Journal articles on the topic 'National Conscience Party (Nigeria)'
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1
Udenta, Nkiruka C., and Jude Okezie Emmanuel Udenta. "Party Politics and National Integration in Nigeria: An Appraisal of All Progressive Congress 2019-2023." NEWPORT INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CURRENT RESEARCH IN HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 4, no. 2 (April 4, 2024): 54–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.59298/nijcrhss/2024/4.2.54368.
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This study examined party politics and national integration in Nigeria: an appraisal of All Progressive Congress (APC). It conceptualized political parties and national integration. The study raised two objectives namely: Ascertain how All Progressive Congress (APC) politics has promoted national integration in Nigeria between 2015 and 2023. Determine how All Progressive Congress (APC) politics has undermined national integration in Nigeria. Systems theory was used as the theory for the study. Ex-post facto design was used. Data used for the study were derived through secondary sources. Thematic content analysis was used to analyze the data. The findings of the study show that APC has made some contributions towards national integration in Nigeria. The finding of the study also shows that these efforts have their challenges which militated against them in the realization of their objectives. While the efforts were intended to achieve national integration, solidarity and unity, it ended up creating disunity among the people, and marginalization of one section by the other thereby leading to intense struggle for power between and or among people from different ethnic groups. The study concluded that due to the nature of party politics, APC as a political party has not been able to live up to expectation as a veritable instrument for national integration. Secondly, some of the party leaders are more powerful than the political party itself and as such their selfish personal interest overrides the interest of the party and the nation as the case may be. The study recommended that political parties must run issue-based campaigns devoid of hate speech or disinformation to restore their integrity in the eyes of citizens. Once elected and/ or appointed to political office, party members must follow through on the promises made during the campaign period. Also, political parties must be held accountable for their abuses of the system and failure to represent the interests of the Nigerian people. Keywords: Political Party, Party Politics, National Integration
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MUHAMMAD, AMINU YAHAYA. "Intra-Party Conflict and the Future of Nigerian Democracy: Examining the All Progressives Congress (APC)." Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (December 4, 2018): 20–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v2i4.248.
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This study is an analysis of the nature and pattern of intra-party conflict in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic with specific reference to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC). Intra-party conflict has been the norm in Nigerian politics leading to crises, setback and failure of many parties to forge ahead for proper democratisation in Nigeria including the ruling parties in many instances. The problem is the way in which intra-party conflict is becoming the bane of democratisation and good governance in Nigeria for many decades and despite the previous experiences, the phenomenon continued unabated. The study investigated the new dimension of intra-party conflict in Nigeria taking the All Progressives Congress as the case study. The study used a qualitative method of data collection and analysis. Primary and secondary sources of data were used. The primary data involved an in-depth interview with some selected informants from the relevant institutions and agencies related to the APC and the crises such as the national party executives, senior officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and academicians that are experts in the area of study. The secondary sources include books, journals, newspapers, internets and other documented materials. The data obtained were discussed using content analysis where thematic analytical interpretations were used in the discussions. The research discovered that, the intra-party conflict under the APC has taken a new dimension where the members of the ruling party constituted an opposition and a stumbling block for the party’s progress and governance. The work recommends that intra-party conflict of APC and other Nigerian political parties can be resolved through constitutional reforms, institutionalisation of party ideology and principles and strict sanctions from the national leaders of the party.
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AFAMEFUNE, PATRICK IKEM, and BLESSING EDAFE OGHALE. "PARTY NOMADISM IN NIGERIA: ASSESSING THE ROLE OF PARTY DEFECTIONS IN NIGERIAN POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT, 2011-2016 STATE." WILBERFORCE JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 3, no. 1 (March 10, 2018): 110–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/wjss/8102.30.0170.
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The defection of politicians from one political party to another in Nigeria has attracted enormous scholarly attention in recent times. Arguably, the emergence of several political parties without ideological colouration has embellished the debate on political parties’ defection in Nigeria. This paper assesses the role of party defections in Nigeria’s political development between 2011 to 2016. This paper adopts documentary method of data collection and content analysis as the method of data analysis. Relying on the theory of post-colonial state, the paper argues that party defection is not necessarily as a result of the absence of political ideology; rather, it is the manifestation of an ideology rooted in the crass ambition for power, primitive accumulation and elevation of personal differences. Moreover, this negates and discourages viable political culture, institution building and national integration in Nigeria. It recommends, among others, that institutional frameworks should be enacted to make politics less attractive.
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Adefeso, Hammed A., and Tunde A. Abioro. "Fiscal Decentralisation and Economic Development in Nigeria: The Role of Democratic Institution." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n1p1.
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<p>It is a time series analysis that investigates on the role of democratic institution in the relationship between fiscal decentralisation and economic development in Nigeria. The trend analysis clearly showed that sub-national expenditure is higher than sub-national revenue in Nigeria. The federally allocated expenditures to sub-national is far more than its corresponding allocated revenue in Nigeria and this becomes manifest from the year 1999 when the nation returned to civil rule up till 2014 under the administration of a dominant political party known as the People’s Democratic Party (PDP). Using multiple regression analysis, the empirical results revealed 1% increase in expenditure decentralisation and revenue decentralisation would retard economic performance by 11% and 21% respectively when democratic institution index is included as explanatory variable. The impact of democratic institution in the relationship between fiscal decentralisation and economic performance in Nigeria is however, weak, positive and statistically insignificant in Nigeria as 100% increase in expenditure decentralisation and revenue decentralisation only yield 4% and 5% economic performance respectively in Nigeria. This has resulted to a wide spread level of corruption in Nigeria among bureaucrats and politicians. The study therefore advocates for a strong government institution that will be transparent, accountable and also respect the rule of law for sustainability, effectiveness and timely service delivery.</p>
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Castro, Nestor T. "The Interface between Religion and Politics in The Philippines Based on Data from Recent Philippine Elections." International Journal of Interreligious and Intercultural Studies 2, no. 2 (October 19, 2019): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.32795/ijiis.vol2.iss2.2019.454.
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The Philippines held its national elections last May 2019. During the election campaign, several religious groups organized electoral slates or supported particular political candidates. Among these groups were the Iglesia ni Cristo (INC) with its Alagad Party, the Jesus is Lord (JIL) Movement with its CIBAC Party, the El Shaddai with its Buhay Party, and the Kingdom of Jesus Christ which supported all of the candidates backed by the Duterte government. On the other hand, the dominant Roman Catholic Church did not support any political party or candidate as a bloc but emphasized the need for the electorate to use their conscience and vote wisely. Some Roman Catholic priests, however, openly supported the opposition Otso Diretso slate for the Senate.This paper looks at the interesting link between religion and politics in the Philippines, especially in its recent political history, i.e. from 1986 up to the present. In particular, this paper will attempt to answer the following questions: What role do the various religious groups in the Philippines play in the field of the political arena? Do Filipinos vote based on their religious affiliation?
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Harianto, Harianto, Wawan Budi Darmawan, and Muradi Muradi. "The Winning of Empty Box in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election." Society 8, no. 2 (December 22, 2020): 546–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/society.v8i2.203.
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This research discusses how the empty box won in the 2018 Makassar Regional Head Election. This phenomenon became the elections’ history where a single candidate failed to win the election. Ten political parties consisting of Functional Groups Party (Golkar), National Democratic Party (NasDem), Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), United Development Party (PPP), Crescent Star Party (PBB), Great Indonesia Movement Party (Gerindra), Prosperous Justice Party (PKS), People’s Conscience Party (Hanura), National Mandate Party (PAN), and Indonesian Justice and Unity Party (PKPI), promoted a single candidate pair. This study aims to describe how the movement of empty box volunteers in the Makassar Regional Head Election. This research uses a qualitative method. Selection of informants using a snowball sampling technique, and using social movement theory. There are three parts to this theory: 1) Complaint theory. Public disappointment over a candidate pair’s disqualification and consider the election organizer unfair; 2) Mobilizing structures theory. Analyze the voluntary movement of empty boxes to gather mass support and sympathizers during the election; and 3) Framing theory. Analyze the use of issues and methods of spreading the issue. This research found that the empty box phenomenon in Makassar Regional Head Election, unlike in the elections in other areas where the single candidate did not have an opponent, in Makassar, one of the candidate pairs was disqualified due to violation. It made the community, supporters, and the success team feels disappointed with the General Elections Commission’s decision. This disappointment also resulted in the emergence of the empty box volunteer movement. Movements of empty box volunteers to gather mass support and sympathizers through door-to-door socializing, leaflets, flyers, and banners call to action to win empty box and use social media and online media as campaign tools.
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Egwim, Anibrose I. "PDP Party Politics and the Subversion of Federalism in Nigeria." IBADAN JOURNAL OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 5, no. 2 (December 19, 2007): 122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/ijss/7002.50.0240.
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This paper argues that party politics and election activities affect the practice of federalism. The exit of the military from government house has not terminated their centralizing and unitarizing tendencies, which they introduced in January 1966. The explanation for this continued centralization, despite having returned to democratic rule since May, 1999, may be found in the structure and organization of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the a dominant political parry, which has enjoyed near hegemonic power since May 1999; PDP controls of 28 out of the 36 states of Nigeria, and also controlled the National Assembly with a large majority. The military dictatorship did not end with military rule; rather it was transformed into a political party (PDP), manned by a former autocratic general who was being forced into a democratic mode.
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Hoffmann, Leena. "Fairy godfathers and magical elections: understanding the 2003 electoral crisis in Anambra State, Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 2 (May 19, 2010): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1000025x.
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ABSTRACTOn 10 July 2003, a civilian coup was attempted in Anambra state in South-east Nigeria. Barely two months after Chris Ngige was sworn in as the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) governor of Anambra, a team of armed policemen disarmed his security detail and took him into custody. The governor's attempted ousting made public the breakdown of his relationship with his political godfather, Chief Chris Uba, and sparked a debate on godfather politics in Nigeria. Using the case of Anambra, this article investigates the complex network of personalised relationships that holders of state power maintain with their national and local clientelistic constituencies. It explores the political underpinnings of the crisis and its links to national-level power dynamics, particularly within the ruling party and the Obasanjo presidency.
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Apter, Andrew. "Things Fell Apart? Yoruba Responses to the 1983 Elections in Ondo State, Nigeria." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 3 (September 1987): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00009940.
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ON 16 August 1983, towns throughout Nigeria's Ondo State erupted into violence. The ostensible cause was popular reaction against rigged gubernational elections which favoured a National Party of Nigeria (N.P.N.) candidate in an overwhelmingly Unity Party of Nigeria (U.P.N.) State. It is easy to dismiss the violence in Undo (and in Oyo State too) as the protest of a frustrated plebiscite – as indeed it was. But western accounts of ‘the breakdown of democracy’ in Africa, so often associated with primordialism, tribalism, and class conflict in plural societies, seldom grasp experiences of the breakdown itself.1 From the external perspectives of national integration and voting behaviour, popular violence involving mobs and crowds is characterised as affective, ‘irrational’ action, in contrast to the ‘rational’ norms of institutionalised democracy.2
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Moliki, Ahmed Olawale. "Political party elite and election-related violence in Nigeria: The nexus and implications for democracy and governance." Simulacra 4, no. 1 (June 21, 2021): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v4i1.10520.
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Failure to conduct violence-free elections in Nigeria has frequently reflected in the writings of local and foreign election observers and monitoring groups. Previous studies have devoted much attention to the consequences of electoral violence on sustenance and consolidation of democracy but less attention has been paid to the role political party elite play in this violence. This study examined the role of political party elite in election-related violence in Nigeria, 2011-2019. It equally assessed its nexus and implications for democracy and governance. The study utilized documentary research method using qualitative documentary analysis to analyze the data obtained from secondary sources following four-step approach. Findings revealed that political party elite exerted greater influence on politically-sponsored thugs, who were utilized to perpetrate election-related violence due to zerosum game, winners-takes-all syndrome, and non-punishment of electoral offenders with far-reaching implications for popular participation, free, fair and credible election, party politics, leadership legitimacy and stable polity. The study submitted that curbing party elite-sponsored electoral violence requires that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the National Assembly wake up to their responsibility of ensuring strict enforcement of laws for electoral offences as this would deter both sponsors and perpetrators from engaging in violence during election.
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Adeleke, Fatai Gbadebo, Musediq Olufemi Lawal, Folake Olubunmi Lanre-Babalola, and Temitayo Oluwakemi Akinpelu. "Ruling Party’s Influences and The Re-Run Elections in Nigeria." Unnes Political Science Journal 6, no. 2 (January 28, 2023): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/upsj.v6i2.62977.
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Little attention was given to re-run elections in the previous studies; therefore, this study examined how the ruling party influenced the re-run elections in Nigeria. Through mixed-methods, our study discovered that the national ruling party won 93.1% of the re-run elections unlike 53.9% in general elections. Through 3-created models, we found undue influences on election process, institution and enforcement and civil election monitoring. They indirectly appointed, controlled, and determined the postings of major electoral agencies that were directly organized the pre, during and post-elections processes. State’s public facilities and workers were serving their interests and this created a strained relationship between the opposition parties and electoral agencies. Communities in opposition strongholds witnessed low voter-education, limited campaign time, poor registration of voters and inexperienced staff mainly to discourage full participation. Harmonizing the conduct of re-run elections with the general elections is necessary to limit the influence of the ruling party.
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Jansen, J. "Teologie kroniek/Theology Chronicle: The Politics of Salvation: Values, Ideology and the South African National Curriculum." Verbum et Ecclesia 25, no. 2 (October 6, 2004): 784–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v25i2.287.
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The South African experience offers dramatic examples of how the curriculum remains a lightning rod for the values contestation in divided societies. Despite its overwhelming election mandate, the ruling party found that changing the curriculum required the consent of powerful and less powerful sections of society - whose opposition extended across racial lines. This essay reports on research into attempts by the post- apartheid state to introduce values explicitly into the school curriculum, and how communities - mobilised primarily on the common front of religious values - combined to decelerate if not reverse radical curriculum reforms. The most important finding from this work is that underestimating the power of faith-based communities is likely to undermine curriculum reforms that touch on matters of values, conscience and religious commitment.
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ETINAGBEDIA, Goodluck. "NATURE OF THE POLITICS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW WITHIN THE NIGERIAN STATE." Journal of Public Administration, Finance and Law 29 (2023): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/jopafl-2023-29-12.
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The paper looks at the nature of international law politics within the Nigerian state and the challenges Nigeria faces in implementing it successfully. Neorealism theory, which relies on secondary data gathered from documentation through published and unpublished books, journals, articles, and other publications on human rights and maritime/environmental treaties, was used as the intellectual framework and adopted the qualitative synthesis of the scientific method. It was also discovered that the majority of international treaties are less enforceable due to the National Assembly's inability or negligence in domesticating the laws to which Nigeria is a party. The conclusions drawn from these observations lead to the following recommendations, which are listed in no particular order. The 2004 Treaties Act comes first. should be changed right away to make consultation with the appropriate National Assembly committees a prerequisite for making treaties. In the same vein, training and capacity building for the bureaucracy and other pertinent agencies are necessary to guarantee the efficient execution of the numerous international legal instruments to which Nigeria is a party.
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Sule, Babayo, and Usman Sambo. "Investigating the Cost of Election in Nigeria: The 2019 General Election in Focus." European Journal of Social and Behavioural Sciences 32, no. 2 (March 29, 2023): 83–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/ejsbs.334.
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Political party funding is an important issue for all global key players in democratic accountability and transparency. One of the areas where the phenomenon is attracting interest is Nigeria. The 2019 General Election represents an important period for the study of party financing in Nigeria. This study critically examines the cost of an election in Nigeria from four perspectives: the cost of nominations, the cost of party primaries, the cost of the actual campaign, and the cost of running the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The study collected data using a qualitative research design that employed the tools of key informant interviews and focus group discussions. The data collected were analysed and interpreted using thematic descriptive qualitative discussions. The study uncovers that the cost of an election in Nigeria is exorbitant and unbearable and the most disturbing aspect is the illegality involved in terms of the violation of maximum spending limit, the use of state resources, and setting a price of nomination above the reach of the common and average man. Thus, it is recommended among others that a strict regulatory sanction and monitoring form compliance should be applied appropriately.
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Innocent, Eme O. "ADDRESSING EXECUTIVE-LEGISLATURE CONFLICT IN NIGERIA." Journal of Security Studies and Global Politics 1, no. 1 (December 15, 2016): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33865/jssgp.001.01.0024.
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This paper examined the phenomenon of executive dominance over the legislatures both at the national and state levels in Nigeria. The paper argues that legislatures in Nigeria generally are faced with the crisis of executive belligerence, which itself is a hangover of the military rule and decreed two party states between 1960 and 1999. This culture of executive dominance appears more endemic and destructive to democracy. The data for this study was generated from Focus Group Discussion, in-depth desk review and other documentary sources. The technique of content analysis will constitute our data analysis technique. The paper revealed that the legislatures in Nigeria are more or less one party dominated, influenced largely by the incumbent president and governors. Also the president and executive governors are overwhelmingly powerful and dominant because of their unlimited access to state resources, which give them control over party structures. The controls over candidates’ selection by the executives make legislators stooges of the former, which relegates the institution to mere rubber stamp of the executive. It is also found that control over legislative bureaucracy in the past and to some extent even now makes the legislature dependent on the executive. This undermines the capacity and independence of the legislatures to hold the executive accountable and to a large extent to function as co-equal of the executive arm of government. The paper concludes by positing that unless parties are funded independent of holders of executive power and moneybags, governors will continue to control the proceedings in the legislatures.
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Frank, Etim O., and Stephen P. Udoaka. "Inter-Party Carpet-Crossing Among Legislators and Implications for Oversight Functions and Governance in Nigeria." Global Journal of Political Science and Administration 11, no. 3 (March 15, 2023): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjpsa.2013/vol11n34357.
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This paper examined the implications of inter-party defections by the APC and PDP elites in the National Assembly on law making and governance in Nigeria. It has been observed that emerging political coalitions may not always reflect policy preferences or philosophical differences since they are mostly based on personalities and agreement among political leaders. Political parties are widely acknowledged to have a significant impact on the oversight and accountability of governmental operations and policies. Political parties’ refusal to impose such rules stifles efficient public representation at all levels. The survey research method was employed to gather data, while the elite theory was found useful in explaining the study. For the purpose of analysis, the Simple Linear Regression was executed with the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) for the testing of the hypothesis at 0.5 significance level. The finding of the study revealed that the APC and PDP elites’ inter-party defections in the National Assembly had a substantial influence on the enactment of laws for good governance in Nigeria. Consequently, the study suggested, among others, that political parties in Nigeria should be established on ideologies and not pecuniary benefits and primitive accumulation as it is being witnessed even in the current administration. Besides, being a member of a political party should not be determined by the collection of ticket to vie for elective political office.
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Innocent, Alfa Patrick, and Otaida Eikojonwa. "Candidate Selection and the Electoral Prospects of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) In Nigeria: 1999-2015." Review of Politics and Public Policy in Emerging Economies 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/rope.v1i2.1136.
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Objective: The essence of this article is to examine the centrality of candidate selection in the changes in the electoral fortunes of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) in Nigeria from 1999 to 2015.Methodology: This paper is qualitative and conceptual in nature. The issues were analysed under various related themes. The data were gathered through the secondary method such as textbooks, journal articles, reports of election observer teams, party constitutions, workshop papers, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) documents, the Electoral Acts and the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The analysis of the information gathered helped to manifest the factors that were responsible for the electoral setbacks suffered by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which led to the triumph of the hitherto opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the 2015 general elections.Results: The paper discovered that interferences and manipulation in the candidate selection procedures in particular and gross disregard for internal party democracy in the Peoples' Democratic Party led to its electoral misfortunes in the 2015 elections.Implication: The paper avers that political parties are fundamental elements in any democratic setting, but for them to retain and boost their electoral chances they must adopt a transparent candidate selection process and adhere to the other tenets of internal party democracy.
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Taiwo, Oluwafikunayo D. "The Restrictive Approach to Legal Representation in Arbitration Proceedings and Its Unintended Consequences in Nigeria." Journal of International Arbitration 37, Issue 2 (April 1, 2020): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2020013.
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The issue of legal representation in arbitration proceedings accounts for one of the sub-factors of ‘formal legal structure’ and ‘national arbitration law’ that disputing parties consider before choosing a seat of arbitration. Indeed, the ability of disputing parties in arbitration to freely select their desired representatives is embedded in the foundational principle of party autonomy. In Nigeria, a literal interpretation of the national arbitration rules prevents parties from selecting persons not admitted to the Nigerian bar as their representatives in arbitration proceedings. This article examines the impact of this restrictive approach on the attractiveness of Nigeria as a seat of arbitration. The article identifies scope for reform in the law and makes suggestions to create a more liberal legislative and judicial framework in order to promote Nigeria as a preferred seat for arbitration. Arbitration, Legal representation, Seat, Nigeria
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Babatunde, Elkanah. "Torture by the Nigerian Police Force: International Obligations, National Responses and the Way Forward." Strathmore Law Review 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.52907/slr.v2i1.99.
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Police brutality has become rife in Nigeria and is regarded by some as a normal part of police operations. This is despite the fact that the Nigerian Constitution provides for the guarantee of the right to dignity and the protection against torture and inhuman or degrading treatment. Nigeria is also party to some international treaties such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights which expressly prohibit torture and other cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. This raises the question whether police brutality in Nigeria amounts to torture and / or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment and whether the existing legal framework sufficiently prevents and punishes the perpetrators of these acts.
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Aderayo, Adebajo Adeola, and Kunle Olawunmi. "Ethnic politics and National Integration in Nigeria's Fourth Republic." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 25, no. 4 (December 2022): 88–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2022.25.4.88.
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One of the contentious issues affecting national integration in Nigeria is ethnic politics. An ethnicity is a potent tool for mobilizing access to power and resources in Nigeria. It has not only affected nation-building but has also constituted security and governance challenges threatening national integration. Despite different measures adopted to foster national unity among different ethnic groups, primordial sentiments pervade the political system, festering like a malignant tumour with associated prognosis. The paper explored the implications of ethnic politics on national integration in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. Data elicited from secondary sources were utilized for the study. The findings showed that the dominant ethnic groups determine party formation, voting patterns and allocation of public goods. Ethnic politics is deployed by the political class to access and maintain their grip of power while other sub-ethnic groups are sidelined. Undue ethnicization of Nigeria's politics has not only encouraged prebendalised politics but affected democratic development. Electoral malpractices, political instability and crises experienced in Nigeria have their roots in ethnic politics. The study recommended, among other things, that there is a need for reorientation of Nigerian citizens on the danger ethnicized politics portends to nation-building and national integration. Furthermore, there is the need to redefine citizenship, indigene-settler syndrome and son of the soil conundrum that has been spurring ethnic politics in Nigeria.
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OGBE, HENRY EJOTUBU. "POLITICAL PARTIES AND CANDIDATES IMPOSITION IN NIGERIA: A MENACE TO DEMOCRACY AND NATIONAL SECURITY." Journal of Humanities, Social Science and Creative Arts 13, no. 1 (November 8, 2019): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.51406/jhssca.v13i1.1928.
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Democracy operates principle of majority which requires equal political opportunities and liberties to aspirants to contest under political parties in recent times. Therefore political party has made formation of (representative) democracy easier and possible via the instrumentality of elections. Nigerian democracy is threatened by candidates imposition by some powerful party leaders due to lack of political parties internal democracy . The study adopted liberal theory of representation as its theoretical framework. With the aid of observational and secondary methods of inquiry, the study revealed that the practice of candidate imposition within political parties and sometimes in general elections by some powerful political parties leaders is affront to democracy as it disintegrates political parties, breaches human right of political parties members among others. The study also revealed that candidates imposition due to lack of political parties internal democracy practice threaten Nigeria democracy as it produces incompetent leaders who could not articulate the yearnings and aspirations of Nigerians into achievable policies and programmes. Consequently, Nigerians are frustrated to the level that they are ignited easily and lure into violence which jeopardize national security. Creation of commission to regulates and monitors political parties primary elections and other activities, providing equal political opportunities to political parties members among others are recommended to strengthen political parties internal democracy in Nigeria.
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Ojo, Opeyemi, and Oluwafunmilayo Abiodun. "Abortion Policy in Nigeria: A Challenging National Health Concern." Nursing Scope 5, no. 1 (February 9, 2022): 32–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.59073/thenursingscope51/32-43.
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Introduction: Unsafe abortion cases resulting from the prohibition of abortion in Nigeria continue to be growing exponentially. Abortion cases and their related complications are a public health concern. Over one million abortions are estimated to be carried out annually in Nigeria with related morbidity, mortality, and complications under the country's restrictive abortion policy. However, the law remains static and fails to approach the current realities as abortion-related offences still carry 14 years of jail terms. This has forced people to seek abortion clandestinely through unsafe hands. Nigeria has two different abortion laws. The northern part of the country is ruled by the Penal Code 18 of 1959, while the southern part is governed by the Criminal Code of 1916. Both Codes strictly prohibit abortion. Purpose:This paper aims to examine abortion law in Nigeria, its effect on women, especially women of reproductive age, and make pertinent recommendations that can improve the current situation. Conclusion: Relaxing the very restrictive abortion law will encourage safe abortion practices by fostering easy access to quality post-abortion-related care. This will reduce complications leading to morbidities and mortalities. Recommendation: A repeal and re-enactment of the existing abortion law should be done. The new law should consider pregnant women's mental or emotional health, especially women who are victims of incest or rape. Such women should be allowed to have access to abortion. The law should also be devoid of third-party authorizations for minors and married women. In other words, the new law should exclude discrimination on the grounds of age and marriage.
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Eboigbe, Sharlywest Uwabor, and Innocent Okwuosa. "Test of Linkage between Governance Style and National Economic Indices." International Journal of Financial Research 9, no. 1 (January 25, 2018): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijfr.v9n1p226.
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The relationship between the deliberate reinvention of the wheel, for macroeconomic indices such as interest rate, inflation, exchange rate, stock prices, index of industrial output within the electoral windows and the political parties’ (incumbent and opposition) ideology is the focus of this study. Monthly macroeconomic data for UK, USA, Japan, China, Hong Kong, Egypt, South Africa, Brazil, Nigeria, France and Germany from Morgan Stanley Capital International (MSCI) as well as World Bank for the period of 2000-2015 were used in the study. Employing majorly, the dynamic Genaralized Method of Moment (GMM) estimation technique, the study reveals that the coefficients of partisanship effects have the same negative signs and is significant for all the countries except Nigeria and Egypt. Also, the coefficients are similar in terms of size (US and China). Hence, the results show that party orientation does have significant impact on stock market returns of the selected countries with greater impact on Nigeria and Egypt. Strengthening the various regulatory agencies in charge of these macroeconomic policies is recommended to avoid this uncessary manoeuvring in governance. We are of the view that automation of capital markets activities will reduce the chances of manipulating capital market economic data.
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David Olaleye, Olugbile. "Local Government Election Management in Lagos State and the Influence Of A Zero-Sum Game." African Journal of Law, Political Research and Administration 6, no. 2 (November 21, 2023): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajlpra-gsd8stto.
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By intent and definition, the Local Government in a democracy is supposed to be the closest government to the people and its administrator should be decided by its residents through a free and fair election. But in Nigeria, the works of the election management bodies that conduct Local Government elections in the States are cumbersome because the Governors have substantial control over them. For instance, the Chairman of the Lagos States Independent Electoral Commission is nominated by the Governor, who also has a major stake in the outcome of Local Government elections. The Local Government election in Nigeria is a zero-sum game for the ruling party in the State, as election into all the Local Government administrative centers is seen as a 'must-win' for the party of the Governor. One of the reasons for this is that Local Governments in Nigeria receive a monthly statutory allocation from the National Revenue. Also, local government official positions that include: the Chairman, Vice Chairman, Supervisory Councilors and other Councilors are used by the Governors and other ruling elites in the States to ‘settle’ loyal party members in their localities. This paper uses Lagos State to highlight the reality of the management of local government elections in Nigeria. It submits that the mode of configuration and procedure of local government election administration must be changed to a more transparent and unbiased one before the election can be taken seriously by the residents of the State.
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Turnbull, Megan. "Elite Competition, Social Movements, and Election Violence in Nigeria." International Security 45, no. 3 (January 2021): 40–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00401.
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Election violence varies significantly within countries, yet how and why are undertheorized. Although existing scholarship has shown how national-level economic, institutional, and contextual factors increase a country's risk for violence during elections, these studies cannot explain why elites organize election violence in some localities but not others. An analysis of gubernatorial elections in Nigeria reveals the conditions under which elites recruit popular social-movement actors for pre-election violence. Gubernatorial elections are intensely competitive when agreements between governors and local ruling party elites over the distribution of state patronage break down. To oust their rivals and consolidate power, elites recruit popular reformist groups for pre-election violence and voter mobilization. Conversely, when local ruling-party elites are aligned over how state patronage is to be distributed, the election outcome is agreed to well in advance. In this scenario, there is little incentive to enlist social movement actors for violence. Case studies of the Ijaw Youth Council and Boko Haram provide empirical support for the argument. The theory and evidence help explain subnational variation in election violence as well as the relationship between intraparty politics and violence during elections, and speak to broader questions about political order and violence.
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Sambo, Usman, Abacha Umar Deribe, Babayo Sule, Umar Adamu, and Ahmad Musa. "The Implications of Party Leadership Crises on Nigerian Democracy: A Comparative Analysis of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressives Congress (APC)." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 3, no. 3 (July 31, 2022): 513–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v3i3.490.
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Political parties are the engine wheel and the machinery on which the vehicle of democracy thrives. Democracies require sound parties with focused leadership and a clear ideology for national development on the assumption of power. In Nigeria, the two dominant ruling parties of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which ruled for sixteen years and the All Progressives Congress (APC) which is currently in its fifth year of ruling are pre-occupied with internal leadership crises which collapsed the former and are threatening to tear the latter today. The inability of the country’s political leaders to establish parties with a dedicated and pragmatic party leadership is affecting the democratic governance in the country despite having the experience of the longest experiment in the history of the country. The research utilised both primary and secondary sources of data. The primary sources of data consist of an in-depth personal interview with some selected stakeholders in the subject matter of study and direct participant observation. The secondary sources are documented materials such as books, journals, internet sources and other related documents. A suitable framework; Game Theory was adopted to support the views presented in the work. The data obtained were discussed, analysed and interpreted using thematic content analysis and statistical modules. The work discovered that the leadership crises in the two dominant parties in Nigeria are affecting democratic delivery and good governance because of the power tussle. The work recommends among others that the parties must develop a culture of internal democracy and ideological focus with a frame for national interest and development.
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Piatrovich, Ihar'. "The Ittifaq-el-Muslimin Party in the Russian Political System of the Early twentieth Century: Religious Aspects of Tatar Liberalism." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 2 (February 2022): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2022.2.37894.
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The subject of this article is the activity of the political party "Ittifaq-el-Muslimin" - a Muslim liberal party, the majority of whose members consisted of representatives of the Tatar population of Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century. Tatar liberalism, in whose ideology the question of religion occupied one of their main places, was formed in 1905 - 1906. Its formation is connected with the holding of illegal All-Russian Muslim congresses. Sadri Maksudi, Yusuf Akchura, Gayah Ishaki and M. Bigi were at the origins of this congress. The Ittifaq-el-Muslimin party was formed at the III illegal All-Russian Muslim Congress on the basis of the previously formed All-Russian Muslim Union. This article is devoted to the activities of the Muslim Liberal Party and the consideration of the role of state-confessional relation. The main contribution of the author to the study lies in the revealing of the history and the role of the religio in the ideology and activities of national-religious liberal political parties in Russia at the beginning of the twentieth century on the example of the Ittifaq-el-Muslimin party. In addition, the activity of the party is considered in the context of the all-Russian party system of 1905 - 1917. As a result of the research, the author came to the following conclusions. Despite the official legal consolidation of the concept of freedom of conscience, the Orthodox Church continued to maintain its dominant position. At the same time, representatives of other faiths (in particular, Old Believers and Muslims) were granted the right to freely preach their own religious beliefs, create public associations, freely carry out educational activities, and take part in the political life of Russia. The transformation of state-confessional relations is considered on the example of the formation of the Muslim liberal Party and its activities in the system of political relations of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the twentieth century.
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Nyewusira, Vincent, and Kenneth Nweke. "Anti-Corruption Crusade in Nigeria: An Assessment of the Disposition of the National Assembly (1999-2013)." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 4-1 (July 1, 2017): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0090.
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Abstract Corruption has inadvertently been elevated to a state or national policy with all the symptoms of a hemorrhaging system. While any aggressive and purposeful anti-corruption crusade will always generate popular support and acclaim in Nigeria, it is sure to provoke anger, frustration and resistance among the political class with vested interest in the status quo. Periodically, the National Assembly, whose members largely belong to the latter group, is one of the institutions vested with the constitutional responsibility of preventing and exposing corruption, inefficiency and waste in the management of public funds within its legislative competence. This is specifically stipulated in section 88 (2) (b) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). The study adopts the institutional approach to interrogate the efforts, capacity and political will of the National Assembly to function as the watchdog of public funds via legislations, inquiries or investigations, oversights, appropriations and resolutions. Our treatise includes a general survey and analysis of the Acts passed by the National Assembly establishing anti-corruption agencies such as the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). We shall also do an exposition of some highprofile investigations conducted by the National Assembly over some federal government agencies pursuant to sections 88 and 89 of the constitution. Unfortunately, controversies and revelations arising from these exercises gravitated, in some cases, to narratives of sleaze in the National Assembly. It is also argued that the opaque and jumbo salaries and allowances associated with members of the National legislature significantly detract from any anti-corruption posturing of that institution. We conclude that mere sloganeering and platitudes on the powers of the National Assembly in combating corruption will yield little or no results until operators of the legislative arm of government at the national level understand and perform their critical role as the ‘soul and conscience of good governance’.
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Hart, Christopher. "The Nigerian elections of 1983." Africa 63, no. 3 (July 1993): 397–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161428.
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AbstractIn 1979 Nigeria's military government held the first general elections for fifteen years. The politicians then resumed power under a republican constitution. The National Party of Nigeria, a conservative coalition, narrowly won the elections from four other parties and virtually controlled the next elections in 1983. There were five election rounds: for the President, for nine-teen state governers, for the Senate, for the House of Representatives and for the state assemblies. Increases over the 1979 vote in the presidential round indicated some rigging. Results in the following rounds were incredible. The root cause was northern reluctance within the National Party to honour an agreement to a southern presidential candidate at the next elections in 1987 and southern competition for the 1987 nomination. After the elections the courts failed to redress the rigging and the President to purge corrupt Ministers. The military then overthrew the government and resumed control.
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Abubakar, Dauda. "Ethnic Identity, Democratization, and the Future of the African State: Lessons from Nigeria." African Issues 29, no. 1-2 (2001): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s154845050000617x.
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The issues of ethnicity and democratization and the prospects for development in postcolonial Africa have long preoccupied scholars. When most African countries gained independence from the colonialists in the 1960s, the ruling elites who inherited state power insisted that Africa could not afford the luxury of democracy because of its potential for exacerbating ethnic pluralism and political conflict, which would be detrimental to the more pertinent projects of development and integration/nation building. The ideology of development and national integration in postcolonial Africa thus became the justification for one-party rule, autocracy, and military dictatorship.
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Abuza, Andrew Ejovwo, Kenneth Owhighose Odhe, Alfred Majemite, and Ben Etanabene. "A Contemporary Legal Overview of Party Switching of Elected Legislators of the National and State Assemblies Under the Nigerian Constitutional System." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 11, no. 5 (May 15, 2023): 21–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol11n52149.
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The 1999 Nigerian Fundamental law came into effect on May 29 1999. It provides that an elected legislator in the National and State Assemblies shall vacate his legislative seat if he switches from the sponsoring political party to another political party during his tenure in the legislative house, save on the ground of division or factionalisation in the sponsoring party. The Constitution is, nevertheless, mute on the issue, regarding political executives, including a governor. The relevant statutory provisions, that is sub-section (1)(g) of sections 68 and 109 of the Constitution above have been abused, as some Nigerian courts have utilised them to sack elected legislators above for party switching of the same during their tenure in the legislative houses despite their constitutional rights, including the equal protection of the law and not to be discriminated against right, as enunciated in section 42(1) of the Constitution above. The article undertakes a contemporary legal overview of party switching of elected legislators of the assemblies above against the backdrop of relevant case-law and statutory provisions. The research methodology used by the authors is fundamentally doctrinal analysis of relevant primary as well as secondary sources. The article finds that the sacking of elected legislators above by some Nigerian courts on account of party switching as indicated above is unconstitutional. The article suggests that Nigeria should expunge from its Constitution the said relevant statutory provisions in tune with what obtains in other countries such as the United States of America (USA), United Kingdom (UK), Canada and Australia.
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Etinagbedia, Goodluck. "Politics and International Human Right Law within the Nigeria State." International Journal of Public Administration Studies 3, no. 2 (January 10, 2024): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/ijpas.v3i2.14392.
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The study examined politics and international law as visible in the Nigeria state using the Neorealism theory as the intellectual framework and adopted the qualitative synthesis of the scientific method as it relies on secondary data collected from documentation through published and unpublished books, journals, articles, and other publications on Human Rights and maritime/Environmental treaties. It was revealed that the lack of capacity or laxity on the part of the National Assembly to domesticate the treaties of the law to which Nigeria is a party, has undermined the enforceability of most international treaties. Based on these findings and the conclusion arising thereof, it is recommended that treaties Act, of 2004 be amended to make consultations with the relevant Committees of the Upper Legislative Chambers a compulsory treaty-making procedure in Nigeria.
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Saka, Moshood, and Leonard Sesa. "ELECTORAL ADMINISTRATION IN NIGERIA: THE CONFLICTS, PROBLEMS, AND PROSPECTS." Farabi Journal of Social Sciences 10, no. 1 (2024): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.26577/fjss2024v9i2a4.
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This article investigates the electoral administration in Nigeria, focusing on conflicts and problems in the Fourth Republic. Nigeria’s transition to democracy in 1999 involved the crucial role of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). The study aims to highlight that both international and local electoral observers have reported deficiencies in the initial elections conducted by INEC, which have had negative impacts on democracy in Nigeria. Additionally, the article discusses how an incumbent political party may collaborate with INEC to manipulate election results in their favor. Consequently, INEC has faced accusations from opposition parties after announcing electoral outcomes. The article argues that INEC has not maintained political independence in managing elections in Nigeria and suggests that INEC should be more powerful than the incumbent government. The study utilized qualitative and primary documents as its research methods.
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Paul Okwuchukwu, Azuakor. "Religious Education and Societal Development: The Nigerian Context." World Journal of Education 9, no. 4 (August 25, 2019): 146. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/wje.v9n4p146.
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The present writer is drawn to write on this topic based on the realization that the Nigerian society seems to be onethat is bereft of the practicalisation of the ideal standards of virtues. There is apparent lack of objective measures ofrightness and wrongness of actions, especially in the present dispensation, irrespective of the so much toutedreligiosity of Nigerians. A particular action is regarded (by implication and praxis) as right when performed bypersons of a particular religion, tribe and party affiliation, but as an abomination when performed by some otherpersons. This beats one’s imagination to the core, especially given the fact that the religio-tribal considerationsappear to be the major driving force. This paper is therefore interested in the contents of the religious education ofthe various major religious types and how these contents that are imbibed by their adherents aid or mar thedevelopment of the Nigerian society. It was discovered, through personal observations and through the tools ofanalytical and deductive reasoning via library research methodology, that certain aspects of certain religiousteachings have great positive impact on societal cohesion which leads to development in the Nigerian society whilesome others rather sow the seed of discord, injustice, hate and rancor that have led to killings, oppressions andupsurges that have characterized the Nigerian social space for decades on end and have drastically militated againstsocial development of Nigeria. Recommendations include: religious education must consider the virtue of justice, itmust adhere to the demands of rationality, it must be universalizable and not myopic, it must be dynamic, and it mustbe morally honest and must proceed from right conscience rather than a sick conscience.
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Arausi, Roseline Eniwotu. "The politics of COVID-19: analysis of government strategies and public perception in Nigeria." Journal of Global Social Sciences 5, no. 17 (March 3, 2024): 84–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.58934/jgss.v5i17.249.
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The study examined the politics of the management of the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria with a particular focus on government strategic responses and measures that curtailed the spread of the virus and the citizen's perception of the implementation of these strategies across the Nations. The federal government adopted measures to curtail the spread of the disease through the establishment of the Presidential Task Force on COVID-19 and the Multi-sectored Pandemic Response Plan. The measures include economic and social welfare interventions, and healthcare strategies such as the closure of schools, and borders, the use of face masks, social distancing, lockdowns, and restrictions of travel, testing and contact tracing. The study adopted the historical method of data collection to elicit information and relevant data for the study. It was found that the efforts of the government to slow down and mitigate the rapid spread of COVID-19 were greatly hindered by public negative reactions. The study observed from the findings that corruption and stiff opposition from the opposition Party against the ruling party posed severe challenges to the effective implementation of the strategies and measures put in place by the government at the Centre. On the strength of these findings, the author recommended that in future, national challenges must be viewed and tackled evenly across all the levels of government and parties not along party lines for the benefit of all. In addition, the federal must leverage public sensitization and effective communication strategy for policy achievement and management of public opinion.
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Temitope, Ogunlusi Clement, and Louis Taiwo Omojola. "THE GAINS OF THE PRACTICE OF RELIGION ON NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE PRE-COLONIAL AND CONTEMPORARY NIGERIA: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS." International Journal of Education Humanities and Social Science 06, no. 06 (2023): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.54922/ijehss.2023.0611.
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Over the years, it has been observed by scholars that many countries in Africa are facing the terrible debacle of underdevelopment and Nigeria is one of Such. The challenge is vivid in her educational, social and economic depreciation. This work examined the reasons for this state and sketched what religion had impacted on the development or otherwise of the country Nigeria in the Pre-colonial and colonial period vis- a vis contemporary time to ameliorate her state. It discovers that the practice stemming from wrong understanding of religion is not out of the reasons responsible for this debacle. Descriptive and historical methods of analysis were used in this study. It was further exposed that beside venality, lack of good governance and religious intolerance contribute largely to underdevelopment in Nigeria. While it is acknowledged that religious sects have contributed significantly to national growth through the establishment of schools for formal education, hospitals for health care delivery services, instilling morals in religious and political arenas, economic development through micro loans in corporation with directorate of rural farmers and artisans, establishment of peace and justice commissions, other humanitarian services, and playing her role as a prophet and the conscience of the nation; it is also acknowledge on the other hand that religion had been used in fomenting lots of evils. The article therefore recommended an enhanced cooperation between the government and the different religions in order to further enhance peaceful co-existence and continuous national developments through those aforementioned services as it is known for in the pre-colonial and immediate post-colonial days. It further recommended continuous preaching of socio-religious values of hard work, integrity and honesty in order to fasten the bid of national development.
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Omodia, S. M. "Political Parties and National Integration in Emerging Democracies: A Focus on the Nigerian State." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 9, no. 6 (November 1, 2018): 69–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0162.
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Abstract Political Parties are Political institutions which are basically designed for power acquisition for the purpose of utilizing power for public good. In other words, political parties as agents of political development are expected not only to articulate and aggregate political interest but as a secondary group, political parties are expected to bring to their fold members from various ethnic background, class and religion for the purpose of galvanising them for national development. Thus, the concepts of people and integration are so central to the conception of leadership and organisation that defines political parties. This paper through the use of historical political analysis and the use of the structural-functional theory unfolds the activities of political parties in emerging democracies as regard the process cum pattern of mobilization for power acquisition and the utilization of such power for national development and integration. Based on the analysis, the deduction is that even though the leading political parties in Nigeria are national in outlook - both in party structure and membership, the parties are defective based on institutional weakness and the inability to provide functional check on party representative in government after utilizing the party to gain political offices. This is coupled with restrictive access to political offices through the zoning of such offices based on ethnic consideration, thereby fuelling ethnic identity in the Nigerian body - politic. The paper therefore views political parties as integrative mechanisms not only for deepening and widening democratic culture in emerging democracies but also as agents of national integration and development.
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Banjo, Rebecca Oluwatosin. "Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and The Conduct of 2023 Presidential and National Assembly Elections in Nigeria: A Paradigm Shift." African Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research 6, no. 3 (May 31, 2023): 10–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajsshr-iuux1yvn.
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It is an established fact that Nigeria’s electoral process has always been marred with irregularities over the years. The 2023 Presidential and National Assembly elections are a paradigm shift in the history of electioneering in the country. Though some challenges were encountered in the conduct of the elections, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) was given a pass mark by many local and international observers and thus made the general election a watershed. This makes it imperative in this paper to examine the conduct of the 2023 Presidential and National Assembly elections in Nigeria. The paper infers that if the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) can continue to discharge its functions out of political influence and move away from the status quo where a political party dominates the constitution of drivers of INEC, there is every tendency that there will be continuous better conduct of election in the future. The paper taps various means of getting relevant materials to put this study together for onward academic utilisation and to reshape the conduct of Nigeria’s subsequent general elections like the maintenance of established punishment for electoral offenders, strengthened voter education, and establishment of training institutes for prospective politicians.
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Eugenia Chinweokwu ENEOME, Ph.D., Jammy Seigha GUANAH, Ph.D, and Nyerhovwo MUOBOGHARE. "NEWSPAPERS COVERAGE OF THE 2021 GUBERNATORIAL PRIMARIES CONFLICTS IN ANAMBRA STATE – A STUDY OF THREE DAILY NATIONAL DAILIES." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 4, no. 10 (December 28, 2022): 415–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v4i10.472.
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This research examined how three national newspapers in Nigeria (Daily Sun, The Guardian, and The Vanguard) covered the conflicts that arose during the 2021 gubernatorial primaries in Anambra State. The researchers used the agenda-setting theory to analyse the news reports and determined the depth, direction, and dominant frames used to report on the crises. The study lasted eight months, from April 1st to November 30th, 2021, and analysed 732 editions of the selected newspapers using content analysis. The results showed that the depth of coverage of the 2021 gubernatorial election party primaries crisis in Anambra state by the selected newspapers is related to the framing of stories; that the direction of the reportage by the three selected newspapers significantly correlated with journalism frames, and that Conflict frames and Informative frames were the dominant news frames in the coverage.it concluded that the findings emphasised the importance of journalistic frames in shaping media coverage. The recommendations made were that newspapers should utilise their coverage of election crises to further explore the agenda-setting theory, that newspapers should use their coverage of election crises to help manage and resolve crises through communication; that the coverage of gubernatorial election party primary crises should be approached with caution regarding journalistic framing, and that newspapers should use their coverage of gubernatorial election party primary crises to encourage political participation and interaction between voters and candidates.
Keywords: Conflicts, Coverage, Election, Frame, Gubernatorial, Primaries.
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Idu, Raphael. "An Appraisal of Nigeria Peace Keeping Process in Darfur –Sudan." African Journal of Politics and Administrative Studies 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 346–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajpas.v16i1.20.
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The art of external intervention as a strategy for conflict resolution and crisis management has been prominent among nations of the world. In Africa, Nigeria has been championing the course of peace in this respect since her independence. Peace keeping is a third party intervention which operates with a set of guiding principles that include the consent of the parties in conflict, impartiality and non use of force except on self defense. Again, foreign policy of any nation serves as a mirror of its domestic reality. It begins with identification and articulation of national interests. Nation’s interest represents and serves the principal consideration in the formulation and execution of national policies especially in international relations. It’s against this background that Nigeria maintained that ‘Africa is the centre peace and security’ in her foreign policy. Consequently, this paper is focused on the appraisal of Nigeria peace keeping efforts in Darfur region of Sudan from 2004-2015. Content analyses were used and system theory was adopted as a foundation to the research. Some of findings made are: 1. Nigeria’s much engagements in peacekeeping operation are affecting her domestic affair. 2. Nigeria lack understanding of the nature of the conflict among parties, various forces at play and psychology/beliefs of the combatants before involving in the conflict process. 3. Terrain, climatic conditions as well as other challenges in Darfur has advert effect on the peace keepers. Recommendations proffered are 1. Nigeria should make adequate operational plans, mandate and focus that are well spelt out with achievable objectives before engaging in future peacekeeping operation. 2. Nigeria should understand understanding of the nature of the conflict among parties, various forces at play and psychology/beliefs of the combatants before involving in the conflict process. 3. Nigeria should adequately make necessary provision that will enable the peace keepers perform their duties appropriately and professional.
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Fair, John D., and John A. Hutcheson. "British Conservatism in the Twentieth Century: An Emerging Ideological Tradition." Albion 19, no. 4 (1987): 549–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049474.
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Lord Acton, one of the most formidable intellects of the last century, was a master of transforming seemingly complicated or contradictory principles into concise epigrammatic statements. Attempting to reconcile Edmund Burke's many liberal views with his reputed Conservatism, Acton asked why was Burke “not an entire liberal? How thoroughly he wished for liberty—of conscience—property, trade, slavery, etc. What stood against it? His notion of history. The claims of the past. The authority of time. The will of the dead. Continuity.” One of the most important lessons to be derived from Burke's writings—recognized by countless authorities as the wellspring of modern British Conservatism—is that Conservatism is not so much a system of thought or ideology as it is a general inclination and regard for history. The behavior of the Conservative Party has been governed by precedent and pragmatism rather than by rationalism and idealism. Words such as dogma, program, or even policy have never been part of its lexicon, whereas such words as spirit, tradition, or even “way“ have more aptly described its approach to politics.By the twentieth century the Conservative Party's preference for lessons from the past (in accordance with England's common law tradition) to any scientifically derived formulas had gained for it the twin monikers of “the national party” and “the stupid party.” But Conservatism does not claim to possess the “keys or the Kingdom,” notes Ian Gilmour, an active politician and Conservative theoretician. “There is no certainty about the route and no certainty about the destination. As Burke said of himself, the lead has to be heaved every inch of the way.” Such is the way that modern British Conservatives, at least, have wished to perceive themselves.
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Ikoh, Moses Udo. "Nigerian corruption complex: rethinking complementarities to curative measures." Journal of Financial Crime 25, no. 2 (May 8, 2018): 576–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-12-2016-0082.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine the emerging corruption complex in Nigeria, the cultural nexus that influence its enculturation, dynamics and the amoral values that tend to shape it. Design/methodology/approach The paper drew data largely from documentary and empirical secondary sources for analysis. Findings Current institutional responses are not effective and cannot be sustainable in the fight against corruption. The enculturation process needs to be countered through measures other than arrest, prosecution and punishment to include mass mobilisation, values orientation, conscientisation and sensitisation of Nigerians on the evils of corruption. Research limitations/implications The endemicity of corruption in Nigeria suggests the multiplicity of its causative factors. But this study focuses only on primordial cultural fault line which hinders collective conscience in the fight against corruption. Practical implications Implementing the suggestions on moral awakening – value orientation, conscientisation, mass mobilisation and sensitisation – is thought of as enthronement of national values as opposed to primordial ethnic cultural values. It would complement the legal remedies in the fight against corruption. Social implications The building of character of Nigerians alongside existing laws on corruption will checkmate emerging culture of corruption that is attracting adherents in both business and bureaucratic activities in the countries. Originality/value The paper takes a cultural perspective and explains how primordial cultural values inhibit natural cultural values to enthrone amoral values that have contributed to the emergence corruption complex in Nigeria.
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Nwodom, Destiny, Chikaodiri Ukah, and Simon Ugochukwu. "Igbophobia and the Quest for National Cohesion in Nigeria: The 2023 General Elections in Perspective." African Journal of Politics and Administrative Studies 16, no. 2 (December 1, 2023): 142–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajpas.v16i2.8.
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The much anticipated 2023 general elections had come and gone but its effects toward nation building and national cohesion is sacrosanct. The emergence of the formal Governor of Anambra state, Peter Obi as the labour party presidential candidate, his popularity and acceptance among the youth in the country (Obedient movement) re-awakened an Igbophobic sentiment and hatred against Igbo people by the other ethnic groups. There were phobic comments that Igbos are trying to take over Nigeria and divide the country in order to create Biafra. The study examined Igbophobic sentiment during the 2023 general elections and its implications on the national cohesion. The data for the study were derived from the secondary source, while descriptive method of data analysis was used to analysed the data generated. The was study anchored on the Realist Group Conflict Theory (RGCT) which states that competition between groups for finite resources, power and fair of domination leads to inter group stereotype, antagonism and conflict. Findings reveal that, the fear of Igbo domination created the stereotype and Igbophobic attitudes among other ethnic groups. The study therefore recommends among other things; the rotation of the seat of presidency among the six geopolitical zones as this will give sense of belonging to other minority ethnic groups.
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Ogu, Esomchi Chris-Sanctus, Chijindu Onyemaobi Magnus, and Quentin Chukwu Chukwuemeka. "Party Politics, The Zoning Policy Paradox, And Consolidation of National Unity: An Assessment of the Two Major Political Parties in Nigeria." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 11, no. 2 (February 15, 2023): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol11n21734.
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The word “Zoning” has dominated the present political struggle in Nigeria. To a reasonable degree, zoning has been omnipresent in the genesis of Nigeria’s politics right from the first Republic and influences the formation of government (both military and civilian), and has been a subject of debate amongst scholars. It is right to reaffirm that the intention of those who brought the idea of the zoning policy into Nigeria’s political space was to ensure fairness in the rotation of key political offices across the country, but the politics and contentions associated with the actual practice of it is something to worry about. This is due to the fact that Nigerian politics over the years have been played on the basis of ethnicity as zoning seems to be an arrangement made to favour a particular set of people, who by reason of numbers acclaimed to be the majority, as against those who are regarded as the minority. In fact, zoning has practically turned out to represent the interest of few elites, who want to perpetually remain in power, and it is also defined by them, against what the masses may consider zoning to be in the sense of justice and fairness. With the 2023 general elections in sight, the issue of zoning is once again central and, as usual, contentious. This paper is an attempt to interrogate the extent to which the zoning of political offices during electoral contests, appointments, and the distribution of amenities will help in sustaining national unity in Nigeria and help in harmonizing and actualizing party interest(s). Scholars have written extensively on the zoning arrangements in Nigeria, some have even gone as far as tracing its origin to the second republic, but one thing which has remained a gab in their efforts is their inability to capture appropriately how zoning can help keep the country together by not just stating or making mention of zoning, but applying it in spirit and in principle. In gathering data for the study, the paper made use of the secondary method of data collection, while the generated data was analyzed using content analysis. Using John Rawl’s Theory of Justice, the paper finds and exposes the marginalization in the undue application of the zoning policy in Nigeria. This is because political actors have always placed their personal and party interests above fairness and justice. In other to ensure political justice, and consolidate National unity in the country, the paper recommends that the interest of the diverse religion, languages, and tribes that make up the country should be considered always so as to overcome the feeling of marginalization and domination of one region over the other which is about to tear the country into pieces.
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Korolev, V. I. "Panislamist and Pantyurkist Motion of Crimean Tatars at the Beginning of XX Century." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 3 (November 27, 2019): 308–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-3-308-316.
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A problem which is examined in the article before was not the article of scientific illumination. It served reason of appeal of author to the archived sources which are first entered in a scientific turn. Actuality of the article consists in that displays of panislamizm and pantyurkizm, having deep roots in the past, in one or another degree take place and now. Research is based on the documents of the Record Office of Republic Crimea, which were at one time geared-up Department of police and his Crimean structures. An author comes in to the conclusion, that in Crimea, as well as in other regions of the Russian empire, where a moslem population lived compact, panislamist and pantyurkist motion was got by development. This motion was headed the representatives of intelligentsia, well-off and influential persons. One of them was IsmaelGasprinskiy, leader of pantyurkist motion of all-russian scale. Panislamizm in Crimea was organizationally designed as organizations of «Conscience». This structure can be considered the first national political party of Crimean Tatars. Crimean pantyurkists and panislamists had regular connections with the centers of Russian, Turkish, Romanian moslem motions. The fact of organization of group of the Crimean national revolutionaries in the capital of Turkey deserves attention. It is the important certificate of the close interlacing revolutionary and panislamist activity.
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Ajagba, Caleb Okezie, Daniel Eseme Gberevbie, and Osita Agbu. "Rebranding the Electoral Process in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999-2019): Constraints and Prospects of the Independent National Electoral Commission." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 1 (January 10, 2020): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0005.
Full textAbstract:
Nigeria continued to dominate both national and international political discourse as a model of democracy for the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa immediately after the successful conduct of the 2015 general elections that saw for the first time peaceful conduct of elections and transition from one civilian administration to the other and which brought the opposition party to power without violence or bloodshed. However, following the conclusion and outcome of the 2019 general elections, the perception of Nigeria has changed from being a beacon of hope for democratic Africa to being an amazement to Political scholars and commentators who find it difficult to unravel how she failed to consolidate the gains of the 2015 general elections and to emerge stronger as a democratic nation. This study leverages the governance approach, and explores the need to rebrand the electoral process for enhanced democratic governance in Nigeria. It examines the need for a healthy synergy between the electorate, the political class, political parties and the institutions of government for inclusive nation building. It adopts both the qualitative and quantitative methods of research in its exploration between 1999 and 2019. It takes a critical look at what has become characterized as Nigeria’s ‘brand of politics’- which is essentially corrupt, violent, and manipulative of the wishes of the people. The work argues that except the electoral process is rebranded in line with acceptable international best practices of democratic culture where the will of the people is seen to prevail, political apathy may persist.
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Annabi, Carrie Amani, and Jinadu Lolade Ahmed. "Halal Beef Handling in Nigeria: The Abattoir Workers‟ Perspective." Journal of Emerging Economies and Islamic Research 3, no. 2 (May 31, 2015): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/jeeir.v3i2.9060.
Full textAbstract:
Despite Nigeria‟s large Muslim population of 77.3 million citizens, very little research has been carried out in terms of addressing Halal needs in Nigeria. This study reviewed the perspective of abattoir workers‟ involved with Halal beef in two abattoirs in Abuja. The research made use of primary data gathered by conducting telephone interviews, using semi-structured interview questions. Although the National Agency for Food and Drugs Administration Control (NAFDAC) guidelines which govern Halal beef handling in Nigeria proved to have commonalities with those recommended by the Jurisdiction of Department of Islamic Development in Malaysia, (JAKIM), the findings revealed that there was a general lack of awareness about either of those guidelines amongst the abattoir workers interviewed. The abattoir workers that participated indicated that their perception of what constitutes Halal beef handling best practice was based on personal opinion. Thus, there is the need to create better awareness on the current guidelines for Halal beef handling provided by NAFDAC. Furthermore there is a need for Halal beef handling training for the abattoir workers in Nigeria. This was evidenced in the fact that additional Halal beef logistics activities such as packaging, storage and transportation were found to be carried out by third party logistics (3PLs) organizations which made it difficult to ascertain the Halal integrity of the Halal beef supply chain.
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OLIVER, AuthAngela, and ET AL. "Bridging the gap: strengthening testing capabilities of national medicines quality control laboratories in West Africa." International Journal of Pharmaceutical, Physico-chemical and Nutritional Analysis 1, no. 2 (March 1, 2023): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.61585/ucad-ijppna-v1i207.
Full textAbstract:
Laboratory testing to assure the quality and safety of medicines is a critical component of public health. Across Africa, national regulatory authorities are challenged by a lack of sufficient capabilities within their national quality control laboratories (NQCLs) to perform analyses in a consistent, reliable, and accurate manner. The United States Agency for International Development founded-program, Promoting the Quality of Medicines and its successor Promoting the Quality of Medicines Plus, both implemented by United States Pharmacopeia, have worked to strengthen the testing capabilities of NQCLs in African countries. Their technical assistance aligned NQCLs’ operational practices and testing services with international standards and best practices and resulted in third-party recognition of capabilities and competence. This commentary provides a retrospective of key achievements of NQCLs in three West African countries, Ghana, Mali, and Nigeria, and illustrates success in addressing challenges through a complex multiyear venture. The commitment and dedication of NQCLs and their NRAs has resulted in international levels of compliance and competency.
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AINA, Hannah Egbetooki, JACOB, and Zaccheaus. "Effect of Financial Policies on Shareholders’ Wealth of Quoted Insurance Companies in Nigeria." International Journal of Economics, Business and Management Research 08, no. 05 (2024): 01–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.51505/ijebmr.2024.8501.
Full textAbstract:
This study aims to examine the effect of financial policies on the shareholders’ wealth of quoted insurance companies in Nigeria. Data were collected from the annual financial reports of each insurance company and the Nigerian Exchange Group Factbook. The study utilized panel regression to analyse the data from a sample of six (6) quoted insurance companies on the Nigerian Exchange Group (NGX) from 2016 to 2021. The results of the panel regression revealed that the dividend payout ratio and debt-to-equity ratio have a significant effect on the shareholders’ wealth of the selected quoted insurance companies in Nigeria. The study recommends that insurance companies should increase their dividend payout, especially in the wake of a 200% increase in the third-party vehicle insurance policy by the National Insurance Commission as this will increase shareholders’ wealth and boost the investor’s confidence in the sector. Also, insurance company management should have a balanced capital structure between debt and equity such that it will not hamper the continuity of the business and will not overdilute the equity of the shareholders.
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Dan-Azumi, Jake Dabang, and Caroline Asan. "Women and Legislative Representation in Nigeria’s National Assembly: A Detailed Appraisal of the 8th Assembly (2015-2019)." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 2 (April 8, 2021): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i2.18543.
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This study focuses on women legislative representation in Nigeria since the commencement of the Fourth Republic (1999 to 2020). It investigates the low levels of representation of women in the National Assembly and factors that explain this. Results from the study show that the majority of female respondents indicate active interest in politics but are discouraged by factors that include prevailing gender stereotypes, cultural/religious reasons, unfavourable political environment, lack of financial capacity, electoral violence and restrictive party structures and processes amongst others. The bulk of male respondents confirm these structural biases and barriers to women’s political participation. In view of these findings, some recommendations offered include implementation of deliberate policies and legislations that target women quotas and affirmative action, elimination of structural barriers to women's participation, reducing the cost of political participation for women, reforming the electoral process, and sustained and systematic gender education.