Journal articles: 'National bureaucracy'

1

Barnhart, Tim. "Save the Bureaucrats (While Reinventing Them)." Public Personnel Management 26, no. 1 (March 1997): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009102609702600102.

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This article argues that each and every federal agency serves one customer — the American public— and that agencies learn about that customer from the top down, through the political process and the laws and regulations emulating from that process. For this reason, the bureaucracy is an essential ingredient in the management of federal agencies. The National Performance Review's assertion that bureaucrats are unnecessary and get in the way of line managers and employees misses the mark. Bureaucrats are at the very core of government. Properly conceived, they are the public's customer representatives, working to make sure agencies are managed in accordance with the public interest. Reinventing the bureaucracy may be a good idea, but eliminating it or weakening could be a terrible idea, making agencies even less responsive to the public's needs. Some key suggestions for how the bureaucracy can be improved are offered including: constantly improve the bureaucracy's rules, flatten the organizational structure, build partnerships with others outside the bureaucracy, use expert systems, and reengineer rule-based processes. Professionals in the federal bureaucracy — including human resource management professionals — are currently being challenged to demonstrate why they are needed. This article provides a clear, logical argument supporting the importance of the bureaucracy.

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Shambaugh, David L. "China's National Security Research Bureaucracy." China Quarterly 110 (June 1987): 276–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019913.

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How does one define the ”national security research bureaucracy” (NSRB) in the Chinese context and are there enough empirical data to sustain an article on this topic? The definition one chooses directly determines the data base one uses and, in turn, answers the question of the viability of the topic.

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3

Tsurutani, Taketsugu. "The national bureaucracy of Japan." International Review of Administrative Sciences 64, no. 2 (June 1998): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002085239806400202.

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4

Kavoura, Androniki. "Advertising of National Identity and Tourism Bureaucracy." Current Issues in Tourism 10, no. 5 (October 2007): 397–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.2167/cit276.0.

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5

Beer, Chris. "National Capital Bureaucracy as a Spatial Phenomenon." Administration & Society 41, no. 6 (October 2009): 693–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399709341234.

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6

Cerase, Francesco Paolo. "Japanese Bureaucracy in Transition: Regulating Deregulation." International Review of Administrative Sciences 68, no. 4 (December 2002): 629–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852302684008.

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The article draws attention to the implications for the Japanese national bureaucracy of the current economic crisis of the country and of its possible passage, after having been characterized as a developmental state, to a new regulatory state. This passage is best epitomized by the liberalization and deregulation policies recently adopted. In this context the questions examined are whether the bureaucracy will accept being the sacrificial scapegoat and how this could possibly take place. The argument advanced is that the bureaucracy is probably in the best position to control its own demise which means that in so doing it may well simply become its own successor. The most effective way it has to do so, is to regulate the process of deregulation under way. Further attention is then addressed to the Three-year Programme for Regulatory Reform and to a number of specific deregulation measures. Although some major changes introduced or being advocated in the Japanese civil service may deeply affect the bureaucrats’ status and influence, what emerges is that, so far, the role the bureaucracy has played in planning and carrying out deregulation has remained quite central.

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Bakhturina, Alexandra Yu. "NATIONAL POLISH SCHOOL AND RUSSIAN BUREAUCRACY, 1905–1907." History and Archives, no. 2 (2021): 12–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-6541-2021-2-12-21.

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The history of the movement for a national Polish school in 1905–1907 was for a long time a part of research on the history of the first Russian revolution; the “school strike” in the Kingdom of Poland was studied separately, but the position of the top Russian bureaucracy on that issue was not considered in detail. The article considers an evolution in the positions of the top Russian bureaucracy on the issue of teaching in Polish in the schools of the Kingdom of Poland during the first Russian revolution. For the first time, the differences between the positions of official Petersburg and the provincial administration of the Kingdom of Poland are shown. The provincial administration was more interested in achieving stability in the province by liberal methods and was ready to make concessions when the members of the Council of Ministers and Nicholas II initially held an ambiguous stance. Based on the analysis of the interdepartmental correspondence, part of which is introduced in the scientific circulation for the first time, it is concluded that hesitation of the tsarist government in resolving the issue of the national Polish school did not contribute to the stabilization of the situation in the region during the revolution, and the winning liberal course did not have the anticipated effect.

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8

Song, Miyeon. "Gender Representation and Student Performance: Representative Bureaucracy Goes to Korea." American Review of Public Administration 48, no. 4 (November 15, 2016): 346–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074016676888.

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The literature on representative bureaucracy argues that bureaucrats who reflect the diversity of citizens are more likely to be responsive to the public. Although substantial research has supported the claim, most studies are conducted in Western countries such as the United States, and the evidence from other contexts is extremely limited. This raises two important questions: Does the relationship remain valid in a centralized Asian country? If so, under what conditions does representative bureaucracy matter more? This study investigates these questions by using a data set on secondary education in South Korea. Findings suggest that female students perform better when they are taught by female teachers, which strengthens the external validity of the theory. The positive link between female teachers and female student performance is greater when teachers have more discretion and interact more with each other. However, value consensus weakens the relationship between gender representation and student performance. Clientele diversity matters in gender representation at the managerial level, but sector differences are not statistically supported. These findings illustrate the need to take both national and organizational contexts seriously in representative bureaucracy theory.

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9

Cohen, J. "National Institutes of Health. Strategic plan meets the bureaucracy." Science 261, no. 5117 (July 2, 1993): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.8316851.

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10

Ordorika, Imanol. "Reform at Mexico's National Autonomous University: Hegemony or bureaucracy." Higher Education 31, no. 4 (June 1996): 403–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00137124.

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11

Gammon, Max. "Growth of bureaucracy in the British National Health Service." Journal of Management in Medicine 3, no. 1 (January 1988): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb060489.

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12

Ernst, Daniel R. "The Politics of Administrative Law: New York's Anti-Bureaucracy Clause and the O'Brian-Wagner Campaign of 1938." Law and History Review 27, no. 2 (2009): 331–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000002030.

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In April 1938 New York's first constitutional convention since 1915 convened in Albany. When it adjourned in late August, one of the amendments slated for a referendum that fall was an “anti-bureaucracy clause,” a provision that would greatly increase the New York courts' oversight of the state's agencies. Although voters rejected it, contemporaries saw the anti-bureaucracy clause as a harbinger of a national campaign against the New Deal. In September 1938 Charles Wyzanski, a former member of the Solicitor General's office, warned Attorney General Homer Cummings that the anti-bureaucracy clause was “the advance signal of an approaching partisan attack on a national scale.” Wyzanski was right: in early 1939 a bill endorsed by the American Bar Association's House of Delegates was introduced in Congress by Representative Francis Walter and Senator Marvel Mills Logan. Just as the New York provision “would have almost certainly destroyed the effectiveness of the state administrative agencies,” the New Dealer Abe Feller warned Cummings's successor, so would the Walter-Logan bill hamstring the federal government. When President Franklin Roosevelt vetoed the bill in December 1940, he declared it part of a national campaign that had begun with the anti-bureaucracy clause.

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13

Hohmann, Ulrike. "Making policy in the classroom." Research in Comparative and International Education 11, no. 4 (December 2016): 380–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1745499916679561.

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The concept of street-level bureaucracy (Lipsky, 1980, 2010) examines the form and extent discretion takes in teachers’ and other public policy enactors’ work and how they negotiate their way through sometimes contradictory policy imperatives. It provides a framework for straddling top-down and bottom-up perspectives on policy making. In this article, I argue that comparative education research should take advantage of the analytical framework this perspective offers. It requires, first, mapping out policies resulting in the characteristics of teachers’ discretion in a particular national or local context and, second, to observe how teachers make use of this discretionary space in their daily work. Lipsky has shown strategies employed by street-level bureaucrats to alleviate workload pressures and how they make policy in this way. Applying street-level bureaucracy in comparative education research illuminates why straightforward policy transfer is problematic and how it can be employed to explore practices around inclusion and exclusion.

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Almashat, Abdulmonem, and Salwa Thabet. "State survival bureaucracy (SSB): state sustainability after Arab revolutions." Review of Economics and Political Science 4, no. 2 (June 5, 2019): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-09-2018-0001.

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Purpose Non-politicized bureaucracy plays a fundamental role in the survival of states during times of transition and drastic change. Moreover, non-politicized bureaucracy protects state institutions from failing. In fact, state survival bureaucracy (SSB), as an alternative to Deep State, obtains all mechanisms for the sustainability of the state, both its entity and identity. In case of resistance to the elected officials and executives’ abrupt decisions, professionals and experts came up with Deep State to reflect the elements of rejection. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses both system and function approaches in analyzing the role of bureaucracy in states going through transition. It also draws comparisons from the harsh experiences in the Arab region after Arab revolutions where most of the states collapsed while Tunisia and Egypt survived. The authors will use the available literature in reviewing different arguments regarding the role of bureaucracy in addition to the own observations as scholars who were engaged in the political process in Egypt for sometimes and during the drastic changes since January 25, 2011 and the knowledge about political process in Tunisia and other Arab states. Findings In the study of the collapse of a number of Arab states and the survival of Tunisia and Egypt, it was found out that it is SSB which holds state together in cases of drastic changes or tangible threats. SSB includes bureaucrats and policy implementing agencies that are committed to both entity and identity of the state. The role of SSB emerges clearly in a state of utmost survival crisis of the state. SSB does inherently obtain self-correcting mechanisms that help states face, experience drastic change and cope with it. Originality/value Non-politicized bureaucracy plays a fundamental role in the survival of states during times of transition and drastic change. Moreover, non-politicized bureaucracy protects state institutions from failing. In fact, SSB as an alternative to Deep State, as defined in this paper, obtains all mechanisms for the sustainability of the state, both its entity and identity. The analysis will show how SSB is a constructive mechanism for the survival of the state when its entity and identity as well as well-established national interests are under tangible threats.

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15

Bouk, Dan. "The National Data Center and the Rise of the Data Double." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 48, no. 5 (November 1, 2018): 627–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2018.48.5.627.

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A mid-1960s proposal to create a National Data Center has long been recognized as a turning point in the history of privacy and surveillance. This article shows that the story of the center also demonstrates how bureaucrats and researchers interested in managing the American economy came to value personal data stored as “data doubles,” especially the cards and files generated to represent individuals within the Social Security bureaucracy. The article argues that the United States welfare state, modeled after corporate life insurance, created vast databanks of data doubles that later became attractive to economic researchers and government planners. This story can be understood as helping to usher in our present age of personal data, one in which data doubles have become not only commodities, but the basis for a new capitalism. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Histories of Data and the Database edited by Soraya de Chadarevian and Theodore M. Porter.

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16

Wibowo, Daru Saputro, and Mombang Sihite. "Strategy of Police Bureaucracy Reform through Work Ethics Climate, Leadership Commitment, and Organizational Communication Climate against Commitment to Change at the Depok Metro Police." International Journal of Research and Review 8, no. 8 (August 29, 2021): 722–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/ijrr.20210895.

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Bureaucracy reform is one of the first steps to support the government’s program. It can be used to organize the good, effective, and efficient system of organizing the national police. It can be applied in realizing good governance and clean government towards clean and free of corruption, collusion, and nepotism in the national police. Not only increasing police service excellence but also capacity and accountability of police performance. Based on these backgrounds, this study aims to determine the description of the strategy for bureaucracy reform of the police, work ethics climate, and leadership commitment. Then, this study also to know the communication climate conditions for the commitment to change at the Depok metro police. This research method used quantitative analysis using the software of Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS) and Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) Partial Least Square (PLS). In addition, this research also used analysis of SWOT (Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats) and QSPM (Quantitative Strategic Planning Matrix). The results show that the bureaucracy reform significantly influences work ethics climate, leadership commitment, organizational communication climate, and commitment to change. The growth or stability of the Depok metro police is in a strong position and on the track with alternative priority strategies using strength and taking advantage of opportunities (Strength -Opportunity). So, it will make the Depok metro police follow the grand strategy of the national policy outlined in the bureaucracy reform. And it is necessary to develop and accelerate the growth of the organization fairly according to its needs. Keywords: [Bureaucracy reform, work ethics, leadership, communication, commitment]

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17

Adrie, Adrie. "KONSEP REFORMASI BIROKRASI PELAYANAN PUBLIK DALAM PERSPEKTIF HUKUM KEPEGAWAIAN." Jurnal Aktual Justice 3, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 30–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.47329/aktualjustice.v3i1.452.

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To get a good government, bureaucratic reform is something that must be done from the beginning. Bureaucracy as a component of government must be returned to the functions, duties, and principles of public service. To develop public services that characterize good governance practice there are certainly many aspects that need to be addressed in the public bureaucracy. Writing of this scientific paper aims to know the concept of public service bureaucracy reform in the perspective of personnel law and to know the thinking of bureaucracy that can encourage good governance. Writing of this scientific paper using approach method that is normative juridical by way of researching library material which is secondary data and also referred [as] with research of library law. For data collection on the writing of this scientific paper, the author uses literature study techniques by reviewing data in the form of library materials by reading and studying literature books and legislation related to the issues discussed author. The conclusions of the writing of this scientific paper include: (1) The establishment of Regulation Number 5 of 2014 on the Civil State Apparatus enacted on January 15, 2014 which has brought new hope to accelerate the creation of a professional civil servants (ASN), free from political intervention, clean from corrupt practices, collusion and nepotism, able to provide public services for the community and able to perform the role as a glue of unity and national unity in order to achieve national goals; (2) Bureaucracy reform becomes an important part in realizing good governance. Bureaucracy reform is directed at efforts to prevent and accelerate the eradication of corruption in a sustainable manner, in creating good governance, clean governance, and free of KKN.

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18

Ahmed, Feroz. "Pakistan: Ethnic Fragmentation or National Integration?" Pakistan Development Review 35, no. 4II (December 1, 1996): 631–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v35i4iipp.631-645.

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In light of the current ethnic polarisation, this paper briefly enumerates the elements of ethnic conflict in Pakistan. It, then, discusses the economic, demographic, political, and cultural developments taking place in Pakistan which tend to affect the inter-relationships among ethnic communities and between society as a whole and ethnic communities. Evidence is presented to support the argument that despite surface tensions and confrontations, there is an unmistakable trend of greater inter-dependence which can contribute to national integration. The paper further analyses the relationship between ethnicity, class, and the state. It identifies military, bureaucracy, capitalists, and landlords as the principal elements of the “ruling class”, and shows that the different ethnic groups have different class structures and differential participation in military and bureaucracy. It points out the near absence of “cross cutting cleavages” which tends to turn the class and power conflicts into ethnic conflicts. In conclusion, the paper, while underlining the shifting definitional boundaries and relative demographic and cultural homogenisation of the population, argues against the redrawing of provincial boundaries and constitutional recognition of “nationality rights” of fixed ethnic groups. However, it makes a case for the recognition of ethnic diversity in Pakistan, equal treatment of all ethnic groups, and protection and promotion of the languages and cultures of the different ethnic groups. It argues that national unity, security, and integrity will be achieved if the primary emphasis is placed on promoting equity and harmony rather than on suppression of ethnic differences in the name of unity.

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19

Ionescu, Luminita. "The Role of Accounting and Internal Control in Reducing Bureaucracy in the Public Sector." Journal of Economic Development, Environment and People 5, no. 4 (December 30, 2016): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26458/jedep.v5i4.511.

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The aim of this paper is to present the relation between efficient internal control and accounting procedures and how the internal control system could play an important role in reducing bureaucracy. Nowadays, the government accounting and control of public finances are a national and international priority, in the context refugee crisis and terrorist attacks. Modernization of the public sector accounting could accelerate the process of reducing bureaucracy by implementing accounting information system and electronic signature. The reform of the public administration in all European countries developed new control techniques and procedures in order to control public sector budget and financial activity. Efficient intern control procedure and managerial responsibility could contribute to good governance, transparency and low level of bureaucracy.

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20

Mohanty, Deba R. "Hidden players in policy processes: Examining China's national security research bureaucracy." Strategic Analysis 22, no. 4 (July 1998): 587–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700169808458838.

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21

Murdoch, Zuzana, Jarle Trondal, and Benny Geys. "Representative bureaucracy and seconded national government officials in the European Commission." Regulation & Governance 10, no. 4 (April 24, 2015): 335–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rego.12089.

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Woolhandler, Steffie, and David U. Himmelstein. "Physicians for a National Health Program." International Journal of Health Services 17, no. 4 (October 1987): 703–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/c343-w933-786q-1r3t.

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A new organization called Physician's for a National Health Program (PNHP) is mobilizing physician support for a universal, comprehensive public system of health care for the United States. Recent changes in power relations within medicine (the so-called proletarianization of physicians) are prodding many physicians to abandon their traditional reactionary role in health policy. PNHP is working with elderly, labor, community, and health care activist groups to put a national health program (NHP) back on the U.S. health policy agenda. In this article, five key features of an NHP needed to simultaneously assure access, control costs, and minimize bureaucracy are noted.

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23

Schnose, Viktoryia. "Who is in charge here? Legislators, bureaucrats and the policy making process." Party Politics 23, no. 4 (August 13, 2015): 342–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815597896.

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Scholars in comparative politics often assume that political parties are the primary instruments for translating citizens’ preferences into specific policy outcomes. However, the crucial but often forgotten link between preferences, parties, and outcomes is the bureaucracy. Are bureaucrats able to affect policy outside of parties’ control? And, if so, how does this bureaucratic policy drift differ across institutional contexts? I argue that institutions that regulate the nomination process by which parties in government select bureaucrats (meritocratic versus partisan recruitment) determine the levels of bureaucratic influence on the policy making process, specifically in terms of policy change. I test my theoretical argument using two large cross-national datasets on budget allocations and policy stability. I find that bureaucratic professionalism partially explains changes in allocation to the “ideological” budgetary categories and is positively correlated with policy stability around the world.

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Rahayu, Amy Yayuk Sri, and Krisna Puji Rahmayanti. "The Tendency of Transition from Structural to Functional Positions in National Civil Service Agency and the Ministry of Environment and Forestry." Policy & Governance Review 2, no. 3 (February 28, 2019): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.30589/pgr.v2i3.96.

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This study aims to highlight the phenomenon of transition from structural to functional positions in government bureaucracy in Indonesia. Since in this modern era, an environmental change strongly influences public organizations which encourage public organizations like bureaucracy must be adaptive. In line with the issuance of Law No. 5/2014 on State Civil Apparatus (ASN), public organizations such as bureaucracy have undergone reform to be structurally lean and functionally rich. Consequently, there is a gradual change that government institutions change from structural to functional positions. The methodology applied is post-positivism. The concept of job analysis in the structure of public organizations is deductively downgraded into its indicators and then used as guidance in qualitative data collection. The result found that, firstly, job analysis is still applied and relevant to determine Administrative and Functional Positions in both government institutions, yet it is not carried out systematically and optimally. Secondly, the trend in the tendency of transition from structural to functional positions in both government institutions is due to the misperception of the employees towards Functional Positions.

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Scholz, John T., Jim Twombly, and Barbara Headrick. "Street-Level Political Controls Over Federal Bureaucracy." American Political Science Review 85, no. 3 (September 1991): 829–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963852.

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Local partisan activities of legislators and their electoral coalitions systematically influence field office activities of federal bureaucracies in their electoral districts. This alternative to centralized democratic controls over bureaucracy occurs because discretionary policy decisions made at the field office level are influenced by local resources generated through partisan activities. Our study of county-level Occupational Safety and Health Administration enforcement in New York (1976–85) finds that county, state, and federal elected officials influence local enforcement activities, with liberal, Democratic legislators associated with more active enforcement. The county political parties are most influential for activities with the most local discretion, while members of Congress are more influential for local activities more readily controlled by the national office.

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Fernandez, Sergio, and Hongseok Lee. "The transformation of the South African Public Service: exploring the impact of racial and gender representation on organisational effectiveness." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 1 (February 9, 2016): 91–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000816.

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AbstractThe transformation of the South African Public Service into a bureaucracy that is broadly representative of the population is one of the most significant public sector reforms to occur since the end of apartheid. Grounded in the theory of representative bureaucracy, this study examines demographic representation in the South African Public Service and how it impacts the organisational effectiveness of national departments. The empirical analysis is based on longitudinal data from 60 national departments from 2006 to 2013. The findings show that as these organisations become more representative by hiring a higher per cent of Africans, of Coloureds, and of Indians, they achieve a higher per cent of goals. The findings for gender representation are more mixed and show that female representation among most racial groups is unrelated to organisational effectiveness.

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27

Schauer, Jeff. "The Elephant Problem: Science, Bureaucracy, and Kenya’s National Parks, 1955 to 1975." African Studies Review 58, no. 1 (March 16, 2015): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2015.9.

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Abstract:This article examines debates about how to manage elephants in Kenya’s Tsavo National Park as a jumping off point for exploring the relationships among the local, national, and global constituencies that converged in the formulation of wildlife policy in Kenya during the 1950s and 1960s. Bridging the colonial and postcolonial years, the so-called Elephant Problem in Tsavo, while leveraging different international constituencies, pitted different administrative philosophies against one another and drew out different understandings of the application of ecological sciences in national parks. The result was a paralysis of policymaking which sparked an overhaul of the wildlife departments in the 1970s.

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Jarley, Paul, Jack Fiorito, and John Thomas Delaney. "A Structural Contingency Approach to Bureaucracy and Democracy in U.S. National Unions." Academy of Management Journal 40, no. 4 (August 1997): 831–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/256950.

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Jarley, P., J. Fiorito, and J. T. Delaney. "A STRUCTURAL CONTINGENCY APPROACH TO BUREAUCRACY AND DEMOCRACY IN U.S. NATIONAL UNIONS." Academy of Management Journal 40, no. 4 (August 1, 1997): 831–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/256950.

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Zuhro, R. Siti. "THE BUREAUCRACY NEUTRALITY IN INDONESIAN POLITICS." BASKARA : Journal of Business and Entrepreneurship 3, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24853/baskara.3.2.55-67.

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The politicization of the Indonesian bureaucracy in election is attracting great attention since it’s resulted in declining quality of democracy in this country. Although political change since 1998 has given greater strength to societal forces vis-à-vis the state, the fact is that the legacy of patronage network still exists. The politicization of the bureaucracy through the weakening of political parties and maintaining bureaucratic authoritarianism under the New Order government (1966-1998) was an important stimulus for this study. With the downfall of Soeharto’s New Order regime, the authoritarian nature of the bureaucratic system was not only exposed but also changed. These changes have put paid to questions about the involvement of political parties and the influence of societal forces in the formation of policy. The bureaucracy can no longer exist as it was in the New Order, and, in fact, has responded to societal needs by adjusting to the new political climate. In this context, Indonesian politics under the reformation era takes on a wider significance for one of the main results has been the emergence of bureaucratic pluralism – a more pluralistic political system that is more open to the influence of these societal forces. This study was conducted using literature review to understand theories and empirical experiences about the neutrality of the bureaucracy in both national elections and regional elections.

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Ettinger, Aaron. "Trump’s National Security Strategy: “America First” meets the establishment." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 73, no. 3 (September 2018): 474–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702018790274.

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Donald Trump’s 2017 National Security Strategy (NSS) promises to put “America first.” However, it is only a partial break from convention, and evinces a deep current of incoherence in Trump’s foreign policy. The NSS attempts to combine two incompatible worldviews into a single doctrine: the president’s “America First” nationalism and the seventy-year-old internationalist consensus among the US foreign policy establishment. Not only does it betray strategic dissonance, it portends an impossible working relationship between Trump’s insurgent nationalism and the traditionalism of the US foreign policy bureaucracy.

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Woolhandler, Steffie, and David U. Himmelstein. "Free Care: A Quantitative Analysis of Health and Cost Effects of a National Health Program for the United States." International Journal of Health Services 18, no. 3 (July 1988): 393–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/78j9-bwxl-y6al-45ra.

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We estimate the health and cost effects of instituting a National Health Program (NHP) in the United States that would provide universal, comprehensive free care. Based on empiric studies of the relationship of health service use to cost and health outcomes, we estimate that an NHP would increase use of health services by 14.6 percent and save between 47,000 and 106,000 lives annually. Because the United States faces a growing surplus of hospital beds and physicians, additional services could be provided at low cost. Simplifying the health bureaucracy that currently enforces unequal access to care would also result in substantial savings. Consequently, an NHP would actually decrease costs 2.4 percent, $10.2 billion annually, since the $35.7 billion spent for additional services would be offset by $45.9 billion saved on bureaucracy.

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Zuhro, R. Siti. "The Bureaucracy Neutrality in Indonesian Politics." BASKARA : Journal of Business and Entrepreneurship 3, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24853/baskara.3.2.9-21.

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The politicization of the Indonesian bureaucracy in election is attracting great attention since it’s resulted in declining quality of democracy in this country. Although political change since 1998 has given greater strength to societal forces vis-à-vis the state, the fact is that the legacy of patronage network still exists. The politicization of the bureaucracy through the weakening of political parties and maintaining bureaucratic authoritarianism under the New Order government (1966-1998) was an important stimulus for this study. With the downfall of Soeharto’s New Order regime, the authoritarian nature of the bureaucratic system was not only exposed but also changed. These changes have put paid to questions about the involvement of political parties and the influence of societal forces in the formation of policy. The bureaucracy can no longer exist as it was in the New Order, and, in fact, has responded to societal needs by adjusting to the new political climate. In this context, Indonesian politics under the reformation era takes on a wider significance for one of the main results has been the emergence of bureaucratic pluralism – a more pluralistic political system that is more open to the influence of these societal forces. This study was conducted using literature review to understand theories and empirical experiences about the neutrality of the bureaucracy in both national elections and regional elections. This study showed that after 75 years of independence, Indonesia must continue to struggle to build a bureaucracy that is professional (effective and efficient) and politically neutral.

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Jakulevičienė, Lyra, and Regina Valutytė. "Corporate Forms Facilitating Non-Profit Networking: Formalizing the Informal." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 10, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 192–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2017-0017.

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Abstract Cooperation and networking among a variety of organisations for the purpose of research, projects, and other activities ranges from ad hoc to long term organisational relationships, formalised or based on informal cooperation. Although informality is frequently much valued and drives organisations to partner on substance rather than bureaucracy, formalisation of networks and cooperation might be indispensible for effective partnerships and activities, as well as representation of mutual interests beyond the national level. How shall such networks be formalised at European and/or national levels so that they are flexible enough, involve minimum bureaucracy, and engage the maximum scope of possible activities? This article focuses on the analysis of possible legal structures facilitating the work of a group of entities and individuals engaged in cross-border activities. This study examines the potential of national legal opportunities in five countries: Belgium, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland and the Netherlands, and the proven legal form of EEIG in reducing the barriers for cooperation, as well as the advantages and disadvantages of these legal forms for a formalized network and the purposes it serves.

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Rich, Jessica A. J. "Grassroots Bureaucracy: Intergovernmental Relations and Popular Mobilization in Brazil's AIDS Policy Sector." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 2 (2013): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00191.x.

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AbstractHow does the state ensure the implementation of national policies in a context of decentralized political authority? This article identifies a new strategy utilized by national bureaucrats to regulate the behavior of subnational politicians: mobilizing civil society as government watchdog and political advocate. In the context of decentralized governance, in which local politicians administer most social sector programs, reform-minded bureaucrats often find that they have little control over the implementation of their progressive policies. In Brazil’s AIDS policy sector, however, bureaucrats have ensured the successful implementation of their policies by developing allies outside government. These state actors—here called activist bureaucrats—have been largely overlooked in the English-language literature, yet they form a new layer of politics in Latin America.

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Mishima, Ko. "“Institutional Conversion of Japan’s National Personnel Authority: How Indigenous Forces Have Reshaped a U.S. Occupation-imposed Bureaucratic Institution”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, no. 4 (October 28, 2018): 384–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02504002.

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The National Personnel Authority (NPA), Jinjiin in Japanese, was an unwelcome gift from the U.S. occupation ruler. It was fundamentally alien to Japanese bureaucratic traditions. It was a U.S.-style independent agency and aimed to remake the Japanese bureaucracy on the American model. This article analyzes the NPA’s survival in the post-occupation era from the perspective of historical institutionalism. It argues that the NPA has been successful because of institutional conversion in indigenizing itself. Soon after Japan’s recovery of independence in April 1952, the NPA abandoned its original mission of Americanization. Instead, it repositioned itself as the promoter of harmonious industrial relations in the public sector to contribute to promotion of Japan’s high-growth economy. Moreover, with the end of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)’s hegemony in the 1990s, the NPA has reactivated the function of safeguarding the bureaucracy’s partisan neutrality. This development represents the paradox of foreign-imposed institutions because the NPA ignored its responsibility for protecting bureaucratic neutrality for many years under the LDP’s monopoly of power.

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Suhanda, Suhanda. "URGENSI SUMBER DAYA MANUSIA MENUJU APARATUR SIPIL NEGARA POTENSIAL BERBASIS KETANGGUHAN MENTAL-SPIRITUAL." Ri'ayah: Jurnal Sosial dan Keagamaan 1, no. 02 (December 2, 2016): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.32332/riayah.v1i02.114.

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This article explains the importance of human resource potential as a driving force in a organiasi or bureaucracy. The study was conducted with the literature study with reference to a number of previous studies and related literature. From the study represent the importance of human resources in an organization, institution, or bureaucracy. Primarily in a bureaucratic public sector can be used as a reference for building a strong bureaucracy. Civil Administrative State was instrumental as planners, implementers and supervisors holding general duty of government and national development through the implementation of policies and a professional public service, free from political interference, as well as clean of corruption, collusion, and nepotism in the contribution of performance and service support improving the competitiveness of the Indonesian nation. The quality of human resources (HR) is basically determined not only by mastering science and technology, but also the spiritual-mental toughness in creating the human resource potential

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Maier-Knapp, Naila. "Betwixt Droughts and Floods: Flood Management Politics in Thailand." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 1 (April 2015): 57–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400103.

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Attempting to create greater understanding of the political dynamics that influence domestic disaster relief and management (DRM) in Thailand, this article takes a closer look at these dynamics by outlining the main actors involved in flood-related DRM. It acknowledges the importance of international and military actors but emphasises the role of national and subnational authorities. The article then identifies the central issues of DRM governance as capacity and bureaucracy and discusses these through a chronological assessment of the flood crisis in Thailand in 2011, interweaving the colourful domestic politics with various political cleavages and dichotomies, and thereby distinguishing between three main dichotomies which it considers as the central drivers of the political dynamics and institutional development of DRM. These issues can be summarised as old versus new institutions, technocracy versus bureaucracy and centralised (but with direct people-orientation through greater channels of citizenry participation) versus decentralised bureaucracy with an indirect orientation towards people.

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Kater, Michael H. "Doctor Leonardo Conti and His Nemesis: The Failure of Centralized Medicine in the Third Reich." Central European History 18, no. 3-4 (September 1985): 299–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900017350.

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Thisarticle has a twofold aim. First, it intends to present a portrait of the National Socialist physician and functionary Dr. Leonardo Conti, in the context of German health administration during the Third Reich. Second, it proposes to cast more light on the workings of the National Socialist bureaucracy by examining Conti's place in the hierarchical chain of command and by concentrating on his peculiar relationship with the supreme leader.

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Ustek-Spilda, Funda. "Statisticians as Back-office Policy-makers: Counting Asylum-Seekers and Refugees in Europe." Science, Technology, & Human Values 45, no. 2 (October 20, 2019): 289–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243919882085.

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Street-level bureaucracy literature ascertains that policies get made not only in the offices of legislatures or politicians but through the discretion bureaucrats employ in their day-to-day interactions with citizens in government agencies. The discretion bureaucrats use to grant access to public benefits or impose sanctions adds up to what the public ultimately experience as the government and its policies. This perspective, however, overlooks policy-making that gets done in the back offices of government, where there might not be direct interaction with citizens. Furthermore, it treats discretion as inherently anthropogenic and ignores that it is exercised in relation to sociotechnical arrangements of which bureaucrats are a part. In this paper, based on extensive ethnography at national statistical institutes and international statistical meetings across Europe, I make two arguments. The first is that, statisticians emerge as back-office policy-makers as they are compelled to take multiple methodological decisions when operationalizing abstract statistical guidelines and definitions, thus effectively making rather than merely implementing policies. This is the “discretion” they employ, even when they may not interact with citizens. The second argument is that the exercise of discretion is sociotechnical, that is, it happens in relation to the constraints and affordances of technologies and the decisions of other bureaucrats in their institutions and others.

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Onyishi, Augustine E. "REPRESENTATIVE BUREAUCRACY IN NIGERIA PUBLIC SERVICE AND THE PROBLEM OF SUSTAINABLE NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: ISSUES AND POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS." Journal of Security Studies and Global Politics 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2018): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.33865/jssgp.003.02.0145.

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The term representative bureaucracy is not exclusively related to the Nigeria administrative system, it has gained popularity and become acceptable public policy in most heterogeneous societies globally, especially in the area of recruitment as well as promotion of personnel in public institutions. The principle arise in Nigeria out of the need to ameliorate the prevalent ethnic conflicts, arising out of the competition over the control of political power, government appointments and employment as well as admission into federal universities in Nigeria. This study attempt to examine the impact of this policy in Nigeria public service on sustainable national development with data mostly generated from the secondary source, to analyze the relationship between the two variables. Using the Marxist political economy theory as its framework of analysis, this study argues that the brand of representative bureaucracy practiced in Nigeria public service is hostile to sustainable national development. It however, recommends that there is need to revert to merit system instead of ethnic representation in employment into Nigeria public service as well as the federal universities since it is evident that the present arrangement has failed in all ramifications and has arrested any form of sustainable national development

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Ruffing, Eva. "Inside regulatory bureaucracy: When Europe hits home in pharmaceuticals and chemicals." Public Policy and Administration 32, no. 1 (August 1, 2016): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076715616999.

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Research on the impact of European integration focuses on the external relations of national agencies. This has neglected the impact that Europeanization has on the internal operations of agencies and the way in which coordination is practiced. This article researches the impact of European integration on national agencies with regard to three dimensions: their recruitment schemes, their internal organization, and their external coordination arrangements. The paper presents a 20-year historical review of highly Europeanised agencies – the German pharmaceutical and chemical regulators. This allows us to explore whether different roles in the policy process mediate the effects of Europeanisation. As a result, the article shows that Europeanisation has impacted comprehensively on the recruitment schemes, organizational structure, and coordination arrangements of the two agencies. Both agencies have gained highly qualified personnel for their tasks related to European decision-making and have reorganized their structure to adapt to the requirements of this decision-making.

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N'guessan, Konstanze. "The bureaucratic making of national culture in North-Western Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 52, no. 2 (April 30, 2014): 277–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x14000020.

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In this article I explore the making of national culture through bureaucratic routines in the Centre for National Culture in Wa, North-Western Ghana. I focus on an aspect of bureaucracy that is usually left aside: the productivity and creativity of bureaucratic routines. State, nation and culture are not fixed entities, but have to be constantly produced through processes of negotiation and meaning-making and through the continual reproduction of their boundaries and the categories that determine what is to be promoted or preserved. Bureaucratic routines and administrative processes are analysed as practices objectifying and nationalising culture and naturalising the boundaries and categories created through the cultural officers' practices.

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Ahıska, Meltem. "Gender and National Fantasy: Early Turkish Radio Drama." New Perspectives on Turkey 22 (2000): 25–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003265.

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Women figure centrally in representations of modernity and of nations. This has caught the attention of researchers both in the West and in the context of “Third World” nationalisms. Yuval-Davis states: ”[I]t is women –not just (?) the bureaucracy and intelligentsia—who reproduce nations, biologically, culturally and symbolically” (1997, p. 2). However, an analysis of “women” as the subjects of the nation differs from a perspective that dwells on the representations of women produced by a (mostly) male elite. Jordanova argues that the Enlightenment in the West was a set of mental and practical activities of the male elite “who gained influence because of their ideas and ‘knowledge’” (1995, p. 64), and whose concern was “to establish the validity of their vision of the world” (p. 64). She shows convincingly that these activities were “sexual” in nature.

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Zuada, La Husen, Rekho Adriadi, and Abdul Kadir. "Women's Power and Electability in Southeast Sulawesi: A Case Study for Provincial and National Legislative Candidate." Politik Indonesia: Indonesian Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (April 16, 2020): 156–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/ipsr.v5i1.21658.

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This research examined the role of power in increasing the choice of women legislative candidates. Women's electability has increased in the four election periods (2004, 2009, 2014, 2019) in Southeast Sulawesi. The interesting thing on the results of the 2014 election found that eight of the nine elected women legislators are the wives of four active regents, three former regents, and the governor during the election process. They are the 'new face' in the politics and previously have never become a legislative member, except become the Chair of the Dharma Wanita who are accompanying their husbands as regional heads. The reasons for women's electability in the legislative underlie this research. Through a qualitative approach, this study found that the power resources were owned by their families (money and bureaucracy) and personal abilities were also the factors of choice. In the context of Southeast Sulawesi, this study found a change in the vote mobilization strategies. Ethnic mobilization (locality) that characterized the local politics of Southeast Sulawesi had a smaller impact on the election, whereas money politics (economic resource) and bureaucratic politicization (normative) had a strong impact on the voters. This study enriches the findings in the vote mobilization strategies, namely the combination of locality/friends-neighbors (ethnicity), money and bureaucracy as the factors of politicians' electability.

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Martel, J. C. "Agenda Setting and Political Control in India’s Sanitation Policy Subsystem." Environment and Urbanization ASIA 8, no. 2 (September 2017): 188–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975425317715923.

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India has the worst sanitation situation in the world. Over the past century, Indian political leaders have made public statements expressing the intensity of the problem, deeming sanitation more important than political freedom, independence and religion. Recently, two prominent political parties—National Congress and Bharatiya Janata—argued about who deserves credit for improving India’s cleanliness. In response, this article is guided by the question: Does it matter which political institutions are supporting sanitation improvements in India? Using two theoretical lenses, agenda setting and political control of bureaucracy, this article discusses (1) the problem, politics and policies in India’s sanitation policy subsystem, and (2) mechanisms to align policy preferences across levels of government. Utilizing an agenda setting conceptual framework, the discussion highlights the role of international organizations in problem identification; party ideology and values and capacity issues that challenge the policy arena. The discussion turns to alignment of policy preferences across India’s multi-level governance structure, pointing to monitoring to reduce principal-agent problems, drawing from political control of bureaucracy theory. Given that national political leaders observably support sanitation, this article proposes that aligning policy preferences between national political institutions and local implementation agencies is imperative for achieving sanitation policy goals in federalist India.

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Trondal, Jarle, Zuzana Murdoch, and Benny Geys. "Representative Bureaucracy and the Role of Expertise in Politics." Politics and Governance 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2015): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v3i1.65.

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The vast majority of existing studies on bureaucratic representation focus on bureaucracies’ permanent and internal staff. Yet, the rising sophistication of modern democracies and the technocratization of political life are gradually inducing an increased reliance on external experts to assist in the development and implementation of policy decisions. This trend, we argue, raises the need to extend studies of bureaucratic representation to such external and non-permanent experts in governmental affairs. In this article, we take a first step in this direction using seconded national experts (SNEs) in the European Commission as our empirical laboratory. Our results highlight that Commission SNEs do not appear representative of their constituent population (i.e., the EU-27 population) along a number of socio-demographic dimensions. Moreover, we find that the role perception of “experts” is primarily explained by organizational affiliation, and only secondarily by demographic characteristics (except, of course, education).

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Migliaccio, Emily. "The National Ocean Policy: Can it Reduce Marine Pollution and Streamline Our Ocean Bureaucracy?" Vermont Journal of Environmental Law 15, no. 3 (2014): 629. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/vermjenvilaw.15.3.629.

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Harrison, Stephen, and Carole Smith. "Neo-Bureaucracy and Public Management: The Case of Medicine in the National Health Service." Competition & Change 7, no. 4 (December 2003): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1024529042000197077.

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Hill, Michael, and Marie Østergaard Møller. "An approach to the development of comparative cross-national studies of street-level bureaucracy." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 35, no. 2 (June 2019): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2019.1593880.

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AbstractPropositions about street-level bureaucracy run the risk of violating the scientific precept that a theoretical generalisation should be tested by replication in a variety of contexts. Many examples can be found of writings that simply indicate that street-level discretion is pervasive. This prompts the questions, ‘but how’, and under what conditions ‘may’ that happen? Comparison is needed to answer these questions, particularly cross-national ones. It will be argued that good cross-national comparative work must rest upon precise specification of the contexts to be compared and avoiding comparing tasks that seem similar, but in fact serve different functions in different contexts. To explore this one particular task – pre-school child care – is selected. The discussion of this specific example is examined as a model for similar comparative work.

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Journal articles on the topic 'National bureaucracy'

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