Academic literature on the topic 'National Council on Freedom from Censorship'

In 2019, in Romania, there has been an active debate about the limits of theatre expression in the Eastern European cultural space. It is acknowledged that documentary and political theatre have a strong influence on the cultural scene in Eastern Europe, especially after the emergence and appreciation of new techniques such as Verbatim or Devised Theatre among theatre makers. Notwithstanding the fact that these forms of theatre, which have an extremely strong social and critical voice, have appeared in the European space for decades and have started to become more and more widespread, in 2018, in Cluj-Napoca, the premiere of the performance Eu sunt! Și?, directed by Loran Betty, for which I wrote the text. This performance was performed for a year all around Romania, and in 2019 it was proposed for censorship and amendment by the Romanian Orthodox Church. This was one of the first cases of its kind after the exit from the Romanian communist regime, one of the first, or even the first, to be fined by the National Council for Combating Discrimination in Romania, for discriminating against people of faith. Therefore, it is important to understand the context in which this event occurred, as well as the history of performances with similar concerns after Communism, and of course, the opinion of the authors of this performance. In addition to all this, we will also analyze performances that addressed similar themes in the Romanian space and discuss the limits and freedoms of theatre in the Romanian cultural space.

The 1 February 2021 coup d’etat in Myanmar did more than force the country’s journalists and other media makers to operate under extreme conditions to continue their work, and win back the space for freedom of expression and the press lost to them. The coup also provoked a massive cultural shift, and the country’s independent media are playing a key role. After a half century of military dictatorship, a decade of much-lauded democratic opening (2011‐20) prior to the coup had ushered in game-changing developments to the media landscape. Yet since the coup, the junta and its appointed State Administrative Council (SAC) have inflicted the kinds of brutalities in response to peaceful protesters that the military has used for decades with impunity against the country’s ethnic minorities, all justified, they claim, to ensure ‘the rule of law’ and ‘law and order’. The SAC has also attempted complete control over Myanmar’s media, cutting off at various times nearly all internet and mobile access. This included Facebook, Twitter and other apps, thereby silencing the country’s independent media or forcing them into forms of self-censorship, hiding or exile, and allowing only a military-controlled narrative of unfolding events through military- and state-run media. Yet the independent media sector has not only survived, it has proven to be a key voice in efforts to thwart the regime’s attempts to control public mediated space. This article explores the various approaches to media policy-making in Myanmar during the COVID-19 pandemic and the aftermath of the coup, as employed by the military, the elected but later overthrown National League for Democracy government, various key components of the pro-democracy forces, and international aid and advocacy organizations working to increase freedom of expression and the press. It draws from interviews with key media policy-makers, journalists, academics and free expression advocates, and analyses of content from the (now) junta-controlled Global New Light of Myanmar and other key documents. It explores the various approaches taken and lessons learned by key stakeholders working to control or change public discourse and freedom of expression and the press in the country.

The National Coalition Against Censorship (NCAC), a not-for-profit organization, provides robust open access resources to students, teachers, parents, librarians, artists, curators, and others who are faced with first amendment issues. The content is comprehensive and can be easily implemented and utilized in a multitude of settings. While there are myriad organizations dedicated to freedom of thought and expression the NCAC focuses on providing actionable resources that set them apart from their peers. This review focuses on the curated content and educational resources.

The National Biodiversity Council was formed in December 1994. The Council is an independent body that acts as a scientific voice for biodiversity conservation in Australia. It consists of a council of 12 scientists, elected by their peers, and an Assembly of representatives from scientific societies and institutions and those nominated by the Council to provide balance and additional expertise. The Council was formed because many people were concerned about the lack of an independent scientific voice on environmental and development issues, and because many Australian scientists lacked full freedom to comment on government and institutional policies affecting biodiversity. The Council was to be that voice and Council members were empowered to speak freely and openly on behalf of the Council.

Abstract The present article is an interpretation of Claudia Spiridon-Șerbu’s study on censorship in Romania during the last 30 years of communist rule. Drawing on unreleased documents from the CNSAS (National Council for the Study of the Securitate Archives) Archive dwelling on German ethnic authors from Romania, the author paints a vivid picture of the complex phenomenon of literary censorship. The study follows both the official censorship undertaken by the General Office for Press and Publishing and the unofficial prosecution of writers by Securitate agents and their collaborators.

Sustainable Development Goal 16 stresses the importance of access to information. It is clearly emphasised in target 16.10 —“to ensure public access to information and protect fundamental freedoms, in accordance with national legislation and international agreements”. With social media becoming the default communication platforms, the questions of the extent to which their content moderating models are conducive to the implementation of public access to information and fundamental freedoms are becoming increasingly important. Facebook, Instagram, Tumblr as well as Twitter and other social media platforms have been recently criticised for censorship of user-generated content. This article looks at the controversy surrounding these policies from the property rights perspective —focusing on the role which property rights play in securing the freedom of expression. By recognising the owners’ right to control the legitimately owned property, I conclude that social media are not engaged in “censorship” —they merely exercise property rights. There is a difference between a private platform refusing to carry someone’s ideas on their property and a government prohibiting from speaking on a legitimately owned property. Keywords: SDG 16.10, freedom of expression, censorship, social media, property rights.

Sustainable Development Goal 16 stresses the importance of access to information. It is clearly emphasised in target 16.10 —“to ensure public access to information and protect fundamental freedoms, in accordance with national legislation and international agreements”. With social media becoming the default communication platforms, the questions of the extent to which their content moderating models are conducive to the implementation of public access to information and fundamental freedoms are becoming increasingly important. Facebook, Instagram, Tumblr as well as Twitter and other social media platforms have been recently criticised for censorship of user-generated content. This article looks at the controversy surrounding these policies from the property rights perspective —focusing on the role which property rights play in securing the freedom of expression. By recognising the owners’ right to control the legitimately owned property, I conclude that social media are not engaged in “censorship” —they merely exercise property rights. There is a difference between a private platform refusing to carry someone’s ideas on their property and a government prohibiting from speaking on a legitimately owned property. Keywords: SDG 16.10, freedom of expression, censorship, social media, property rights.

Dear Readers and Contributors,The Department of Journalism & Mass Communication, Faculty of Science & Humanities, SRM Institute of Science & Technology, Kattankulathur organized a Two- Day National Conference on Journalistic and Creative Freedom: Prospects and Challenges on 21, & 22 September 2023. The conference had eight sessions, including two hybrid mode sessions; the conference has papers across India.The conference included eight different panel experts in the field of our conference themes, such as Press freedom, Media independence, Free speech, Editorial independence, Censorship, Information access, Journalistic ethics, Media pluralism, Artistic expression, Creative autonomy, Freedom of imagination, Intellectual property, Cultural diversity, Creative license, Copyright protection, Artistic integrity, Unrestricted creativity, Online censorship, Social media moderation, Content filtering, Information control, Digital censorship, Content moderation policies, Online speech restrictions, Content removal, Online surveillance. During the research presentation, the experts and participants discussed and cultivated knowledge on the specific topic among the audience.Significantly, the keynote speaker Dr. Debi Chatterjee, Former Professor, Department of International Relations, Jadavpur University, Kolkata, emphasized the role of media in safeguarding democracy in a nation. Transparency and accountability are essential for the functioning of a healthy democracy. Investigative journalism exposes corruption, abuse of power, and other threats to democratic principles. The notable speaker has highlighted the important factor that Media plays a fundamental role in providing citizens with accurate and timely information about political events, policies, and issues. She also asked the media students as well as professionals to be torch bearers for media as well as creative freedom. The valedictory speaker Mr. Nandakummar R, Director, Directorate of Communication, SRM Institute of Science and Technology has incited a diverse and pluralistic media landscape ensures that a variety of perspectives and opinions are represented. And Media diversity is crucial for preventing the concentration of power and fostering a more inclusive democracy.The conference research papers had Sixty-Seven research papers have presented during the two days National conference: Forty-Seven (47) papers on the physical mode and twenty (20) on hybrid mode, including special sessions. Few papers related to scope were selected to be published in the UGC Care-Listed Journal "ShodhKosh: Journal of Visual and Performing Arts" as a special issue titled "National Conference on Journalistic and Creative Freedom: Prospects and Challenges”. I express my sincere thanks to the publisher of Granthaalayah Publications for their noble partnership with our institution, inspiring and acknowledging researchers.

The article discusses the Greek legal framework concerning artistic freedom and highlights the discrepancy between international human rights standards and the Greek practice as exemplified by a variety of incidents of censorship. Focusing on specific features of the Greek constitution and the national laws on obscenity and hate speech, the article examines the practice of censorship on the grounds of either blasphemy or offence to public morals and national values. At the same time it underscores the exponential rise in hate crimes, including against artists, as exemplified by the murder of young rapper Fyssas in 2014. It argues that the practice of seizure of publications, along with the lack of effective legal framework that combats hate speech, have both significantly contributed to raising self-censorship among artists and maintaining the culture of vexatious jurisdiction from which Greece suffers.

Abstract Freedom of expression does not only mean absence of censorship or other restrictive content laws—it also means that people have real access to communication. Nowadays, internet is a key means of communication. In this article we explain the relevance of access to internet from legal, practical and market aspects for freedom of expression. To illustrate the question, we present the situation in Ukraine. We look at legislation, including restrictions due to national security—availability, affordability and accessibility of internet. Ukraine is an interesting example of a mixture of very positive indicators and some remaining restrictions.

This chapter traces the history of music censorship in Vietnam since 1954 with reference to a broad range of music genres. It discusses music censorship from 1954 to 1975, when Vietnam was divided into North and South. The tight ideological control established by the Vietnamese Communist Party in the North is compared with music movements linked to antiwar protests in the South. The chapter then examines the period of severe censorship following the end of the Vietnamese-American war in 1975 and considers how the cultural climate changed in the reform era after 1986. It highlights the limits of cultural freedom in the reform era and discusses how music censorship has become intertwined with concerns about the effects of globalization on morality and national identity. Finally, the chapter addresses the impact of technology since the late 1990s, paying particular attention to Vietnamese rap and the potential for musicians to use the Internet to bypass conventional systems of state censorship.

By the early 1960s, and for the first time in history, most Americans across the nation could tune their radio to a station that aired conservative programming from dawn to dusk. People listened to these shows in remarkable numbers; for example, the broadcaster with the largest listening audience, Carl McIntire, had a weekly audience of twenty million, or one in nine American households. For the sake of comparison, that is a higher percentage of the country than would listen to conservative talk radio host Rush Limbaugh forty years later. As this Radio Right phenomenon grew, President John F. Kennedy responded with the most successful government censorship campaign of the last half century. Taking the advice of union leader Walter Reuther, the Kennedy administration used the Internal Revenue Service and the Federal Communications Commission to pressure stations into dropping conservative programs. This book reveals the growing power of the Radio Right through the eyes of its opponents using confidential reports, internal correspondence, and Oval Office tape recordings. With the help of other liberal organizations, including the Democratic National Committee and the National Council of Churches, the censorship campaign muted the Radio Right. But by the late 1970s, technological innovations and regulatory changes fueled a resurgence in conservative broadcasting. A new generation of conservative broadcasters, from Pat Robertson to Ronald Reagan, harnessed the power of conservative mass media and transformed the political landscape of America.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

The essay examines the prismatisation of Jane Eyre in Spanish unabridged, condensed, and reduced translations over time, evaluating their literary and cultural refractions. A first section addresses the literary synthesis and representation of reality: through a series of comparative stylistic microanalyses, it evaluates the recreation, loss, or refraction of lexical, syntactic, musical, imagistic, and contextual forms of meaning. The next two sections examine the strong contextual refractions of women’s liberation and the colonial oppression motifs of the novel respectively; focusing on the first widespread reception of Jane Eyre from the 1940s onwards, it contrasts its prismatisation as an explicit cry for freedom in Latin America, where the women’s vote was being fought for and achieved in the newly independent republics, with its prismatisation as anything from apparent orthodoxy (self-censorship) and negative freedom (writing between the lines) in Spain, where Franco’s programme was pursuing the restoration of National-Catholic values.

Abstract Some of the fiercest resistance to campaigns against pornography as a women’s issue has come from civil libertarians who express concern about censorship. Free speech is certainly a fundamental human right, and political and sexual censorship is a genuine concern. During ten years of Conservative government in the UK, for example, ‘civil liberties have not just been eroded; they have been deliberately attacked and undermined’. According to Peter Thornton, writing on behalf of the National Council for Civil Liberties: ‘The state has increased its own power at the expense of individual freedom ... the government has taken away basic rights in order to stifle legitimate protest ... has strengthened the power of servants of the state and reduced their accountability ... has created a climate of intolerance with institutional prejudice and discrimination’, and has imposed the greatest ever peacetime controls on broadcasting.

Abstract Approximately no million people were killed in about 250 wars during the twentieth century. Few civilians were killed in nineteenth-century combat, but they were roughly half of war-related casualties from 1900 to 1950 and three fourths of casualties by the 198os. As the nations of the world completed the conversion of armed conflict into an industrial operation with mass civilian involvement, governments abandoned haphazard wartime suppression for more bureaucratic approaches. In World Wars I and II, the totalitarian regimes of Germany and Russia operated in predictably heavy-handed ways to control the press, but even the more democratically minded nations of Europe developed elaborate systems of censorship. In commenting on the “power instinct” behind fanatical, unjustifiable secrecy, Max Weber observed, “Bureaucratic administration always tends to exclude the public, to hide its knowledge and action from criticism as well as it can.” The secrecy bureaucracies that developed in the twentieth century not only seemed to provide self-protection and a sense of superiority for the insiders, but also tended to expand the categories of what could be deemed relevant to national security and of who should be considered the enemy.

Chapter 5 traces how art deemed outside of the state’s civilizing discourse is met with censorship. It expands the definition of censorship beyond explicit bans and suppressions of artworks by the state, as such bans have become technically speaking difficult to enforce and somewhat unnecessary. Instead, it highlights processes of (partial) silencing, including incentives for self-censorship and delegitimization as well as modes of foreclosure that authoritatively frame the production and reception of art. At the center of the chapter are the attempts to censor the exhibitions Regarding Terror, thematizing media perceptions of the Red Army Faction (Berlin, 2005), and Freekick (Istanbul, 2005), mainly featuring works on the “Kurdish question” and other instances of state violence. Under the shadow of the “global war on terror” and each country’s historical challenges with “security politics,” critics of both exhibitions construed arts and politics as incommensurable. Outlining how freedom of expression is circumscribed by official memory regimes in Turkey and Germany, the chapter analyzes different modes of censorship and the variety of actors engaged in it. It highlights that silencing efforts use the argument of the autonomy of art not to shield art from political intervention but to suppress political expression through the arts.

This chapter assesses how Dwight D. Eisenhower genuinely embraced his predecessors' religious propaganda; yet he also advanced that propaganda for his own purposes. He chose to adopt Truman's later construction of religious patriotism as a bulwark of national security. Eisenhower also differed from his predecessors in his refusal to woo religious organizations. He instead found allies like the American Legion and the Ad Council that existed outside of the institutional categories of church and state and which he hoped could bridge the two spheres in ways the established institutions could not. When they did not fully serve his purposes, he helped create the Foundation for Religious Action in the Social and Civil Order (FRASCO), an organization that explicitly existed to work in the space between religion and politics and beyond the limitations of the institutions that controlled them. By identifying issues such as national defense, free market economics, and anticommunism as social rather than political or religious issues, FRASCO, the American Legion, and the Ad Council were able to normalize much of the period's religious propaganda, while still claiming to uphold the nation's traditional separation of church and state.

Since the 2011 Arab Spring uprisings, the state of Qatar has sought to present itself as a progressive force for change in the region in contrast to autocratic regimes that responded to dissent with harsh and repressive measures during the uprisings and beyond. However, despite implementing new domestic political reforms and aligning its foreign policy discourse with hegemonic Western paradigms of democracy and human rights, the state has continued to engage in authoritarian measures to maintain and enforce its power and has limited the implementation of democratic political reforms. This chapter examines how Qatar is developing new authoritarian practices to construct and control the narrative of national development produced by national media and monitor the spread of information to international audiences. The chapter analyzes how new digital authoritarian methods, in conjunction with existing state restrictions on civil society organizing and the censorship of public and social media, have placed parameters on freedom of expression that effectively foster an environment of self-censorship among media organizations, journalists, and social actors. The chapter argues that the Qatari state is utilizing new forms of media censorship and surveillance and the continued monitoring of civil society organizations toward three aims, namely to craft a positive and progressive national narrative for domestic and international consumption, to control and dominate national political discourse, and to prevent dissenting voices from gaining public traction.

Abstract The right of association for political ends is a strongly embedded entitlement in British political culture. It is a freedom that has been forged in past eras of repression, when the branding of a political association as unlawful was frequently turned to as a means of hindering the advance of the ideas for which its members stood. By the twentieth century, however, the liberty had managed to become well-established in the UK (apart from in Northern Ireland, on which see further below). Thus the generally severe defence of the realm regulations promulgated at the outset of and throughout the First World War empowered the authorities to harass in all sorts of ways the radical peace activists and trade unionists who were perceived to be a threat to national defence, but they did not take the shortcut of group censorship. Nor did the government when faced with the new threat of a domestic Communist Party of Great Britain in the 1948 s. The emergency regulations of the Second World War era likewise tended to go for suspected persons rather than groups. Through much of the liberal post-war period, the idea of banning political groups or other kinds of associations was more or less unthinkable in Britain.

This chapter discusses the media discourse in the 1990s. Between 1989 and 1999, the Russian media experienced new freedom from state censorship but was limited in economic resources. The media had become central in constructing a new sense of self and society after the transformations in post-Soviet Russia. The chapter then notes the formation of national identity in the country as expressed by the Russian media elite in the polylogue it shaped with historical and political developments, Russian language, and Orthodox Christianity. It explores the media discourse circulating around the national identity, war and loss. Critical discourse analysis is used to analyze texts from Moskovskiye Novosti and Nezavisimaya Gazeta.

After the assassination of John F. Kennedy, leadership of the counter–Radio Right censorship campaign passed to the Democratic National Committee (DNC). DNC Chairman John Bailey recruited operative Wayne Phillips to take charge of a team that would intimidate conservative broadcasters who either supported Barry Goldwater or attacked Lyndon Johnson during the 1964 election. By Phillips’s own estimations, the project was a remarkable success, garnering hundreds of hours of free airtime via Fairness Doctrine complaints. They were aided by a new front organization—secretly created by the DNC—called the National Council for Civic Responsibility. As a bonus, the campaign also generated a court challenge from journalist Fred Cook against conservative radio station owner John Norris. The resulting court case, Red Lion Broadcasting Co., Inc. v. FCC, went all the way to the US Supreme Court, which ultimately upheld the Fairness Doctrine.

The fourth chapter studies sound in the so-called ‘Golden Age’ of Indian cinema, when the quality and quantity of production skyrocketed and reached a global stage. From the late 1940s to the late 1960s, a resurgent period of film production – not limited to the Hindi-language films of Bombay but spread throughout the Indian subcontinent after independence from colonial rule in 1947 – galvanized a legitimate national cinema that would later be called ‘Indian Cinema’. The era’s films demonstrated quality and quantity in equal measure. They resonated with the hope, enthusiasm, and collective commitment to nation-building based on a newfound sense of freedom and self-determination, liberated from the spectre of oppressive colonial censorship.

The introduction of social networks (Facebook, Twitter, google+, Instagram, Youtube, Whatsapp, Tik Tok, Linkedin, etc.) is the largest transition in the history of mankind, in terms of dissemination of information since Gutenberg began printing. Its "passing pawns" are efficiency, mass character and instantaneous distribution. The behavior of people and their relationships social networks took on a strong "boarding". Before our eyes, a process is taking place when an increasing part of the population is changing the "Party of the TV" to the "Party of the Internet." Social networks have significantly narrowed, and in fact put an end to, the monopoly of television in the formation of public opinion. Moreover, they, in particular Facebook, having overcome the barriers of almost any censorship, have turned the globe into one "global village". This is actually the "agora" of the twenty-first century. They adequately continued the process of "levelling" between the rich and the poor in terms of access to news, entertainment, shows, provided earlier by traditional media (press, radio, television). The Internet began, and the social network accelerated an unprecedented language revolution, rooted or filled with new meaning in everyday life “traditional” words, terms or phrases: hashtag, selfie, trolling, ban, chat, blog, avatar, meme, gif, etc. Over-reliance on the Internet and social media has become a global disease that surpasses the most acute, formidable pandemics in human history in scale. This means that excessive dependence on social networks is too similar to gambling addiction - the repetition of the same actions for a long time and a weakened perception of time, the replacement of real life and activity with virtual ... The development of information technology is “encouraging” by stuffing more and more new functions and expanding the range of possibilities of smartphone functions, which further strengthens people's attachment to them and the social and psychological problems associated with it. At the same time, the development of dialectics suggests that the time is not far off when the opposite trend will also appear: the desire for liberation from excessive dependence on the Internet and gadgets, as a measure of true freedom. The time will come when such freedom will be as prestigious as owning a personal computer or a mobile phone a few decades ago... Keywords: Internet, Social network, Facebook, Information, Addiction.

The Treaty of Rome promoted a more cautious approach as concerns the free movement of capital in comparison with other fundamental economic freedoms. The recognized importance of the sovereign prerogatives of the states in the field of monetary policies explains why its original regulatory wording bears the signs of a reserved attitude and of an increased concern for the balance of powers distributed between the Commission, the Council and the Member States. The full liberalization of capital movements is the result of a legislative interventions in stages that culminated in the Directive of 24 June 1988 and the Maastricht Treaty, which laid down the free movement of capital not only in the relations between Member States but also in the relations with third countries. Thus, through a paradoxical dynamic, the capital movements enjoy a wider territorial scope compared to the other freedoms (of goods, persons and services) which are applicable only in intra-European cross-border situations (I). The study aims at analysing the recent interpretations of the Court of Luxembourg regarding particular illustrations of the notion of capital movements (II) and highlights the elements of added value regarding the delimitation of the free movement of capital from the freedom of establishment (III), and from the freedom to provide services (IV), respectively. In accordance with the reasoning of the Court, the provisions of Article 49 TFEU on freedom of establishment will be the ones that will apply, to the extent the shares held within a company allow the exercise of a definite influence on the decisions of a company. In exchange, the participations made only with the intention of making a financial investment, without the intention of influencing the management and control of the companies, must be analysed by reference to Article 63 TFEU on the free movement of capital. The distinction between the capital movements and the freedom to provide services provided in Article 56 TFEU arises in the presence of a regulation on the provision of financial services and proves to be much more delicate in practice. The national measure will only be examined from the perspective of one of these two freedoms if, in the circumstances of the case, one of them is entirely secondary to the other and can be linked to it.

Journalism is a public good from which citizens should benefit. For journalism to accomplish its mission as a public good, journalists and media must be independent and economically sustainable. Most importantly, they must be safe in performing their professional duty to professionally inform the public. Nevertheless, how can journalists report in a situation when they are forcibly expelled from the national parliament? What are the implications of such a case, and what are the lessons learned? This paper provides an overview of the court case of “SELMANI AND OTHERS V. “THE FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA” by the European Court of Human Rights in which violation of the right to freedom of expression under Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights is proclaimed for the forcible removal of journalists from the gallery of the Parliament of Macedonia on 24 December 2012. The methodology in preparing this paper is based on an assessment of the stated court case, other cases relevant to Article 10 of the ECHR, follow-up documents by competent authorities and credible media reports. The importance of this case can be seen from the fact that it represents the first court case of ECtHR for breaching Article 10 of the Convention in Macedonia and second that this case represents an essential practice that gives knowledge to all members of the Council of Europe how to assure that the freedom of speech and freedom of information should be secured within the national parliaments. Keywords: freedom of expression, freedom of speech, fair trial, safety of journalists

The impact of the COVID-19 outbreak is being endured throughout the world, and the European Union (EU) is no exception. The rapid spreading of the virus effected, among other things, restriction on the freedom of movement. The EU member states introduced national response measures to contain the pandemic and protect public health. While broadly similar, the measures differ with regard to strictness and the manner of introduction, reflecting the political legitimacy of the respective country. With the ‘Guidelines concerning the exercise of the free movement of workers during COVID-19 outbreak’ – its first COVID-19-related Communication – the European Commission (EC) attempted to curb differing practices of the EU member states and ensure a coordinated approach. Ultimately, this action was aimed at upholding of fundamental rights as guaranteed to EU citizens, one such being the freedom of movement. Thus, from the very start of the pandemic, the coordinated actions of EU institutions sought to contain the spread of COVID-19 infections with the support and cooperation of EU member states. This is confirmed by the most recent Council of the EU (Council) recommendation on a coordinated approach to restrictions to freedom of movement within the EU of October 2020. While they did prevent the spread of infection and save countless lives, the movement restriction measures and the resulting uncertainty have greatly affected the people, the society, and the economy, thereby demonstrating that they cannot remain in force for an extended period. This paper examines the measures introduced by EU member states and analyses the legal basis for introducing therewith limitations on human rights and market freedoms. To what extent are the EU and member states authorized to introduce restrictions on the freedom of movement in the interest of public health? Have the EU and member states breached their obligations regarding market freedoms and fundamental rights under the Treaty? And most importantly: have they endangered the fundamental rights of the citizens of the EU?

Abstract Aircraft system identification can either occur in the time-or frequency-domain with each approach having inherent advantages and disadvantages. For example, time-domain modelling generates superior time history matches and has a superior ability to achieve a trim solution. However, time-domain models do not provide a high degree of insight to the frequency responses of the system, which is important for control law development and for matching handling qualities for pilot-in-the-loop simulation — this is a strength of the frequency-domain approach. This paper utilises a Pareto optimization procedure to combine both the time- and frequency-domain approaches and exploit the strengths of both methods. Pareto fronts are generated for the system identification of a 6 degree-of-freedom forward flight model at 90 kts of the National Research Council of Canada’s Bell 412 helicopter. The generated Pareto fronts showed the necessity of balancing the time- and frequency-domain matches whereby moving from the compromise solution to either the isolated time- or frequency-domain solutions resulted in a small improvement in one while the other suffered relatively more. Accordingly, the multi-objective solution using Pareto optimization capitalized on the strengths of both approaches and avoided an overspecialized solution in either of the domains.

The Marine Dynamic Test Facility (MDTF) is a five degree-of-freedom forced oscillation test apparatus being purchased jointly by the Canadian Department of National Defence (DND) and the National Research Council of Canada (NRC). When completed, it will be installed in the towing tank of the Institute for Marine Dynamics (IMD) in St. John's, Newfoundland. The apparatus is designed to perform complex experiments with surface ships, submarines, underwater vehicles, etc. by putting them through pre-defined arbitrary trajectories, measuring the reaction forces and extracting the hydrodynamic characteristics of the vehicles from the measured data. There are also other novel applications which this apparatus could be put to. Currently IMD has a pilot version of the MDTF, with only dynamic heave and pitch, and variable yaw offset, capabilities. The pilot rig was used in a recent experiment to oscillate a destroyer model in pure heave and pure pitch modes in calm water. One purpose was to measure the added mass and damping coefficients. As well, the model was instrumented with 19 pressure transducers to measure the radiation pressure on the model hull as function of oscillation frequency, amplitude and forward speed. These data are vital for the proper validation of numerical codes, particularly since good experimental data on radiation load and pressure are relatively rare. This paper outlines the main features of the experimental technique, describes the data analysis procedures and presents results that show the validity of the approach. The huge amount of data gathered are still in the process of being analyzed and only some representative results are presented.

The aim of the research is to analyse the experience of Russian journalists who moved to Latvia after 24 February 2022, when Russia started a full-scale armed invasion of Ukraine, and who have since been living and working in Latvia. The theoretical framework of the work is based on three chapters, which examine the aspects of media accountability and influence, freedom of the press, and the work of journalists in exile. The qualitative research has been carried out, using a narrative analysis. Data was obtained with the help of semi-structured interviews. The respondents were found with the snowball sampling method. In the period from 23 March to 20 April 2023, ten semi-structured interviews with Russian journalists who have moved to Latvia after 24 February 2022, when Russia started a full-scale armed invasion of Ukraine, were obtained. The interviews particularly explored their motivation to move to Latvia, their working and living conditions in Latvia, and their opinion about the future of Russia. The results show that Russian journalists could not stay in Russia due to security reasons, and all the journalists reveal that it was their individual decision to move. They evaluate their work in Latvia as safe, but at the same time challenging, because they are no longer able to access local information of their former country, thus gradually distancing them from Russia. Examining these difficulties, the narrative analysis reveals that Russian journalists are concerned about their future life in Latvia, because they have not been issued residence permits or work visas. One narrative condemns NEPLP (National Electronic Mass Media Council of Latvia) action in cancelling the license of the TV channel “Dozhd” (TV Rain). The journalists do not see a quick end to the war started by Russia in Ukraine and are pessimistic about Russia’s future development.