundreds of camps were opened throughout the occupied territories of Europe. The target groups scheduled for extermination were collected and transported by trains, most often in transport and livestock wagons, and taken to camps where a certain number were immediately killed, while another number were temporarily left for forced labor. People who were used for forced labor often died of exhaustion, and those who managed to survive the torture were eventually killed. In addition to the closure and liquidation in the camps, individual and mass executions were also carried out in other places. The large number of those killed indicated the need for quick rehabilitation, which resulted in burning the bodies on pyres or burying them in mass graves. The committed genocides encouraged the formation of the United Nations, but also resulted in the adoption of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, or for short - the Genocide Convention, which was supposed to be a guarantee for „never again“. Sanctions issued in the form of death sentences to the most notorious war criminals for the terrible crimes for which they were found responsible should have been another obstacle to „never again“. However, the participants of our time testify that it was not so. Genocidal projects have revived and genocides have been realized, as is the case with the genocide committed in the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina at the end of the 20th century. In the trial of the most notorious Nazis, known as the Nuremberg Trials, the harshest death sentences were handed down, as well as life and long-term imprisonment. The specificity of the Nuremberg process is that, in addition to proclaiming the principle of personal responsibility, it also represents a condemnation of the committed aggression, but also a political project as manifested by the condemnation of various organizations that were declared responsible for the crimes committed. At the main international military trial that began on October 18, 1945, 24 defendants were prosecuted for individual responsibility, but six criminal war organizations were also prosecuted - the leadership of the NSDAP (National Socialist German Workers' Party - NSDAP (National Sozialistische Deutsche Arbeiter Partei) headed by was Adolf Hitler - the most responsible criminal for World War II and the execution of the Holocaust), SS (Schutzstaffel - military branch of the NSDAP), SA (Sturmabteilung - Assault Squad of the NSDAP), SD (Sicherheitsdienst - Intelligence Service of the NSDAP), Gestapo (Geheime Staats Polizei - secret state police) and OKW (Oberkommando der Wehrmacht - Supreme Command of the German Army). Certain prosecutions were also carried out in the national courts of the countries that emerged victorious in the Second World War.
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Matolić, Marko. "Boravak 18. Hrvatske NOU brigade u Posavini u veljači i ožujku 1944. godine s posebnim osvrtom na njezino djelovanje na području današnjih općina Orašje i Domaljevac-Šamac." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (November 15, 2022): 302–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.302.
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Significantly decimated in the battles that befell it at the end of 1943 and the beginning of 1944, the 18th Croatian NOU Brigade, after a short consolidation in Semberija, went to Posavina, in order to promote the communist, anti-fascist struggle among the predominantly Croatian population there, and tried to win him over to join her ranks. At the same time, on the military front, the Brigade was supposed to assist the already existing partisan units of the 16th Muslim Brigade and the Posavina-Trebavian partisan detachment in eliminating enemy groups. At that time, there were already well-organized village guards made up of local Ustasha and former home guards in the Croatian villages of Bosnian Posavina, while in the Serbian villages local Chetniks had already been in command for three years, and these two armed groups had a generally correct relationship with each other. The short-term stay of the 18th Croatian NOU Brigade was therefore not overly successful in either of the two mentioned plans, which is why its stay in Bosnian Posavina is reduced to just a few sentences in socialist historiography. Nevertheless, the short stay of the 18th Croatian Brigade in Posavina was not without events. First, on March 4, 1944, the brigade entered the village of Domaljevac, where its members ravaged the parish office of the local pastor, otherwise an ardent supporter of the Ustasha movement, Ante Tepeluk. Bogomir Brajković gave a speech in front of the gathered peasants, which did not bear much fruit. Brajković gave the same speech in the village of Matići a few days later, on March 13 of the same year, but he did not succeed in arousing the interest of the local population there either. The communists within the brigade tried to present themselves to the local Croatian population as a kind of continuation of the pre-war politics of the Croatian Peasant Party, of which individuals, such as the aforementioned Brajković, were indeed members. The Croatian population in Posavina, due to previous experiences fighting against the partisans, had already organized their village guards quite well, so the fighting that took place in mid-March was fierce and disastrous for the partisan brigade. At least nine partisans were killed in the military actions, while around 14 were wounded. The partisans briefly managed to occupy some villages, hold some propaganda speech, but due to the great insecurity, they retreated to the south after that. During the brigade's attack on Orašje, the partisans were joined by some local inhabitants, Bosniaks, which will be the beginning of animosity between Bosniaks and Croats in this area that will culminate in March 1945, but also the creation of connections that will be used in the coming times when a large number of members of the green cadre and members of the SS transferred to the national liberation units. In one military operation, the brigade captured five local legionnaires and sentenced them to death. The sentence was carried out on three, while two managed to escape. The brigade also had several firefights with Chetnik units in Posavina, which were of varying fortunes for them. In one attack, they managed to destroy a small Chetnik headquarters in the village of Batkuši and liquidate the local leader Ignjat Bijelić. In the second skirmish, which took place in the village of Blaževac, Pavle Gajić's Chetniks inflicted a heavy defeat on the brigade. The 18th Croatian Brigade withdrew from Posavina when the German 13th SS Division appeared in these areas. The aim of this work is, on the basis of available historical sources and historiographical and memoir literature, to show in detail the stay of this Brigade in Posavina, with special reference to its activities in the area of today's municipalities of Orašje and Domaljevac-Šamac, that is, the eastern part of Posavina County.
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Zosidze, Nugzar. "THE FINAL STAGE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR AND THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN GEORGIA IN 1917." ინოვაციური ეკონომიკა და მართვა 10, no. 2 (August 3, 2023): 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.46361/2449-2604.10.2.2023.194-204.
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Nugzar Zosidze
Email:n.zosidze@bsu.edu
Associate Professor, Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University
Batumi, Georgia
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2613-3365
Abstract. 1914-1921 is one of the most difficult periods in the history of Georgia. During this most difficult period, the country endured the stormy days of the Russian February Revolution of 1917 and the October revolutions. But with self-sacrificing battles and courageous actions of national forces, independence was restored. These years were even more painful from the point of view that certain regions of the country experienced the occupation of foreign countries several times.
The topic of the history of the research period has become especially relevant since the beginning of the 90’s of the twentieth century. However, many details and features of these relationships have not yet been fully investigated, fully studied and scientifically substantiated.
After the heavy political battles that developed in the Russian Empire in 1917, the social democrats became the vanguard of the national liberation struggle in Georgia, but at first they did not raise the issue of restoring national sovereignty. This could be due to the fact that at that time the political parties operating in Georgia had difficulty making independent decisions. It is true that the revolution forced Russia to give up active foreign policy, but it tried to interfere in the affairs of Transcaucasia.
This is what led to the fact that social democrats and social federalists did not fight for national independence, but were satisfied only with broad autonomy, the legalization and practical implementation of which should be decided by the constituent assembly of the Russian Provisional Government. We share with the famous researcher of Georgian history historian Z. Avalishvili's opinion that at that stage, "no one thought of severing the state connection with Russia; Just as they didn't think about it in Estonia, Latvia and other parts of Russia. In this regard, it can be said that Georgia was on par with others’’.
The small group of Georgian intellectuals, which was formed into the National Democratic Party in 1917, represented an important force in the national liberation struggle. They directly continued the program of the previous national liberation movement called „Tergdaleulebi“ and considered the 1783 treaty as the basis of the relationship. (G. Dekanozishvili, T. Sakhokia, P. Surguladze, L. Kereselidze, G. Machabeli and others).
In connection with the mentioned issue, Professor Sh. Vadachkoria thinks that it is the correct political orientation of the social democrats that led to the restoration of Georgia's state independence. "Georgia's independence, renewal and perfection of its statehood and Georgian social democracy are inseparable from each other". We partially agree with the above-mentioned opinion and consider that it is wrong to ignore the contribution of the Social Democratic Party in this case.
On October 25, 1917, the Bolsheviks overthrew the Provisional Government in the capital of the empire. On October 26, members of the Provisional Government, including Kerensky, were arrested in the Winter Palace. A Soviet government was established in Russia. After this coup d'état, the Transcaucasian de facto government, "Ozakom", lost its purpose. The missions of the Entente states wanted to create a government independent from Bolshevik Russia in Transcaucasia.
We think that the creation of the Transcaucasian Commissariat was a politically correct step, since Transcaucasia was officially separated from Soviet Russia by the creation of a new regional body, but only until the restoration of the legal authority of Russia, which was an indication that Transcaucasia would not be declared an independent state. It was not favorable for Transcaucasia to remove the Caucasus Front, because otherwise it might lead to the strengthening of aggression from Turkey, and the forced occupation of Transcaucasia countries.
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Chauhan, Pratibha, Pooja Sharma, Rahul Chauhan, and Ayushi Jain. "National eCommerce Policy: What India’s new (Draft) eCommerce Policy outlines for Online Retailers and its Regulatory aspects." International Journal of Drug Regulatory Affairs 7, no. 3 (September 15, 2019): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22270/ijdra.v7i3.335.
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The India Draft National eCommerce Policy is a high-level policy document proposed by India's Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade in February 2019. It sketches out a series of policy recommendations that range from useful consumer protections to non-constructive protectionist industry regimes that would likely backfire and hurt businesses, entrepreneurs and consumers alike. The best of these recommendations would institute stricter consumer protections against annoying, unsolicited phone calls and emails. But the worst of them would make data transfers difficult, impose onerous liability on third party platforms, and institute data localization that would reduce business and consumer choices.Within India, the draft policy boosts the government‟s schemes/ programmes, such as Digital India, Skill India, Make in India and Startup India, which rely on eCommerce and its components. For instance, it has introduced norms for consumer protection, recognized the importance of data, its protection and storage, granted infrastructure status to data centers and server farms, integrated different systems to track imports and introduced anti-counterfeiting and anti-piracy measures.It is also in sync with the recently updated industrial policy which reflects the underlying brick-and-mortar economy. However, the stakeholders, including industry, its associations and the independent policy community, point out that in the government‟s enthusiasm to address all these many aspects of eCommerce, the Draft Policy has become ambiguous, raising questions about whether it is intended to be an internet policy or a specific eCommerce policy. (1)The National eCommerce Policy is aimed to address concerns which go beyond the sale and purchase of products by electronic means. For example, environmentally sustainable growth by outlining regulatory aspects on Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, suitable policy will be devised to promote “reduce, reuse and recycle” practices by stakeholders. In the era of Industrial Revolution 4.0, economic development is based on data which is generated, stored, transmitted or processed in large volumes. The increasing importance of data warrants treating it at par with other resources on which a country would have sovereign right. The Policy recognizes the importance of data while enabling the domestic industry to benefit from the advantages and opportunities created by electronic commerce. (2)
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KOVAL, Oles. "Ministry of Defence expenditures impact on economic growth of Ukraine." Visnyk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Military-Special Sciences, no. 4 (56) (2023): 26–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2217.2023.56.26-35.
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B a c k g r o u n d . With the start of the second stage of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the Government of Ukraine and its military command faced an objective examination of the results of years of efforts to develop Ukraine's national security and defence sector. At the same time as defence capability was being enhanced, economic performance was on the rise. This led us to test the hypothesis of whether the increased defence capability caused this growth. This study aims to clarify the relationship between military expenditures and economic growth in Ukraine. The object of the study is a consistent and long-term process of economic growth of the state along with an increase in the level of defence capability as a result of military expenditures in the context of financial support from the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine. Methods. Theoretical methods: analysis, synthesis, abstraction, generalisation, induction, deduction, explanation, classification. Empirical methods: hypothesis, observation, experiment, description. Results. This paper defines "military capabilities" and their relationship with military potential. It has been established that the ability to use military potential (military power/strength) is a military capability. Military expenditures are used to develop capabilities in the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine's system. Thus, allocating and redistributing expenditures for the army's needs is financial support. The armed forces' financial support drives the country's economic growth. To establish this fact, the leading indicators of military expenditures in the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine (from now on – MoD) were analysed and the indicator of economic growth – gross domestic product (from now – GDP) from 2012 to 2021. This period is crucial for Ukraine's national security, defence, and economic growth, as the basic principles of state defence policy were established during this time. This motivated us to analyse financial and defence indicators to determine their interrelationship. C o n c l u s i o n s . Two variables were defined as military expenditures and the GDP, where the first variable is independent and the second is dependent. A high correlation between military spending and economic growth in Ukraine was found by constructing a scatter plot, performing the relevant calculations, obtaining the data in an ANOVA table, setting up a regression line, and conducting null hypothesis tests.
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Mandryk, Ivan. "THE CONTROVERSY OF VIEWS ON THE FUTURE OF HUNGARY BETWEEN FERENC DEAK AND LAJOS KOSSUTH DURING THE ADOPTION OF THE DUALISTIC AGREEMENT (1865 – 1867)." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (50) (July 2, 2024): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(50).2024.305417.
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Every nation is proud of its national leaders, preserves the memory on them. The Hungarians are no exception, and they gave birth to one of their best sons, who led the national liberation war of 1848 – 1849 and greatly contributed to the birth of their nation. The name of this Hungarian is Lajos Kossuth. Being under the rule of the Habsburg dynasty for a long time, the Hungarian people, who had significant traditions of statesmanship since the Middle Ages, found themselves under the threat of assimilation. Only the ascetic activity of such national leaders as I Szecheny, S. Petőfi, L. Kossuth, F. Deák and others saved Hungarians from such participation. Their activity was most clearly manifested during the revolution and the national liberation war of 1848 – 1849. However, even after the defeat, the leaders had to work on solving the national problems of Hungary and its peoples. In the 60s of the XIX century the views on the political future of former like-minded people diverged diametrically. This applies to the entire spectrum of activities of Ferenc Deák and Lajos Kossuth. The latter, throughout his long life (1802 – 1894), while living in exile, continued to call on all Hungarians to realize the main goal – the restoration of their own independent state, completely separated from the Austrian Empire. The opposite position was taken by the leader of the constitutionalists, the head of the liberal party, F. Deák. Taking into account all internal and external circumstances, he and his numerous like-minded people chose the path of compromise with the dynasty and Austria and advocated the restoration of Hungary’s constitutional rights through purely peaceful means. The political differences between the two national leaders were most clearly manifested during the preparation and conclusion of the dualistic Austro-Hungarian agreement, which determined the state system not only of historical Hungary but also of the entire Habsburg Empire for the next half-century. Among active politicians, it was L. Kossuth who understood the final tragedy of such a compromise choice by the Hungarians, which could bring temporary tactical results but could not ensure strategic national interests.
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Nedeljkovic, Sasa. "Sketches of the Serbs in Cavtat until 1945." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 142 (2013): 163–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1342169n.
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At the end of 19th and in the first half of 20th century Catholic Serbs consisted the majority in Cavtat, also known as ?little Belgrade? for that reason. They permanently confronted Croatian nationalists who aspired to make Cavtat a Croatian city. People from Cavtat closely cooperated with national societies from Dubrovnik. National Women?s Cooperative from Dubrovnik opened in 1920 a branch in Cavtat with ?Pcelica? institution. Serbian Sisters? Circle (Kolo srpskih sestara) opened a vocational school in Cavtat at its own expense. The school was governed by Women?s Charitable Organisation from Cavtat, and financed by the Circle. King Aleksandar and Queen Marija received an enthusiastic welcome when they visited Cavtat in 1925. Catholic Serbs considered the Sokol Movement (Sokolsko drustvo) a binding thread of Yugoslav society. The Sokol Movement in Cavtat was the most active and the largest society in Cavtat until the April War in 1941. Cavatat municipality was separated from Konavle in 1937. The Yugoslav Radical Union (JRZ) led by Niko Vragolov won the elections. According to the Cvetkovic-Macek Agreement from August 26th, 1939 Cavtat was separated from Banovina of Zeta and allotted to Banovina of Croatia. The Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) in Banovina of Croatia used its leading position to expand persecutions and deprivations of Catholic Serbs, the Yugoslavs and the Sokols. Local newspapers, especially magazines Dubrovnik and Sokolski glasnik, reported about these persecutions. In Banovina of Croatia municipality of Cavtat was appended in 1940 to the municipality of Konavle with the seat in Gruda. Everything that happened in and around Dubrovnik in Banovina of Croatia was an introduction to what was happening later in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). The Ustashi persecutions did not cause Catholic Serbs to break down. During the Second World War Dubrovnik and Cavtat were important strongholds of the Yugoslav Army in the Homeland. After the War Cavtat became part of Croatia.
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Cammisa, Anne Marie. "Dragging Congress into the 21st Century: Creating Policies and Improving Processes in an Age of Pandemic and Polarization." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 54, no. 1 (2023): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2023-1-23.
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Covid-19 presented a major external shock to the United States governmental system . The system itself, crafted in the 18th century, was not designed to easily absorb this shock . The U .S . government is divided by the Constitution in two important ways: through a system of federalism in which state power vies with federal power, and through a separated system at the national level in which Congress, the President and the Supreme Court wrestle with each other over lawmaking and policy authority . By 2019, the system was stymied by increasing partisan polarization, magnified by the Presidency of Donald Trump . Responses to Coronavirus would have to be shepherded through a labyrinthian path and would face horizontal (separated powers) and vertical (state, federal, local) challenges, in addition to partisan wrangling . At a more micro level Congress itself faced, in addition to all of the hurdles already mentioned, specific problems in what could be termed “capacity” . Congres- sional policymaking relies on physical presence—in committees, on the floor, in party cau- cuses and in member organizations—to get its business done . With the nation and the world facing quarantines, lockdowns and stay-at-home orders, how could Congress main- tain physical presence? Should it? What alternatives might there be? Along with the rest of the country, Congressional staff adjusted to working from home . Maintaining national security during remote work would be problematic, certainly, but even more basic prob- lems were exposed as it came to light that many congressional offices lacked the technology and equipment to provide staffers with secure means to get their jobs done from remote locations . Covid-19 made clear that the United States Congress was facing 21st Century problems in an organization with 20th (or even 19th or 18th) century procedures and structures . How could it respond to the immediate problem? And, perhaps more importantly, what would be the path forward once the country moved past the crisis?
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Costa, Taiara Souza, Ramon Amaro de Sales, Robson Argolo dos Santos, Evandro Chaves de Oliveira, Dieimes Bohry, Rodrigo Amaro de Salles, Erli Pinto dos Santos, and Rosangela Leal Santos. "Calibration Methods for Estimation of Reference Evapotranspiration in Morro Do Chapéu, Bahia, Brazil." Journal of Agricultural Science 11, no. 5 (April 15, 2019): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jas.v11n5p82.
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The objective of this work was to calibrate and to validate the methods of Camargo, Hargreaves and Samani, and Priestley and Taylor, according to the Penman-Monteith model, for the estimation of reference evapotranspiration (ETo), in the four seasons of the year for the municipality of Morro do Chapéu, Bahia. Climatological data from the conventional meteorological station belonging to the National Institute of Meteorology (INMET) were used, in the period of 18 years (2000-2018). The first 16 years were considered to adjust the parameters. The years of 2016 and 2017 were assigned as independent data to validate the adjustments. To analyze the results, it was used the root mean square error (RMSE in mm d-1), coefficient of determination (R2), systematic error (BIAS in mm d-1), and Willmott’s concordance index. After adjusting the parameters, the three methods improved their performance in the estimation of ETo, however, the Camargo method presented high values of RMSE, reaching 0.41 mm d-1 during the spring. It is concluded that the calibrated methods of Hargreaves and Samani, and, Priestley and Taylor can be recommended for the estimation of the reference evapotranspiration, for planning and execution of irrigation projects in the municipality, regardless of the season.
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Lacy, Alicia M. Pike, Thomas G. Bowman, and Stephanie Mazerolle Singe. "Challenges Faced by Collegiate Athletic Trainers, Part I: Organizational Conflict and Clinical Decision Making." Journal of Athletic Training 55, no. 3 (March 1, 2020): 303–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.4085/1062-6050-84-19.
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Context Organizational conflict, particularly between coaches and medical professionals, has been reported in collegiate athletics. Different values create room for conflict between coaches and athletic trainers (ATs); however, ATs' experiences when making medical decisions are not fully understood. Objective To investigate the presence of organizational conflict regarding medical decision making and determine if differences exist across athletic affiliations. Design Cross-sectional study. Setting Collegiate athletics (National Collegiate Athletic Association [NCAA], National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics [NAIA], National Junior College Athletic Association [NJCAA]). Patients or Other Participants A total of 434 ATs responded (age = 27.7 ± 3.2 years, years certified = 5.2 ± 2.7), representing the NCAA Division I (DI; n = 199), Division II (DII; n = 67), Division III (DIII; n = 108); NAIA (n = 37); and NJCAA (n = 23) settings. Main Outcome Measure(s) The survey instrument contained quantitative measures and open-ended questions, with affiliation as our primary independent variable. Responses to Likert-scale questions (1 = strongly agree, 5 = strongly disagree) regarding organizational pressures within athletics served as the dependent variables. Kruskal-Wallis analysis-of-variance and Mann-Whitney U post hoc tests assessed differences in organizational conflict across affiliations. Open-ended questions were analyzed inductively. Results We obtained a 14.47% (434 of 3000) response rate. National Collegiate Athletic Association DI ATs disagreed less than NCAA DII and DIII and NJCAA ATs that they would worry about job security if turnover in the head coaching position occurred (P < .05). Regarding the influence of coaches on job performance, differences were found between NCAA DI and DIII and between DI and NJCAA ATs (P < .01). Visibility of the injury and situational factors influenced the level of perceived pressure. Conclusions Athletic trainers perceived pressure from coaches regarding medical decision making. Division I ATs placed greater emphasis on the role that coaches played in their job performance and job security. Athletic departments should consider transitioning to patient-centered models of care to better align values and reduce the external pressures placed on ATs.
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Katola, Olga. "Serhiy Shelukhyn (1864―1938): an intellectual and statesman in the service of Ukraine." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 9(27) (2019): 367–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2019-9(27)-22.
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The paper seeks to explore main stages of the lifeline of S. Shelukhyn as well as characterize his public and political activities, the scholarly achievements, literary and publicistic legacy of the scholar and politician. His classical graduate studies, professional and career background of the lawyer-practician, a shaping of his social and political views and scholarly interests are revealed in the historical circumstances of that time. A particular attention has been paid to his public activities. He was an active founder and member of the socio-political organizations signi ficantly contributing into a development of the national movement. With the beginning of the Ukrainian Revolution, S. Shelukhyn as a delegate, a leading member of the Ukrainian Party of the Socialists-Federalists to the Ukrainian parliament, the Ukrainian Central Council (Rada), was particularly engaged in social and political work. After the proclamation of the UNR, holding high-ranking state posts, he opposed the federation with Russia. The positive aspects of his political life are establishment and activities of the public organi zations, scientific institutions, teaching at the Ukrainian high schools, a fruitful collaboration with the press. The S. Shelukhyn’s scholarly heritage is represented here. Specifically, the studies in history and origin of the Rus-Ukraine, history of the Ukrainian law (in particular, in the field of the criminal and civil law), political sciences and so on, are presented here. The article distinguishes a particularly active scholar ship of S. Shelukhyn in the émigré period. One of the biggest achieve ments of this historian and scholar is the making of argumentation basis for legitimization of the right of the Ukrainian people at restoration and building of the independent state. His beloved interest to literature and creative talent fostered poetry printing on the pages of many press publi cations, mainly of the citizen and patriotic motifs as well as translations of the belles lettres. His publicistic texts were a continuation of his social and political work. They conveyed to the readers his views, senti ments and beliefs shaping the self-consciousness of the Ukrainian nation and broadening horizons of knowledge. Keywords: Serhiy Shelukhyn, the Ukrai nian Central Council (Rada), social and political work, etatist ideology, the Ukrai nian law, emigration, scholarship, publicism, literary works.
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Card, Capt James C., and Lt John A. Meehan. "Response to the American Trader Oil Spill1." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 1991, no. 1 (March 1, 1991): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-1991-1-305.
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ABSTRACT A spill of approximately 9,500 bbl of Alaskan North Slope crude oil (27.5 API gravity) occurred on February 7, 1990, when the 818-foot, 37,768-gross-ton, U.S.-flag tank vessel American Trader grounded on one of her anchors while attempting to maneuver into Golden West Refining Company's Huntington Beach offshore mooring at position 33°37.7’N, 118°00.5’W. Oil flowed from a three-foot-by-five-foot puncture in the No. 1 starboard wing tank, and a 40-square-mile slick developed during the next three days. By February 13, 14 miles of recreational beach along Southern California's heavily populated coast had been affected by the spill. The response mounted by the federal on-scene coordinator (OSC) and the responsible party as a result of this accident became one of the most successful open sea oil recovery operations in U. S. history and has been called a textbook example of shoreline cleanup and interagency cooperation. The relative effectiveness and short duration of the cleanup were due to favorable weather, fast response, availability of oil spill recovery equipment, good strategic planning, and cooperation between the responsible party and the government. An extensive offshore response effort (15 major skimming systems, 25 support vessels), coupled with fair weather and mild sea conditions, resulted in unusually high open sea oil recovery rate (25.1 percent of the total crude spilled). Major wetlands, including the Bolsa Chica National Wildlife Refuge, Newport Bay, and the Santa Ana River, were protected with containment booms within eight hours after the accident, excluding the oil slick from these vital estuaries. An intensive beach cleanup with sorbents and shovels began with initial shoreline oiling on February 8 and peaked on February 13, when some 1,300 workers were deployed to combat heavy oil sludge forced ashore by southerly storm winds. By employing people in lieu of heavy machinery on these fragile beaches (Huntington Beach, Newport Beach, Bolsa Chica Beach), environmental impact was minimized and a rapid, thorough cleanup was attained. By March 2, all beaches had been cleaned; the rest of the cleanup consisted of low-pressure cold water flushing and high-pressure hot water spraying of oil-contaminated jetties, piers, and rocky shorelines. On April 3, 1990, final cleanup operations were completed, and the OSC concluded all monitoring activities associated with this incident.
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Pejanović, Mirko. "Cjelovito istraživanje uloge Pašage Mandžića u tuzlanskom procesu / Comprehensive Research of Pašaga Mandžić's Role in the Tuzla Process." Pregled: časopis za društvena pitanja / Periodical for social issues 63, no. 1 (June 6, 2022): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.48052/19865244.2022.1.119.
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The book “Tuzla Processes: 1970s,“ by Prof. Dr. Kadrija Hodžić, professor at the Faculty of Economics, University of Tuzla, presents a comprehensive study of the course of political events related to the role of Pašaga Mandžić in the development of Tuzla and the Tuzla region. It is important to keep in mind that Pašaga Mandžić belongs to the leading communist cadres who organized an uprising against the fascist occupation of the country in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1941. As a prominent anti-fascist fighter, Pašaga Mandžić will become the commissioner of the First Partisan Strike Battalion, formed in Srednje near Sarajevo, in March 1942. Together with Avdo Humo, Rodoljub Čolaković and Đuro Pucar - Stari, he participated in the preparations for the First, Second and Third Sessions of ZAVNOBIH. At the Third ZAVNOBIH Session in 1945 in Sarajevo, Pašaga Mandžić was elected a member of the first People's Government of Federal Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the post Second World War period, Pašaga Mandžić performed numerous duties, from the president of the Tuzla District to other duties in the republican bodies of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In the early 1970s, at the invitation of the leadership of the League of Communists of the Municipality of Tuzla, Pašaga Mandžić, as a pensioner, came to Tuzla and with his experience contributed to the economic development of his hometown. After the dismissal of Sead Babović, Secretary of the Municipal Committee of SK Tuzla, Pašaga Mandžić with his views on the development of Tuzla's economy comes into dispute and conflict with the current political leadership of Tuzla. The actual showdown between the leadership of the League of Communists of Tuzla and Pašaga Mandžić took place at the Eighth Session of the OKSK Tuzla in 1971. However, that conflict did not have the character of a political affair. Pašaga Mandžić’s deeper conflict with the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina arose on 26 June 1973, at an extended session of the Central Committee Secretariat, Communist Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina, when Pašaga Mandžić individually raised the question of organizing and leading the uprising in Eastern Bosnia. Pašaga Mandžić 's position was assessed as a form of nationalism dangerous for treating the character of the uprising and the national liberation struggle in Bosnia and Herzegovina. At that time, it was not only the ideological critique of Pašaga Mandžić. Accusations followed against Pašaga Mandžić and a group of people who worked more closely with him in Tuzla than the Central Committee and the State Security Service. The brutal procedure of the State Security Service against the members of the Tuzla group was carried out, and then the court process in Tuzla. There is also a belief that Pašaga Mandžić was protected from prosecution by Josip Broz Tito on the Đuro Pucar’s intercession. Author Prof. Dr. Kadrija Hodžić conducts many years of research on Tuzla processes on an interdisciplinary basis. The results of the research shed light on everything that took place in the Tuzla processes of the 1970s. The whole result of the research enables a new social evaluation of the role of Pašaga Mandžić in the national liberation struggle and socio-economic development of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the hometown of Tuzla after the Second World War. In the coming decades, a reliable critical evaluation of the contribution of the research of Prof. Dr. Kadrija Hodžić establishes complete historical truths about a revolutionary figure such as Pašaga Mandžić.
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Béldi, T. G., A. Vincze, B. Miltényi-Szabó, Z. Varga, M. Nagy-Vincze, and Z. Griger. "POS0920 THE EFFECT OF COVID-19 PANDEMIC ON IDIOPATHIC INFLAMMATORY MYOSITIS PATIENTS – A SINGLE CENTRE’S EXPERIENCES." Annals of the Rheumatic Diseases 81, Suppl 1 (May 23, 2022): 760.1–760. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/annrheumdis-2022-eular.4638.
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BackgroundPandemic caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-Cov2/COVID19) determines the life of clinicians and patients since 2 years. Limited information is available on the nature, prognosis, and complications of SARS-Cov2 virus infection in patients with idiopathic inflammatory myopathies (IIM). There are also few data on triggered humoral response, side effects and disease course after COVID19 infection or vaccination in IIM.ObjectivesThe primary goals of the current research were to assess frequency and outcome of COVID-19 disease and to determine the vaccination rate and effect in our IIM cohort. Secondary objectives were to search for risk factors of infection, predictive factors of hospitalization and to assess incidence of vaccination adverse events, complications and post vaccination breakthrough infections.MethodsWe retrospectively identified the confirmed COVID19 positive patients and assessed the symptoms, disease course and outcome on 01/06/2021 then patients were prospectively followed. Incidence and complications of vaccination were determined by questionnaires. Anti-SARS-CoV-2 S enzyme electrochemiluminescent immunoassay has been used to assess seroconversion, which measures total antibody (IgM and IgG) to the SARS-CoV2 S protein and SARS-CoV2 N protein. Disease activity was determined by physician global activity.ResultsA total of 176 patients were screened and 101 participated in the study. By 01/06/2021, the COVID infection rate was 34,7% (mean age: 49.54 years, 72.72% women), which was significantly higher than the national prevalence at that time (8.2%). A third of these infections occurred asymptomatically or mild but 20% of the infected patients were hospitalized, one patient died. Longer disease duration (8.67 vs. 17.87 years; p=0.003) and higher incidence of anti-Jo-1 antibody (57% vs. 10% p=0.018) were significantly associated with hospitalization. All of COVID infected patients became seropositive regardless of immunosuppressive therapy or symptoms severity. 53,4 % of the patients received anti-COVID19 vaccine, 75,9 % choose the mRNA type. The titer of antibodies against the spike protein induced by vaccines showed high variance, but 72,3% of patients became seropositive after vaccination. Higher antibody titer against spike protein was detected after Pfizer-BioNTech vaccination compared to others (177,1 U / ml vs. 81.1 U / ml; p <001). Patients receiving steroid therapy had decreased post-vaccination antibody response compared to those without steroid treatment (94,03 U/ml vs. 165.6 U/ml; p = 0.008). With the follow-up of vaccinated patients, we did not found short term vaccine related major adverse events, but long term data revealed 7,4 % post vaccination disease relapse. Breakthrough infection was detected in 9.25 % of the vaccinated patients, one cancer associated patient without post vaccination seroconversion died due to COVID pneumonia. All the fatal COVID infections occurred in patients with seronegativity to anti- SARS-CoV2 S protein.ConclusionBased on our results, myositis may be associated with an increased risk of infection with SARS-CoV-2. Independent risk factor for hospitalization is anti-Jo1 positivity and longer disease duration. Anti-SARS-CoV2 vaccines are safe, tolerable and strongly recommended for IIM population, but further investigation is required to assess clinical significance of post-vaccination disease flare.Disclosure of InterestsNone declared
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Gudev, P. "The Aegean Sea of Contradictions (Part I)." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 10 (2021): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-10-142-151.
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The Aegean Sea as part of the Eastern Mediterranean has been a clash of national interests between Greece and Turkey for decades. In particular, this process has intensified since 1974, and although there have been certain peaks and troughs along the way, now it seems to be at a point of new aggravation in bilateral relations. In general, this state of affairs is due to the particular geographical characteristics of the Aegean Sea, namely the large number of Greek islands, rocks and island formations scattered throughout its waters, often close to the Turkish coastline. Through them, Athens can lay claim to significant areas of both waters, seabed and subsoil, as well as airspace, over which its sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction would extend. Such rights and powers are granted to Greece under the current international law of the sea and, above all, under the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, to which Greece is a full party. However, the Aegean will in any case continue to be a region where other countries, including extra-regional ones, have their own interests in shipping and other maritime activities. In particular, it applies to the Russian Federation and the U. S. Turkey, for its part, is directly dependent on unhindered passage of its ships and warships from the Aegean Sea to the Black Sea and vice versa. The first part of this paper analyzes the historical and documentary background of the Turkish-Greek controversy, based on different understandings of the provisions and language of international agreements, such as the Lausanne Peace Treaty of 1923 and the Paris Peace Treaty of 1947. Turkey’s reasons for linking the issue of Greek sovereignty over particular islands in the Aegean Sea to their demilitarized status as prescribed in these international treaties is described. The reasons why incidents between Greek and Turkish warplanes regularly occur in the Aegean airspace, which have different interpretations of the boundaries between national and international airspace, is explored. Special attention is paid to the legal basis for the formation of air defense identification zones and flight information regions by various states, including Greece. It is shown, which legal documents regulate the establishment of Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ) and Flight Information Area (FIR).
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Damier, Vadim. "Anarchists of the Netherlands and the Anti-Colonial Movement in Indonesia." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016179-4.
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The desire to weaken the colonial state prompted anti-colonial movements to seek an alliance with opposition forces in the metropolitan countries, including with left-wing social and political movements. The anarchists of the Netherlands since 1904 have opposed colonial rule in the Netherlands India (modern Indonesia). Without creating their own organizations in the colony, they strove to establish close contacts with representatives of the Indonesian national movement, first of all, with Indonesian students who studied in the metropolis. In 1927, the anarchists managed to establish cooperation with the leaders of the organization “Perhimpoenan Indonesia”, which brought together students from Indonesia in the Netherlands. The interaction took place in the form of solidarity campaigns, the struggle against repression and the sending of troops to the colony, as well as in the process of cooperation within the League against imperialism. However, true to their anti-authoritarian, anti-militaristic and pacifist doctrines, the Dutch anarchists refused to support the idea of creating an independent Indonesian state. This, along with pragmatic considerations (the desire to gain support from more politically influential forces) prompted the Indonesians to focus more on cooperation with the Dutch communists and socialists. After members of the Indonesian Communist Party came to the leadership of “Perhimpoenan Indonesia” in 1931, regular co-operation with the anarchists was gradually phased out. However, Dutch anarchists continued to express solidarity with the struggle against colonial rule and protested against the repression of the Indonesian national movement. After the proclamation of Indonesia's independence in 1945 and the beginning of the Dutch military intervention against the former colony, the anarchists of the Netherlands, together with other radical left-wing organizations and groups, tried to organize protests against the sending of armed forces by the Netherlands state to Indonesia. The Dutch anarchists failed to gain significant influence among Indonesians, although the leaders of the New Republic, despite their political differences, maintained contacts with some of their old anarchist acquaintances.
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Yao, Yi, Kalpana Subedi, Jonathan Z. Sexton, Tingting Liu, Namir Khalasawi, Carla Pretto, Jesse W. Wotring, et al. "Circulating Monocytes Co-expressing Surface ACE2 and TMPRSS2 upon TLR4/7/8 Activation Are Susceptible to SARS-CoV-2 Infection." Journal of Immunology 208, no. 1_Supplement (May 1, 2022): 163.25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4049/jimmunol.208.supp.163.25.
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Abstract Angiotensin-converting enzyme 2 (ACE2) receptor is required for SARS-CoV-2 entry into human cells. However, emerging evidence shows SARS-CoV-2 infected lung monocytes/macrophages from COVID-19 patients barely express ACE2 mRNA, raising a question how SARS-CoV-2 penetrates macrophages. It’s also under debating whether the peripheral blood cells (HPBCs) can be infected by SARS-CoV-2 that may facilitate viral spread from circulation to other organs besides lung. Herein we demonstrate that resting primary HPBCs harbor abundant cytoplasmic ACE2, regardless of COVID-19 status, and that surface translocation is necessary for viral infection. Upon ex vivo TLR4/7/8 stimulation of HPBCs, ACE2 translocated to the cell surface independent of ACE2 transcription, and this translocation was blocked by an endosomal trafficking inhibitor, suggesting the putative source as ACE2-containing exosomes. However, only stimulated monocytes concurrently expressing ACE2 and cell surface transmembrane serine protease type 2 (TMPRSS2) were efficiently infected by SARS-CoV-2, which was significantly mitigated by remdesivir. Furthermore, ACE2 surface translocation in peripheral myeloid cells from patients with severe COVID-19 correlated with their proinflammatory cytokine production. Collectively, TLR4/7/8-induced ACE2 translocation with TMPRSS2 expression is indispensable for SARS-CoV-2 infection of circulating monocytes. Our work not only provides a new mechanism for the pathogenesis of SARS-CoV-2 and a potential path for its systemic infection, but also unveils a prospective therapeutic strategy by targeting ACE2 trafficking for preventing monocyte/macrophage infection. This study is partially supported by National Institutes of Health grants R61AR076803, R01AR063611, R01AI119041, and R01AR069681 (Q-S. M.), R01AR072046 (L.Z.), R01DK120623 (J.Z.S.), Henry Ford Immunology Program grants (T71016, Q-S. M.; T71017, L. Z.), and funding for the U-M Center for Drug Repurposing - NCATS CTSA UL1TR002240 (J.Z.S.).
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Ogitsu, Tadashi, Joel Varley, Alexander D. DeAngelis, Kimberly Horsley, and Nicolas Gaillard. "(Invited) Integrating Ab-Initio Simulations and Experimental Characterization Methods: Towards Accelerated Chalcopyrite Materials Development for Hydrogen Production." ECS Meeting Abstracts MA2018-01, no. 31 (April 13, 2018): 1855. http://dx.doi.org/10.1149/ma2018-01/31/1855.
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Recent development of ab-initio simulation and experimental characterization techniques enabled us to obtain information that is crucial for accelerated materials development for sustainable energy solutions. In this presentation, we will particularly focus on some of the most complex problems currently facing hydrogen production technology and how these ab-initio simulations can be used to gain insights about them. Taking what we know from ab-initio simulations we can then validate multiple and independent experimental results to provide a theoretically grounded interpretation. This cross-validation between theory and experiment is one of the capabilities that the new HydroGEN consortium (h2awsm.org), established under DOE EERE, provides to scientific community. As the use examples, we will discuss about an effective use of ab-initio simulations for development of high performance materials for a photoelectrochemical hydrogen production device. We emphasize an importance on the comprehensive use of ab-initio simulations on multiple aspects of materials developments, such as usable synthesis conditions, detrimental defect formation for a given synthesis condition, and the consequential saturation of open circuit voltage. We emphasize that systematic comparisons between the multiple aspects of theory and experiment are important for rapid materials development procedure via effective identification of the roadblocks. This work performed under the auspices of the U.S. Department of Energy by Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory under Contract DE-AC52-07NA27344 and funded by the U. S. Department of Energy, Office of Energy Efficiency & Renewable Energy (EERE).
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Bozic, Sofija. "Death of Svetozar Pribicevic and its echoes in Yugoslav public opinion." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 78 (2012): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1278067b.
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The article examines the way in which the Yugoslav public reported on the death of the president of the Independent democratic Party Svetozar Pribicevic (1875-1936), leader of the Serbs in Croatia, many years Minister of Internal Affairs and of Education and one of the most controversial political leaders of the Kingdom of SCS/Yugoslavia. Apart from describing Pribicevic last moments spent in exile, the funeral in Prague and the impression that the news of his death left the Serbian and Croatian political circles and people, paying particular attention to a review of some politicians and intellectuals, as Pribicevic like-minded associates and supporters and those of a different political affiliation, Serbs and Croats, to his political action, which at that time published in the Yugoslav press. Most authors agreed with the fact that Pribicevic was an important person, which had considerable influence on historical trends and processes. They recognized a number of stages in his work, sudden twists that he passed from one extreme to another, stressed Pribicevic role in the creation of the Yugoslav state, his impulsiveness, diligence, ideological fanaticism and, in particular, Pribicevic personal honesty and integrity. Opposition newspapers Yugoslav orientation and those who were Croat separatists media difered in that the first brought by contributions that represented the most prominent Serbian politician from Croatia in glowing terms, while others looked through the prism of the exclusive Croatian national, not showing understanding for Pribicevic Yugoslav even in addition to policy support to the Croatian movement and co-operation with him, he began to run in the last period of life. It was only 1968th Pribicevic mortal remains were transferred from Prague to Yugo?slavia, and buried at Belgrade?s New Cemetery. His desire to rest at his birthplace Glavicani near Dvor was not fulfilled.