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Academic literature on the topic 'National Independent Party (U.S.)'
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Journal articles on the topic "National Independent Party (U.S.)"
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Corbett, Charles R. "VESSEL RESPONSE PLAN REQUIREMENTS: OBSERVATIONS BY INTERTANKO." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 1993, no. 1 (March 1, 1993): 259–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-1993-1-259.
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ABSTRACT The U.S. government has elected to proceed unilaterally with respect to oil spill response plans for vessels—despite the fact that it is party to two important treaties which support a globally unified system. While the timetable for implementing the vessel response plans required by U. S. legislation moves forward for tanker owners, the U. S. executive branch has not kept pace by providing badly needed guidelines—demanded by the same legislation. Of particular importance are the failure of revisions to the U. S. National Contingency Plan, area contingency plans, and oil spill cleanup contractor approval procedures and guidelines to appear.
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Dragosavljević, Vasilije. "ŠTAMPANA GLASILA JNP ZBOR O POLITIČKOBEZBEDNOSNOJ SITUACIJI U BANOVINI HRVATSKOJ (1939–1940)." Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 231–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.231d.
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In this paper, I shall analyse a number of articles published by the Yugoslav People’s Movement Zbor (JNP Zbor) in its party papers and newssheets, with the aim of reconstructing the attitude adopted by this political organization regarding the political and security situation in the Banate of Croatia in the period 1939-1940. In particular, the focus shall be on the process of the downfall of the regime established by the Croatian Peasant Party in the Banate of Croatia, which resulted from the persecution of Serbs and other non-Croat population and concurrent conflicts within the Croatian national movement. Special attention shall also be paid to the repressive measures taken by the Croatian Peasant Party regime against the Serbian population, whose sufferings were a prelude to the genocide that the Ustashe regime eventually perpetrated against the Serbs in the Independent State of Croatia (NDH) during the World War 2.
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Guštin, Matko. "ZAŠTITA PROCESNIH PRAVA DJETETA U UPRAVNIM POSTUPCIMA S POSEBNIM OSVRTOM NA POSTUPANJA U VEZI S OSOBNIM STANJIMA GRAĐANA." Dijete i obitelj u suvremenom društvu 1, no. 1 (2024): 27–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/dosd/31050.
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Considering that administrative law regulations cover a significant number of areas important for citizens’ lives, administrative procedures are the most common procedures in which citizens, including children, exercise their rights and impose obligations on them. The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, as well as General Comment No. 12 of the Committee on the Rights of the Child on the child’s right to be heard, determine the child as an active legal subject. This applies to all procedures in which the child participates, including administrative procedures. Due to legal and therefore procedural capacity, the child is represented by legal representatives in the administrative procedure, which does not reduce the active role of the child in the procedure, who has the right to be heard, that is, to express an opinion on issues related to him. Therefore, this paper aims to present the position of the child in the administrative procedure in the Republic of Croatia, that is, its procedural rights from the aspect of representation and the right to be heard. In the first part of the paper, the assumptions of the child’s party activity in the administrative procedure are analyzed, after which the representation of the child according to the Family Law Act and the General Administrative Procedure Act is presented. In the central part of the paper, de lege lata, the child’s right to be heard is analyzed in the context of international law and national regulations, in relation to administrative procedures. Taking into account the importance of the status law issues, the paper presents the position of the child in administrative procedures related to personal name, identity card, travel documents, Croatian citizenship, and residence, analyzing the legal arrangement of the child’s representation and its right to be heard, that is, to express its opinion.
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Raikivskyi, I. Y. "UKRAINIAN SOCIAL-DEMOCRACY IN THE PARTY-POLITICAL LIFE OF THE GALICIA OF THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1930-s." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 4(56) (December 27, 2019): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2019-4(56)-122-136.
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The activities of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP), founded in 1899, in the second half of the 1930s are highlighted. This party tried to combine the national idea and Marxism, took an active part in political life in Western Ukraine (until September 1939). The USDP used parliamentary methods for the creation of an independent Ukrainian socialist state, opposed the Ukrainian nationalist underground, and had a relationship with Polish and Jewish socialists. Since 1935, for the third time in the pre-war decade, the party has been a participant in the consolidation process of legal Ukrainian parties of national-state movements in Poland, which have periodically emerged under the influence of a number of internal and external factors. On the eve of the Second World War, the crisis of democratic forces, the rise of authoritarianism in various forms across Europe negatively affected the public influence of the USDP, as well as Social Democracy in general in the Second Polish Republic.
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MUHAMMAD, AMINU YAHAYA. "Intra-Party Conflict and the Future of Nigerian Democracy: Examining the All Progressives Congress (APC)." Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (December 4, 2018): 20–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v2i4.248.
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This study is an analysis of the nature and pattern of intra-party conflict in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic with specific reference to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Intra-party conflict has been the norm in Nigerian politics leading to crises, setback and failure of many parties to forge ahead for proper democratisation in Nigeria including the ruling parties in many instances. The problem is the way in which intra-party conflict is becoming the bane of democratisation and good governance in Nigeria for many decades and despite the previous experiences, the phenomenon continued unabated. The study investigated the new dimension of intra-party conflict in Nigeria taking the All Progressives Congress as the case study. The study used a qualitative method of data collection and analysis. Primary and secondary sources of data were used. The primary data involved an in-depth interview with some selected informants from the relevant institutions and agencies related to the APC and the crises such as the national party executives, senior officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and academicians that are experts in the area of study. The secondary sources include books, journals, newspapers, internets and other documented materials. The data obtained were discussed using content analysis where thematic analytical interpretations were used in the discussions. The research discovered that, the intra-party conflict under the APC has taken a new dimension where the members of the ruling party constituted an opposition and a stumbling block for the party’s progress and governance. The work recommends that intra-party conflict of APC and other Nigerian political parties can be resolved through constitutional reforms, institutionalisation of party ideology and principles and strict sanctions from the national leaders of the party.
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Semashko, N. "SOCIALIST IDEOLOGY IN THE VIEWS OF S. PETLIURA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 20th CENTURY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 62–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.10.
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The article considers the peculiarities of the social-democratic views of the prominent statesman Simon Vasilyevich Petliura in the period 1902-1917, that is, at the stage of forming his political worldview. The role of S. Petliura as one of the leading ideologues of the Ukrainian social democracy of the beginning of the XX century is determined. The attitude of S. Petliura to the Russian variants of marxism is analyzed, his views on European social democracy, the main issues of development of the Ukrainian people, and solving them through the prism of socialist ideas. His views on party building are studied, relations between the Ukrainian Social Democratic Workers 'Party and the Russian Social Democratic Workers' Party. The key positions of the Russian Social Democrats have been identified, which became the subject of sharp criticism of S. Petliura. It turned out that Simon Petliura was a supporter of the European version of Social Democracy, in particular on the issue of the right of nations to selfdetermination. S. Petliura entered into a sharp controversy with representatives of the Russian Social-Democracy, argued the falsity of their views on non-recognition of the right of the Ukrainian people to autonomy, appealing to the works of Karl Kautsky. S. Petliura did not share the centralizing policy of the Russian Marxists regarding party building, defending the right of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Workers' Party to an independent organizational structure. Socialist ideology in views S. Petliura was dominant, but had bright national features. The key stages of formation of the worldview of the figure are determined. The transformation of its ideological foundations is determined.
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Campagnini, Kathryn, and Tim Gunter. "Creation of National Strike Force Center of Expertise: U. S. Coast Guard Deployable Specialized Forces “Stem-to-Stern” Review." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 2527–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2017.1.2527.
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Abstract The United States Coast Guard conducted a review of the National Strike Force’s alignment with the Coast Guard organization following direction from Admiral Papp, Commandant of the Coast Guard, for a “Stem to Stern” review of all Deployable Specialized Forces. The Deployable Specialized Force program and its support structure has made significant progress building and sustaining a highly specialized community. Some of these successes include the Incident Management Assist Team. The full purpose and integration of all Deployable Specialized Force units has still not completely achieved full operational capability. One of the recommended courses of action for Coast Guard Deployable Specialized Forces is to maintain proficiency and provide value across the Coast Guard’s mission spectrum included: Establish Centers of Expertise for disaster/incident response with functionality to include standardization teams, external assessment, and Tactics, Techniques and Policy integration. The review concluded that a separate unit should be established to conduct third party assessment of the National Strike Forces’ three Strike Teams. As a result, the National Strike Force Center of Expertise was created under the oversight of the Coast Guard Force Readiness Command. This paper will review the reasons for creation of the National Strike Force Center of Expertise and why it was placed under the Coast Guard Force Readiness Command as a detachment of Training Center Yorktown. Several functional statements of the National Strike Force Center of Expertise will be presented regarding managing environmental response and equipment standardization among the Strike Teams and how the National Strike Force Center of Expertise concept of operations will support future progress for the NSF mission.
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Lynn, Denise. "Native Fascism: Evansville’s 1948 Wallace Riot." Indiana Magazine of History 119, no. 3 (September 2023): 233–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/indimagahist.119.3.02.
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ABSTRACT: In April 1948, Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry A. Wallace arrived in Indiana to much controversy. The conservative state did not welcome Wallace, and veterans’ organizations actively organized to disrupt his speaking engagements. On April 6, at the Progressive Party’s Evansville campaign event, a mob attacked Wallace supporters, causing injuries and pushing the isolated town into the national spotlight. In the wake of the riot, a local professor was fired for his involvement in the Wallace campaign, and the radical CIO Local 813 became the subject of U. S. House committee hearings. Anticommunist hysteria gripped the Evansville community. What happened in Evansville on April 6 was part of a populist fascism in the United States propelled by anti-communism and enacted by veterans’ organizations. While national politicians dominate histories of anti-communism, some of the greatest damage done during the 1940s and 1950s occurred when other Americans, specifically veterans’ groups, violated the constitutional rights of their fellow citizens.
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Lynn, Denise. "Native Fascism: Evansville’s 1948 Wallace Riot." Indiana Magazine of History 119, no. 3 (September 2023): 233–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/imh.2023.a905288.
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ABSTRACT: In April 1948, Progressive Party presidential candidate Henry A. Wallace arrived in Indiana to much controversy. The conservative state did not welcome Wallace, and veterans’ organizations actively organized to disrupt his speaking engagements. On April 6, at the Progressive Party’s Evansville campaign event, a mob attacked Wallace supporters, causing injuries and pushing the isolated town into the national spotlight. In the wake of the riot, a local professor was fired for his involvement in the Wallace campaign, and the radical CIO Local 813 became the subject of U. S. House committee hearings. Anticommunist hysteria gripped the Evansville community. What happened in Evansville on April 6 was part of a populist fascism in the United States propelled by anti-communism and enacted by veterans’ organizations. While national politicians dominate histories of anti-communism, some of the greatest damage done during the 1940s and 1950s occurred when other Americans, specifically veterans’ groups, violated the constitutional rights of their fellow citizens.
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Кrivolapov, O. "The U.S. Missile Defese Policy Perspectives during the J. Biden Administration." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-15-23.
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The article provides an analysis of the state of affairs in the field of the U.S. missile defense, inherited by the Biden administration from the previous administration. The U. S. missile defense policy can be roughly divided into three components: homeland missile defense, regional missile defense, and advanced developments related to these both parts. Conclusions are made about the prospects of missile defense policy, taking into account such factors as the views of experts from think tanks close to the Democratic Party, funding of programs, and measures taken in the field of missile defense. The development of the homeland missile defense systems faces technological challenges which create uncertainty about the whole architecture. Regional missile defense systems are going to be platforms for development of systems to intercept intercontinental ballistic missiles and hypersonic weapons. The National Space Defense Architecture is planned to include layers which are supposed to be part of homeland and regional defenses. The main obstacles to these programs are the position of Democratic members of the U. S. Congress, an urgent need for funds for recovery of the national economy after the COVID‑19 pandemic, and other defense policy priorities (e. g., nuclear modernization). In connection with these findings, the author presents an overview of options of a missile defense deal between Russia and the United States as part of the arms control regime. Although every option has its disadvantages and potential obstacles, a bilateral executive agreement on transparency in missile defense seems to be the most feasible option.
Books on the topic "National Independent Party (U.S.)"
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Johnson, Grant, Bonnie L. Triezenberg, Colby Peyton Steiner, Jonathan Cham, and Eder Sousa. Assessing the Impact of U. S. Air Force National Security Space Launch Acquisition Decisions: An Independent Analysis of the Global Heavy Lift Launch Market. RAND Corporation, The, 2020.
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Rich Dorman, Sara. Understanding Zimbabwe. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190634889.001.0001.
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This book seeks to understand the state, nation and political identities that are being forged in modern Zimbabwe, and the nature of control that Robert Mugabe’s ZANU exercises over those political institutions. Focusing on the perspective and experiences of societal groups including NGOs, churches, trade unions, students and academics the book explores how the construction of consent, threat of coercion and material resources are used to integrate social groups into the ruling nationalist coalition, but also how they resist and frame competing discourses and institutions. Taking seriously the discursive and institutional legacies of the nationalist struggle and the liberation war in shaping politics, it explores how independent Zimbabwe’s politics were molded by discursive claims to foster national unity that delegitimize autonomous political action outside the ruling party. Building a new societal coalition entailed the "demobilization" of ZANU(PF)’s original nationalist constituency which had backed it during the liberation war, and the "inclusion" of new groups including donors, white farmers and business interests. It also shows how legal practices and institution-building defused and constrained opportunities for contestation, even while the regime used the security forces to suppress those who challenged its political monopoly or who otherwise resisted incorporation. It thus presents a complex picture of how individuals and groups became bound up in the project of state- and nation-building, despite contesting or even rejecting aspects of it.
Book chapters on the topic "National Independent Party (U.S.)"
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Vandevelde, Kenneth J. "Investment Treaties in American Foreign Policy." In U. S. International Investment Agreements, 11–90. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195371376.003.0002.
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Abstract The protection of American property in foreign countries has been an explicit goal of U.S. foreign policy since the earliest days of the Republic. Although this goal has remained constant, the means used to obtain such protection have varied. They have included diplomatic, military, legal, and economic remedies. Protection for U.S. foreign property initially was obtained through the negotiation of a series of treaties known generically as Friendship, Commerce, and Navigation (FCN) treaties. The earliest such agreements were negotiated with European powers during the late eighteenth century. They were directed primarily at establishing maritime and trade relations with those countries. As Spain’s colonies in the Americas achieved independence in the early nineteenth century, the United States sought to conclude FCN agreements to lay a foundation for commercial relations with these newly formed nations as well. Later in that century, commercial relations with the Far East and Africa also were established through FCNs. Provisions to protect property owned by nationals of each party appeared regularly in early nineteenth-century FCNs and in successor treaties. Typical provisions guaranteed to such property “full and perfect protection” and imposed on the parties the obligation to pay compensation in the event of expropriation.
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Vandevelde, Kenneth J. "The Scope of BIT Protections." In U. S. International Investment Agreements, 113–232. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195371376.003.0004.
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Abstract The bilateral investment treaties (BITs) contain a number of provisions that prescribe the scope of the protections they accord. First, Article I defines several terms that determine the scope of treaty protection. Because the BITs generally require a party to provide certain protections to investment of nationals and companies of one party in the territory of the other party, terms that establish the scope of treaty protection include “investment,” “national,” “company,” and “territory.” Beginning with the 2004 model, the terms “national” and “company” sometimes are referred to collectively as “investors.” Section 4.1 below discusses the definition of the terms “investment” and “covered investment.” Section 4.2 discusses the definition of the term “national” while section 4.3 discusses the definition of the terms “company” and “company of a Party.” Section 4.4 discusses the definition of the term “territory,” which, as will be seen, was left undefined in most BITs. Sections 4.5 and 4.6 discuss certain other terms that are defined in some of the BITs. The State Department has explained that, “[a]s a general matter, [the definitions] are designed to be broad and inclusive in nature.”
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Vandevelde, Kenneth J. "The General Treatment Provisions." In U. S. International Investment Agreements, 233–360. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195371376.003.0005.
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Abstract The first investment protection provisions in U.S. treaty practice were those guaranteeing certain absolute standards of treatment—typically “special protection” or “full and perfect protection”—to property owned by nationals of the other party.1 Relative standards, requiring MFN or national treatment with respect to investment, began to appear in the latter part of the nineteenth century. One early formulation guaranteed national treatment with respect to the right to “engage in all kinds of trade, manufacturers, and mining” and “all the privileges and concessions in these matters,” with the exception of the coasting trade. Thus, the right was not to national treatment with respect to the establishment and operation of investment generally, but to national treatment of investment related to trade, manufacturing, or mining. The interwar FCNs continued this pattern, but broadened the protections granted. They provided that property be afforded “the most constant protection and security” and added a guarantee of treatment no less than that required by international law. They also entitled nationals of each party to national and MFN treatment with respect to the right to “engage in scientific, religious, philanthropic, manufacturing, and commercial work of every kind” and “generally to do anything incidental to or necessary for the enjoyment of any of the foregoing privileges.”3 The interwar FCNs thus included MFN as well as national treatment and broadened the coverage to include nonprofit as well as commercial activities. The right of MFN and national treatment for investment, however, continued to apply only to the extent that the investment was incidental or necessary to engaging in these activities.
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Bergeson-Lockwood, Millington W. "Where There Is No Will There Is No Way." In Race Over Party, 158–77. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640419.003.0009.
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This chapter explores Black Bostonians’ response to the deterioration of the national climate of race relations in the late 1890s. As the 1890s ended, black Bostonians questioned their previous trust in the two major parties and their faith in white allies. In their opposition, they enunciated a new political vision that advocated racial solidarity and rejected allegiance to the U. S. party system. By the beginning of the twentieth century, African Americans conceived a new political culture in which racial solidarity was paramount and partisan politics mistrusted.
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Jareb, Mario. "KRALJEVSKA JUGOSLAVENSKA VLADA U IZBJEGLIŠTVU 1941. – 1944.: DRŽAVNA USTANOVA ILI SKUP SUKOBLJENIH POJEDINACA I STRANAKA." In Jugoslavija – između ujedinjenja i razlaza: Institucije jugoslovenske države kao ogledalo srpsko-hrvatskih odnosa 1918–1991. Knjiga 2, 79–93. Institut za savremenu istoriju; Hrvatski institut za povijest, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/2022.2664.jar.79-93.
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The paper examines whether the Royal Yugoslav Government in exile can be observed as a body that represented the Kingdom of Yugoslavia as a whole, or whether it was a group of individuals (or groups) who primarily acted as representatives of individual, national and/or party interests. The government undoubtedly formally existed as the supreme body of state power of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The Government did not exercise actual power on the territory of her country, but it represented it in the public and political circles of the Allied countries. One of the fundamental characteristics of the work of government members was the constant conflicts between individual ministers and groups regarding their political preferences and ethnic affiliation. The paper lists numerous sources characteristic of the character of the Government’s activities, which confirm that the primary impression that can be gained by considering the work of the government is the constant conflict between its members, especially the Croatian-Serbian conflict, and accordingly the activities of its members as the activities of individuals and groups that represented their special interests. And yet, until August 1943, all governments were representative in the sense of representing three groups – Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. Then, with the arrival of Božidar Purić’s government, the Government also lost its representativeness. Although presented as a bureaucratic government, it acted without representatives of Croats and Slovenes, with only a short participation of one representative of the HSS as a true representative of the Croats. Several ministers of that government, who were, admittedly, Croats by origin, were, as Yugoslav nationalists and participants in the Chetnik movement of Draža Mihailović, anything but representatives of the Croatian people. In terms of representativeness, Ivan Šubašić’s government was a kind of return to the legitimate representation of Croats and Slovenes, but for a long time Sava Kosanović from the Independent Democratic Party was the only Serb member of the government. Prime Minister Šubašić was assigned the task of negotiating with Tito and his National Committee for the Liberation of Yugoslavia (NKOJ) as the de facto government of the new Yugoslavia. Although formally it was still the Royal Yugoslav government, in view of the completely new relationship towards the NKOJ, the British and the king, it was a government of discontinuity compared to the previous Royal Yugoslav governments in exile.
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J. O’Brien, David. "Public Goods, Civil Society and Sustainability." In Sustainable Development. IntechOpen, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.108654.
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This paper proposes a “public goods” approach to the development of “civil society” as a foundation for building a sustainable environment. Economists define “public goods” as goods that cannot be delivered through traditional marketplace mechanisms, such as fire protection and education. Civil Society organizations also can be viewed as public goods. A central feature of sustainable liberal democracies is the existence of intermediary civil society collective organizations. These organizational units are supported by macro-level governmental institutions under the rationale of providing citizens benefits that cannot be provided by the market or directly by the state. This approach provides an alternative to zero-sum conflicts and leads to compromise solutions that will gain taxpayer support. Research findings from a variety of places provide historical illustrations of the effectiveness of a public goods approach include: (1) the U. S. TVA organizational design during the New Deal and the contemporary cross-party appeal of criminal justice reform; (2) the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community - the forerunner of the European Union – which provides one-third of its budget for local-level sustainability projects; and (3) the successful vertical integration of smallholder cooperatives in East Africa that encourages sustainable family, community, and national development.