Academic literature on the topic 'National history curriculum'

In February 2013 Malta's new national Curriculum, entitled 'A New National Framework for All' was launched. It was the end result of almost three years of meetings, debates, discussions, consolations and draft documents. This paper first gives a brief description of the historical background of Curricula in Malta, all of which eventually lead up to the present one, and then goes on to discuss specifically history in Maltese Curricula. Today it is no exaggeration to say that, of all school subjects history is the one which has undergone the most radical transformation as far as its pedagogy is concerned. History teaching in Malta now focuses on the learning of specific history skills and concepts, and analyses and interpretation of primary and secondary sources. However, history does not have a high status in the Maltese educational system and there were clear intentions in the initial stages of the creation of the new curriculum to eliminate the subject. This paper describes the advances in history pedagogy experienced in Malta in the past 20 years and the endeavours of the writer to retain history as a separate academic subject in the new curriculum.

This qualitative approach article assessed the relationship between post war and the development of a Historical Curriculum for secondary schools in Somalia. Relevant knowledge and understanding of history encourages reconciliation and unity. Besides, poor curriculum and inadequate pedagogical practices undermine the merit of the history curriculum as an educational timely intervention. This may be linked to the mismatch between theory and practice. The study was anchored on the Social Identity Theory. The semi-structured interviews were used to garner information for the research study. A total of 11 people participated in the interviews. Results reveal that history curricula of Somalia has no relevancy in terms of developing national social identity. Qualitative interviews discovered five themes that appeared to be traits of a good curriculum: Relevancy, Powerful Knowledge, Cause and Consequences, Change and Continuity, and Difficult History. The results enabled the curriculum developers to possess knowledge for the development of a historical thematic curriculum. It was concluded that establishing a national relevant curriculum may encourage national identity and patriotism. Therefore, there is need for the government to increase funding for the development of a relevant national curriculum for secondary schools in Somalia.

This paper reviewed the content of women in history in the 1994, 2004 (KBK), and 2006 curriculums. It uses content analysis method. The result of this research shows that the content of women history was not increased and in different in from curriculum to the others. In 1994 Curriculum, women history only focused on the woman organizations in national movement period. In KBK and KTSP, there was women history in Hinduism-Buddhism era, and in the colonial era. In KBK and 2006 curriculums, students could learn more although the material was not as complete as in 1994, but they can learn it from the internet. From the analysis result of the women history narration in history textbook in 1994 Curriculum, KBK, and 2006 curriculums, because of the patriarchy culture and political factor, the writing of women history was androcentric.

This article focuses on how some aspects of the South African history curriculum are interpreted and "lived out" in two South African high schools. The article introduces the history curriculum reconstruction process and its surrounding developments from 1994 until the release of the National Curriculum Statement in 2003. It then focuses on the curricular intentions, which reflect the reorganization of history teaching and serve as a benchmark for teachers. Using empirical data gathered in Afrikaans schools, I describe how classroom practices represent the history curriculum. The data indicates that schools provide space for curriculum modification and the creation of a "hidden curriculum."

This investigation provides important insights for how a critical model of global education might be incorporated within national history pedagogies, in the face of increasingly strident neoliberal policy making in education. The demand of teaching, learning and theorizing in the contemporary political environment of the United States or Canada exerts undue pressure on students, teachers, and educationalists in the name of standardization, assessment and global economic preparedness. This research illuminates the critical possibilities that lie in the cracks of such oppressive policies, possibilities that may encourage students and teachers to act more substantially in defense of a globally infused national history education. Numerous foundational definitions of global education and four emergent models are extracted from a survey of North American global education literature, since 1980. These models are located in the official national history and social studies curriculum of the state of California and the province of British Columbia, respectively. Neoliberal educational policymaking is examined for its bearing on the advancement of global education in these jurisdictions. Significant differences in findings in California and British Columbia are explicated. Freirean critical pedagogy is considered as a theoretical framework for students and teachers to employ in turning back the neoliberal tide, by finding and utilizing space within the official national history curriculum for the rooting of a critical global education.
Education, Faculty of
Curriculum and Pedagogy (EDCP), Department of
Graduate

This thesis seeks to explore history teacher engagement in debates surrounding the 2013 draft National Curriculum for History and locates these in the wider context of English history teacher identity. The 2013 draft curriculum, which was announced in February, was withdrawn in August 2013 following complaints of political bias (see Smith, 2014). This “curriculum war” might be interpreted – as others have been (e.g. Crawford, 1998; Taylor & Guyver, 2011) - as an attempt by both the left and right to frame a curriculum which furthered their political metanarrative, but this research shows that such views are oversimplifications. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with eight history teachers in the north-west of England who actively opposed the draft curriculum and their responses were analysed using van Dijk’s (2009) sociocognitive approach to critical discourse analysis. These responses uncover a complex nexus of motivations in which political opposition is only a small strand. Instead, the strongest motivation was a deep loyalty to the epistemological and methodological underpinnings of their subject (Bernstein, 1999). In opposition to the narrow nationalist conception of school history, the interviews indicated strongly the existence of a social realist (Young, 2008) counter-hegemonic discourse which informs and underpins a vibrant history teaching community. This shared discourse argues that historical knowledge is constructed and contested, and that it should be taught as such (Lee, 1991). In this paradigm, the draft curriculum was opposed not because it advanced a rightist narrative, but because the concept of a single narrative was itself considered inherently unhistorical. The epistemological unity of the history teaching community contributes to a project-identity of resistance (Castells, 1997) which is further bolstered by the research activities of the Schools History Project and the Historical Association. A Gramscian (1971) analysis is used throughout, but history teachers are not found to be, in the main, Marxists. Gramsci’s work instead provides the framework for understanding the nature of the history-teaching community and the mechanics of its resistance.

This thesis explores the views of History Post Graduate Students on the relationship between the study of history, with an emphasis at key stage three (KS3; Appendix A), and its possible role in developing perceptions of ‘British National Identity’ (BNI), ‘Patriotism’ and ‘Fundamental British Values’ (FBV). Their views are influenced by the political, media and academic discourse planes. The relationship between the students and other discourse planes are analysed using the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and the approaches it offers; namely Discourse Historical Analysis (DHA) and Social Actor Approach (SAA).

Abstract/Summary The study of history has always been a part of educational programmes throughout time. And the reasons behind it have also been shifting according to the needs of the society in a specific time and place. But the legitimacy of the history subject has always been in its said ability to help us understand the present through the past. Today the emergence of a globalized and multicultural society is changing both our way of life as well as our view on the world, and with it the skills and tools we need to make sense of it. And with it the reasons behind and the learning goals of history as an educational subject is shifting. International organizations have implemented guidelines and directives to its members regarding how educational goals can be used to adapt to this ongoing change. Research regarding curriculum policymaking has shown that the Swedish curriculum is influenced by the international guidelines, but the didactic specialists, Kenneth Nordgren and Maria Johansson, has found a lack of guidance for teachers to enact these general goals on a more practical day-to-day basis. This has led them formulate a concept especially designed for history education, intercultural historical learning. This essay’s aim is to find the conditions to apply the concept of intercultural historical learning through the history subject in the compulsory and upper secondary school in Sweden. By taking its departure in curriculum theory and using intercultural historical learning as an analytical framework, a hermeneutical text analysis is made on the Swedish history curriculum with its supporting documents as well as on the national tests of the subject. The results indicate that there are conditions that both encourages and discourages the implementation of intercultural historical learning in history education. The curriculum’s emphasis on the usage of historic source material and use of history examples are a major contributor to the applicably of the concept. In contrast the historical narrative created by the curriculum prevents a diversity of historical experiences and voices to be present in the teaching practice. Instead a Eurocentric and political historic narrative is dominant. However, further research is required to see what other factors than those this essay examine affect the implementation of intercultural historical learning in the Swedish history classroom. This essay’s main contribution is to serve as a starting point for such research.

My study considers a group of students who experience difficulties with literacy and investigates the factors, at the levels of the social order, the arena of school and the settings within it, which either fostered or hindered their participation and therefore their learning in the history classroom at Key Stage 3.

Cette thèse cherche à identifier les conditions de possibilité de modification des curricula au regard des pressions sociales. Pour cela, elle s’appuie sur un contenu d’enseignement précis : le fait colonial qui, entre les années 1980 et aujourd’hui, interroge de plus en plus le consensus national-républicain au fur et à mesure qu’il se connecte avec la question de l’immigration postcoloniale. Cette thèse s’appuie aussi sur un matériau empirique varié : des discours politiques et médiatiques construisant l’enseignement du fait colonial comme un problème public ; des archives de l’Éducation nationale, des rapports officiels, ainsi que des entretiens. Nos pistes de travail consistaient alors à identifier la configuration de réseaux d’acteurs susceptibles de procéder à une mise en compatibilité des questions scientifiquement et politiquement débattues avec les attendus du curriculum d’histoire, afin d’en faciliter la traduction. Il apparaît que chaque moment de débat mémoriel sur le passé colonial rejoue des tiraillements propres à l’école républicaine et à l’enseignement de l’histoire : la dialectique entre la pluralité culturelle et l’universalisme, celle entre l’égalité et l’identité, ou encore entre les logiques de reconnaissance et les logiques civiques. On trouve des injonctions de différents niveaux et parfois contradictoires, des décalages entre les agendas des débats publics et l’agenda scolaire, de sorte que la porosité entre les débats sociaux et les curricula d’histoire ne s’avère pas naturelle
This thesis seeks to identify the conditions of possibility for variations and amendments in the curricula, given social pressures. For this purpose, it is founded on a precise content of teaching : the events of colonialism that, from the 1980’s to the Present, have questioned more and more the national and republican consensus, as it connects to the issue of post-colonial immigration.This thesis is also founded on firsthand empirical material : political and media discourses constructing the teaching of the events of colonialism as a public matter ; archives of National Education ; official reports ; and many interviews.Our lines of inquiry consisted then in identifying the establishment of networks of social actors likely to make compatible scientifically and politically debated issues with the expectations of the history curriculum, and to facilitate its translation.Our inquiry reveals that every occurrence of the memorial debate on the colonial past restages specific stinging and pulling in the republican school systen and in the teaching of history : the dialectic between cultural plurality and universalism, the one between equality and identity, or even the one between logics of acknowledgment and civic logics. Many injunctions are to be found, at different levels, sometimes contradictory, many discrepancies between the agendas of public debates and the timescale of school, so that the concordance between the social discourse and the history curricula does not turn out to be innate or natural

Este trabalho analisa a relação entre as competências, habilidades e concepções metodológicas enunciadas nos documentos oficiais orientadores do currículo de História elaborados pelo Ministério da Educação (MEC) e o que se avalia no Exame Nacional do Ensino Médio (Enem) e em seis universidades públicas, no período de 2009 a 2013. Partiu-se de uma afirmação do MEC de que a abordagem pelo Enem dos temas, competências e habilidades propostos pelos documentos nacionais orientadores do currículo poderia levar as escolas a incorporá-los em seu próprio currículo. No desenvolvimento da pesquisa foram abordados os estudos de alguns pesquisadores do tema currículo, o qual é concebido como resultado de um processo de construção social em que os vários agentes que exercem influência no campo educacional disputam a legitimidade de seus interesses. Um elemento essencial para o currículo é a disciplina, por meio da qual os professores especialistas são os responsáveis pela abordagem dos conhecimentos em sala de aula. Contudo, o currículo oficial nacional passa por várias esferas de poder, disputa e negociação até chegar à escola, sendo a relação estabelecida em sala de aula entre professor e aluno a última esfera desse complexo processo. Assim, as disciplinas escolares gozam de relativa autonomia ao executarem o currículo real, o que dificulta a efetivação plena do currículo oficial. Por outro lado, as abordagens realizadas pelos exames vestibulares e pelo Enem não se traduzem em sua efetivação integral por parte das escolas, devido, também, às esferas de poder que há entre a realização dos exames e o que é efetivado em sala de aula. Observou-se que há algumas propostas pelos documentos oficiais mais avaliadas nos exames, em detrimento de outras que foram contempladas em menos de 10% das questões de cada instituição. As competências e procedimentos mais avaliados dizem respeito a itens mais fáceis de se mensurar, por um lado, e mais presentes na prática da disciplina, tanto na universidade quanto nas escolas, por outro. Dessa forma, o MEC segue em seu processo de busca de apoio e legitimação, tanto do currículo nacional oficial quanto do Enem processo este que atualmente ganha novos elementos com a discussão da Base Nacional Comum Curricular para o Ensino Médio (BNCC).
This paper analyzes the relationship between skills, abilities and methodological concepts set out in guiding official documents of the history curriculum designed by the Ministry of Education (MEC) and which is evaluated in the National Secondary Education Examination (Enem) and six public universities, in the period 2009 to 2013. The starting point was a MEC\'s claim that the approach by Enem of subjects, skills and abilities proposed by guiding national curriculum documents could lead schools to incorporate them into their own curriculum. In the development of this research studies of some researchers concerning the theme \'curriculum\' have been approached, that is understood as the result of a process of social construction in which the various agents that influence the educational field dispute the legitimacy of their interests. An essential element in the curriculum is the discipline through which specialist teachers are responsible for the approach of knowledge in the classroom. However, the official national curriculum goes through several levels of power, dispute and negotiation to get to school, and the relationship established in the classroom between teacher and student is the last sphere of this complex process. Therefore, school disciplines enjoy relative autonomy in executing the real curriculum, which hinders the full realization of the official curriculum. On the other hand, the approaches made by the entrance examinations and the Enem not translate into a full adoption by schools, due also to the spheres of power that exists between the exams and what is effected in the classroom. It was observed that there are some proposals for official documents more evaluated in the tests, at the expense of others that have been covered in less than 10% of the questions of each institution. The skills and procedures more appraised are concerned to the items easier to measure, on the one hand, and more gifts in the practice of discipline, both at the university and in the schools, on the other. Thus, the MEC follows in its process of searching for support and legitimacy, both the official national curriculum as the Enem - a process that currently earn new elements to the discussion of the Common National Base Curriculum for Secondary Education (BNCC).

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
The present study aimed at analysing the the National Common Curricular Base (BNCC) - in the versions available for public consultation - in reference to the concept of the Physical Education component in Primary Education, identifying its assumptions and interpretive repercussions. The interest in such study emerged from the relevance of the referred policy that has attracted the interest of millions of people, generating debates among different professional and social groups, about the resignification of Primary Education, such as schools, universities, media and social groups. The research was based on a qualitative approach and made use of bibliographical study and document analysis as methodological procedures. The main concepts of the theoretical basis are: “critical curriculum”, based on Paulo Freire’s and Michael Apple’s approach and “cultural curriculum”, based on Marcos Garcia Neira’s work. The basis for document analysis was the BNCC’s version approved in December 2017, by the Presidency of the Republic.In general, the research reveals that, as a public policy, the BNCC has been a source of polemic and controversy, regarding its interpretations and the acceptance of its concepts. The major focus of its propositions is on the essential learnings to be developed in Primary Education, through an integral humanitarian education, as a means to leverage a more democratic, inclusive and fair society. The Physical Education component in the BNCC was conceived and a set of content to be developed in the educative practice of this area. The analysis results highlight the understanding that Physical Education in the BNCC represents a historical retrocession. This is due to the fact that teachers' and researchers' achievements, debates and fights for a more democratic education, through the promotion of students' and teachers' autonomy, vis à vis the teaching-learning concept in Physical Education, in a critical-cultural perspective, have been majorly neglected
O presente estudo teve como objetivo analisar a Base Nacional Comum Curricular (BNCC) quanto à concepção referente ao componente Educação Física para o Ensino Fundamental, identificando seus pressupostos e repercussões interpretativas pertinentes às versões disponibilizadas para consulta pública. O interesse pelo estudo deveu-se à relevância do significado da referida política que mobilizou milhares de pessoas, gerando debates em diferentes ambientes como escolas, universidades, veículos de comunicação e grupos sociais distintos da sociedade política e civil, em busca de ressignificação do ensino na Educação Básica. A pesquisa caracteriza-se pela abordagem qualitativa e tem como procedimentos metodológicos o estudo bibliográfico e a análise documental. O referencial teórico tem como conceitos centrais: “currículo crítico”, considerando essencialmente as abordagens de Paulo Freire e Michael Apple e “currículo cultural da Educação Física”, fundamentado em obras de Marcos Garcia Neira. A BNCC, versão homologada pela presidência da República, em dezembro de 2017, é elemento básico da análise documental. A pesquisa revela, de modo geral, que a BNCC constitui-se em política pública geradora de polêmicas e posicionamentos, por vezes contraditórios, quanto às interpretações e aceitabilidade de suas concepções. Ressalta-se como foco central de suas proposições as aprendizagens essenciais a serem desenvolvidas na Educação Básica, por meio de uma educação humana integral, tendo em vista a efetivação de uma sociedade justa, democrática e inclusiva. O componente Educação Física na BNCC é concebido como um conjunto de conteúdos a serem desenvolvidos na prática educativa desta área de formação. Os resultados das análises colocam em destaque o entendimento de que a caracterização de Educação Física na BNCC corresponde a um retrocesso histórico. Isto se deve à desconsideração de conquistas do movimento contínuo de debates e lutas de professores e pesquisadores por uma educação mais democrática no sentido da promoção da autonomia de alunos e docentes em relação à concepção de ensino-aprendizagem na área de Educação Física, numa perspectiva crítico-cultural

Orientador: Ernesta Zamboni
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: O tema principal da tese é a construção da identidade brasileira nos livros didáticos de História do Brasil de Joaquim Silva editados na dinâmica da reconstrução da Nação empreendida pela política do Estado Novo; o objetivo é analisar o modo em que ocorreu a construção dos nexos de sentidos sobre a identidade brasileira, segundo a interpretação histórica de Joaquim Silva em conformidade a Reforma Gustavo Capanema de 1942. O corpus documental é composto pela bibliografia sobre o tema, a legislação federal que regia o sistema de ensino secundário, documentos oficiais alocados nos arquivos CPDOC da Fundação Getúlio Vargas, da Companhia Editora Nacional, do Arquivo Nacional, e os livros didáticos de História do Brasil para o terceiro e o quarto ano do ensino ginasial de Joaquim Silva, publicados respectivamente em 1945 e 1946. Os fundamentos teóricos e metodológicos que sustentam a nossa análise estão relacionados à construção de representações de identidade, a história social do currículo, o livro didático e identidades, e a análise do discurso. Concluímos que a interpretação histórica de Joaquim Silva tinha como pressuposto a manutenção do Estado democrático pautado em uma estrutura jurídica que propiciava a transformação da sociedade, com condições de governar para o desenvolvimento e progresso da Nação, e o brasileiro idealizado era o cidadão trabalhador, patriótico e cristão, que não se curvava diante das dificuldades, mas que lutava com resignação e sobriedade para vencer os obstáculos da vida
Abstract: The main theme of the thesis is the construction of Brazilian identity in the Joaquim Silva Brazil¿s history books edited in the dynamics of reconstruction of the nation undertaken by the "Estado Novo" policy; the objective is to analyze the way on which the construction of the connections of meanings on the Brazilian identity, according to the historical interpretation of Joaquim Silva in accordance Capanema Reform in1942. The documentary corpus consists of the literature, the federal law that governed the secondary education system, official documents allocated at the CPDOC files from Getúlio Vargas Foundation, the Companhia Editora Nacional, the National Archives, and Joaquim Silva history books from Brazil of the third and fourth year of junior high school published respectively in 1945 and 1946. the theoretical and methodological foundations underpinning our analysis are related to the construction of identity representations, the social history of the curriculum, the teaching and identities textbooks, and discourse analysis. We conclude that the historical interpretation of Joaquim Silva had presuppose the maintenance of the democratic state ruled by a legal framework that promoted the transformation of society, with conditions to govern for the development and the progress of the nation, and the idealized Brazilian was the worker citizen, patriotic and Christian, who would not bow down before the difficulties, but struggled with resignation and sobriety to overcome the obstacles of life
Doutorado
Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte
Doutor em Educação

According to the Estonian National Curriculum for Basic Schools (2011), students should value their cultural heritage. Therefore, schools should do everything to develop students’ cultural awareness and knowledge. Despite the importance of the topic the curriculum does not specify how and where it should be taught and does not say which material to use. One possibility to address the problem is to use authentic materials and tasks. The latter offer numerous ways to learn about one’s cultural history, and help to create a bridge between the classroom and real life. Authentic materials are not specifically created for pedagogic purposes while authentic tasks require students to learn, practise and evaluate material the same way as they would do in real life. The focus of the use authentic materials has so far been mostly on foreign language teaching and learning. However, they have a huge potential in acquiring cultural knowledge as they offer both current and historical information. The aim of the study was to find out future primary school teachers’ opinions about the authentic materials and tasks used during the course “The Child in Estonian Cultural History”. 25 first-year students who attended the course participated in the study. The data was collected from the students’ written reflection and analysed qualitatively. The results revealed that the students understood the relevance of authentic materials and tasks in acquiring and appreciating one’s cultural history. They believed that authentic materials and tasks enrich the teaching and learning process, and help to make connections to their everyday life. It also became evident that the students needed better instructions of how to find appropriate authentic materials and exploit them effectively in their future teaching career.

Abstract RoboCamp provides an innovative experience in the area of robotics for educators. This fun, hands-on experience strengthens the teachers’ knowledge and skills in science, mathematics, engineering, and telecommunications and prepares them to effectively transfer the experience to students in the classroom. RoboCamp is supported with a grant from the Tennessee State Department of Education and is a collaborative effort involving the Oak Ridge National Laboratory (ORNL), area school systems, industry supporting robotics, and the Universities of Tennessee and Memphis. RoboCamp is held on-site at the ORNL and gives the teachers firsthand look at research in action. The teachers work side-by-side with scientists and engineers on robotics-related topics. These topics include the following: • history and future of robotics; • science, mathematics, and engineering as they relate to robotics; • national standards and state and local curriculum frameworks; • classroom implementation of robotics education utilizing national standards; • current thinking on pedagogy and assessment; and • fun, innovative ways to answer the age-old question, “But how do we use it in real life!?!” RoboCamp participants tour a variety of sites that use robots. These tours include production plants, research facilities, and public schools involved in robotics education. Participants build several kinds of robots based on different operating principles, use computers and the Internet for robotics-related research, and work on a design problem using robotic solutions. Finally, participants work in teams to develop plans to transfer the experience to their schools. Approximately twenty teachers are selected for participation in RoboCamp. Participants apply, and are selected, as members of a school team. A team is comprised of 3–5 members and may include teachers of the same grade or educators teaching different grades but within a school; teams are encouraged to include administrators and guidance counselors. Participants are paid a stipend and expenses. Teams are solicited statewide.

In order to understand how the concept of national identity, currently included in national legislation and curricula, has been formed, our research focuses on the recent history of national identity formation in the absence of the nation-state “frame”, i.e. in Latvian diaspora on both sides of the Iron Curtain – in Western exile and in Soviet Latvia. The question of our study is: how was national identity represented and taught to next generations in the national community that had lost the protection of its state? As primers reveal a pattern of national identity practice, eight primers published in Western exile and six primers used in Soviet Latvian schools between the mid-1940s and the mid-1970s were taken as research sources. In primers, national identity is represented through the following components: land and nation state iconography, traditions, common history, national language and literature. The past reverberating with cultural heritage became the cornerstone of learning national identity by the Latvian diaspora. The shared, idealised past contrasted the Soviet present and, thus, turned into an instrument of hidden resistance. The model of national identity presented moral codes too, and, teaching them, national communities did not only fulfill their supporting function, but also took on the functions of “normalization” and control. Furthermore, national identity united generations and people’s lives in the present, creating memory-based relationships and memory-based communities.

In this paper, an overview is given of the history and current implementation of an undergraduate Mechanical Engineering course titled “ME 4171 - Environmentally Conscious Design and Manufacturing” at the Georgia Institute of Technology. This course was developed in late 1993 and has been taught every year since as an elective in Mechanical Engineering. The course is designed to give the students an opportunity to learn about environmentally conscious design and manufacture, the growing national and international efforts in reducing the environmental impact of products, and how environmental considerations affect the design’s technical, economical and quality requirements, and vice versa. In this paper, the philosophy behind the course, its objectives and outcomes, and its structure are discussed. The rationale for the course content is given in context of national and international developments in the area. Recommendations for curricular development are also provided.

"Although Japan has not traditionally been considered a multicultural nation or possesses anything resembling an open immigration policy, it is rapidly becoming more and more diverse. Events like modifications to the nation’s immigration regulations in April 2019 and the recent proposed scrapping of the 5-year term limits on accepted “temporary” foreign workers (Category 1 Specified Skilled Workers) have ostensibly led to a quiet opening to unskilled foreign workers for the first time in the nation’s modern history. While Japan’s hand may have been reluctantly forced by serious labour force shortages in many sectors of the economy, it is undoubtedly the beginning of the creation of an even more ‘multicultural Japan’; providing further impetus to the pressing challenge of creating a society where diverse peoples can live together in harmony. Yet, despite these changes and the obvious implications they have for the future, very little consideration has been given to allowing for - and accommodating - greater diversity into the nation’s schools. There is a great risk that without preparation now, the already emerging signs of distress in the education sector (language problems, truancy, drop-out rates, bullying, etc.) will only escalate. In other words, in order for Japan to prepare to accept even a modest increase in the number of newcomers, teachers and education officials need to undertake greater training to enable them to understand and assist in the successful integration of future migrant children. Based on interviews, literature and a review of the recent educational situation in the light of these changes, this paper aims to ascertain whether greater inclusivity training is required, and if so, what it should entail. To allow for greater support of non-Japanese students into Japan’s education system, it concludes with a tentative proposal for what future educational training courses should consider, how they could be incorporated into teacher training curricula and the overall potential benefits for society in general."

The mission of the United States Military Academy (USMA) is “To educate, train, and inspire the Corps of Cadets so that each graduate is a commissioned leader of character committed to the values of Duty, Honor, Country; professional growth throughout a career as an officer in the United States Army; and a lifetime of selfless service to the nation.” [1] The academic program at the USMA is designed to meet the intellectual demands of this mission statement. One very unique aspect of this academic program is the requirement that each cadet take a minimum of five engineering courses regardless of his or her major or field of study. Because of this requirement, nearly one-third of every graduating class take Fluid Mechanics. The Fluid Mechanics course taught in the USMA’s Department of Civil and Mechanical Engineering differs from others throughout the country for two primary reasons: 1) Within every class there is a mixture of cadets majoring in engineering and those who are in other majors, such as languages, history, and political science, 2) Each cadet will be commissioned as a Second Lieutenant in the United States Army immediately upon graduation, [2] and [3]. In this course cadets learn about fluid mechanics and apply the principles to solve problems, with emphasis placed upon those topics of interest to the Army and Army systems that they will encounter as future officers. The course objectives are accomplished through four principal methods. The first is through engaging, interactive classroom instruction. Cadets learn about the principles of fluid statics, conservation laws, dimensional analysis, and external flow; specialized topics, such as compressible flow and open channel flow have also been integrated. The second method is through hands-on laboratory exercises. Pipe friction, wind tunnels, and smoke tunnels are examples of laboratories in which cadets take experimental measurements, analyze data, and reinforce concepts from the classroom. The third method occurs in the “Design of an Experiment” exercise. In groups, cadets design their own experiment—based upon an Army parachutist—that will predict the coefficient of drag of a parachute system. The fourth method is a hands-on design project that culminates in a competition. In teams, cadets build a water turbine to lift a weight on a pulley from ground level to a designated height. Competition categories include the torque competition, in which maximum lifted weight determines the winner and the power competition judged by minimum time to lift a designated weight. This project, implemented within the curriculum prior to formal instruction on the design process, requires cadets to develop their own design process through analysis, experimentation, and trial and error.

If killing a single person is considered as a major crime that forbidden by Sharia and law at the international level and at the level of all religions and divine legislation, so what about the concept of genocide!! Here, not just an individual with a weak influence on society is killed, but thousands of individuals, that means an entire nation, a future, energy and human and intellectual capabilities that can tip the scales, and on the other hand, broken and half-dead hearts are left behind from the horrific scenes of killing they witnessed before their eyes, moreover, the massacres of genocide continues to excrete its remnants and consequences for long years and for successive generations, and it may generate grudges of revenge among generations that did not receive the adequate awareness and psychological support which are necessary to rehabilitate these generations to benefit from the tragedies and bitter experiences of life to turn them into lessons and incentives to achieve progress and advancement. Genocide is a deadly poison whose toxic effect extends from generations to others unless it is wisely controlled. Here the role of the international community and its legal, legislative and humanitarian stance from these crimes is so important and supportive. Genocide can be occurred on two levels: external and internal. As for genocide on the external level: this is what happened at the hands of foreign powers against a certain people for colonial and expansionist goals in favor of the occupier or usurper. There are many examples throughout history, such as the Ottoman and British occupations...etc Whereas genocide at the internal level, can be defined as the repressive actions that governments practice against their own people for goals that could be extremist, racist or dictatorial, such as t ""Al-Anfal"" massacre in 1988 carried out by the previous regime against the Kurds in the Kurdistan region. The number of victims amounted at one hundred thousand martyrs, most of them were innocent and unarmed people from children, women and the elderly, and also the genocide which was practiced against of the organizers of Al-Shaibania Revolution in 1991 was another example of genocide in the internal level. It is possible to deduce a third level between the external and internal levels, which is the genocide that is done at the hands of internal elements from the people of the country, but in implementation of external agendas, for example, the scenes of organized and systematic sectarian killing that we witnessed daily during (2007) and (2008), followed by dozens of bloody explosions in various regions throughout the capital, which unfortunately was practiced by the people of the country who were misguided elements in order to destabilize the security of the country and we did not know until this moment in favor of which external party!! In the three aforementioned cases, nothing can justify the act of killing or genocide, but in my personal opinion, I see that genocide at the hands of foreign forces is less drastic effects than the genocides that done at the hands of internal forces that kill their own people to impose their control and to defense their survival, from the perspective of ""the survival for the strongest, the most criminal and the most dictatorial. The matter which actually dragged the country into the abyss and the ages of darkness and ignorance. As for the foreign occupier, he remains an occupier, and it is so natural for him to be resentful and spiteful and to keep moving with the bragging theory of that (the end justifies the means) and usurping lands illegally, but perhaps recently the occupier has begun to exploit loopholes in international laws and try to gain the support of the international community and international organizations to prove the legitimacy of what has no legitimacy, in the end to achieve goals which pour into the interest of the occupiers' country and from the principle of building the happiness and well-being of the occupiers' people at the expense of the misery and injustice of other peoples!! This remains absolutely dehumanizing societal crime, but at least it has a positive side, which is maximizing economic resources and thus achieving the welfare of a people at the expense of seizing the wealth of the occupied country. This remains the goal of the occupier since the beginning of creation to this day, but today the occupation associated with the horrific and systematic killing has begun to take a new template by framing the ugliness of the crime with humanitarian goals and the worst, to exploit religion to cover their criminal acts. A good example of this is the genocide that took place at the hands of the terrorist organization ISIS, that contradictory organization who adopted the religion which forbids killing and considers it as one of the greatest sins as a means to practice the most heinous types of killing that contemporary history has witnessed!! The ""Spiker"" and ""Sinjar"" massacres in 2014 are the best evidence of this duality in the ideology of this terrorist organization. We may note that the more we advance in time, the more justification for the crimes of murder and genocide increases. For example, we all know the first crimes of genocide represented by the fall of Baghdad at the hands of the Mongol leader ""Hulagu"" in 1258. At that time, the crimes of genocide did not need justification, as they were practiced openly and insolently for subversive, barbaric and criminal goals!! The question here imposes itself: why were the crimes of genocide in the past practiced openly and publicly without need to justify the ugliness of the act? And over time, the crimes of genocide began to be framed by pretexts to legitimize what is prohibited, and to permit what is forbidden!! Or to clothe brutality and barbarism in the patchwork quilt of humanity?? And with this question, crossed my mind the following ""Aya"" from the Glorious Quran (and do not kill the soul that God has forbidden except in the right) , this an explicit ""Aya"" that prohibits killing and permits it only in the right, through the use of the exception tool (except) that permits what coming after it . But the"" right"" that God describes in the glorious Quran has been translated by the human tongues into many forms and faces of falsehood!! Anyway, expect the answer of this controversial question within the results of this study. This study will discuss the axis of (ideologies of various types and genocide), as we will analyze excerpts from the speeches of the former regime that were announced on the local media after each act of genocide or purification, as the former regime described at that time, but the difference in this study is that the analysis will be according to a scientific and thoughtful approach which is far from the personal ideology of the researcher. The analysis will be based on a model proposed by the contemporary Dutch scientist ""Teun A. Van Dijk"". Born in 1943, ""Van Dijk"" is a distinguished scholar and teaching in major international universities. He has authored many approved books as curricula for teaching in the field of linguistics and political discourse analysis. In this study, Van Dijk's Model will be adopted to analyze political discourse ideologies according to forty-one criteria. The analysis process will be conducted in full transparency and credibility in accordance with these criteria without imposing the researcher's personal views. This study aims to shed light on the way of thinking that the dictatorial regimes adopt to impose their existence by force against the will of the people, which can be used to develop peoples' awareness to understand and analyze political statements in a scientific way away from the inherited ideologies imposed by customs, clan traditions, religion, doctrine and nationalism. With accurate scientific diagnosis, we put our hand on the wounds. So we can cure them and also remove the scars of these wounds. This is what we seek in this study, diagnosis and therefore suggesting the suitable treatment "

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.