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Journal articles on the topic 'Nation'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 September 2024

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1

Prendergast, Christopher. "Nation/Natio." Conceptions d’une naissance, no. 1 (August 9, 2011): 123–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1005448ar.

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This article invites us to return to the example of Raymond Williams, and his essay “the Culture of Nations” as a then timely — and continuingly relevant — intervention in the debates about nation and postcoloniality. In linking the categories of nation, “natio” and place, Williams attempts to show that — at least in the case of Britain — the identities in question are produced from complex, multiethnic, long-haul histories, irreducible to the superficial discourses of ethnic patriotism. His argument is at once a confrontation with racism and — more controversially — with liberalism, or at least that version of the latter which seeks to oppose the former in the name of purely abstract juridical “rights”.

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2

Body-Gendrot, Sophie. "Une nation de nations." Hommes et Migrations 1162, no. 1 (1993): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/homig.1993.1965.

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3

Weiler, Joseph H. H. "A nation of nations?" International Journal of Constitutional Law 17, no. 4 (October 2019): 1301–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moz097.

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4

Puzynina, Jadwiga. "La nation et la langue dans la pensée polonaise des trois derniers siècles." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 8 (April 9, 2022): 241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.1996.1914.

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Le problème de la souveraineté de la nation, et donc le problème de l’attitude de la nation vis-à-vis de l’État, constitue l’élément central de la deuxième plus importante conception de « nation ». Les Polonais du 18ème siècle utilisent souvent la formule « gente Ruthenus (vel : Lithuanus), natione Polonus ». (Gens n’y garde que sa signification de nation au sens ethnique, tandis que natio devient nation au sens politique). On y voit clairement que le souci d’une communauté nationale historique et politique reléguait la communauté linguistique au second plan, et également celle des mœurs du peuple. Dans le contexte des partages de la Pologne, c’est sa souveraineté qui devenait un des éléments les plus importants de son être national.

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5

Medhurst, Jamie. "‘Nation shall speak peace unto nation’? The BBC and the nations." Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 17, no. 1 (March 2022): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/17496020211061295.

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This article will take an historical view on the BBC’s relationship with the nations, beginning with a discussion of the pre-television era, and then considering how the Corporation introduced television to the ‘national regions’ in the post-war period before focussing on Wales as a case study, ending with the establishment of the Welsh Fourth Channel, S4C. The aim is to underline the often complex historical relationship between the BBC as a UK-wide broadcaster and its role as a means of reflecting the life of a small nation such as Wales both to itself and to the rest of the United Kingdom.

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Calloway, Colin G. "Nation to Nation: Treaties between the United States and American Indian Nations." Ethnohistory 63, no. 1 (January 2016): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-3135386.

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Peterson, Mark F., and Mikael Sondergaard. "Traversing Bounds: The Implications of Nations, Within-Nation Regions and Multiple-Nation Clusters." Academy of Management Proceedings 2012, no. 1 (July 2012): 17872. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2012.17872abstract.

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8

Mapp, P. W. "A Nation Among the Laws of Nations." Diplomatic History 37, no. 5 (May 9, 2013): 1148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/dh/dht079.

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Ince, Kate. "Disunited Nations: cinema beyond the nation-state." New Cinemas: Journal of Contemporary Film 6, no. 2 (September 22, 2008): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ncin.6.2.71_2.

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Chesterman, Simon. "Bush, the United Nations and Nation-building." Survival 46, no. 1 (March 2004): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330412331343683.

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11

Leong, Susan. "Franchise nations: The future of the nation?" Continuum 23, no. 6 (December 2009): 855–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10304310903294739.

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Akhtar, Shahmima, Erika Hanna, Peter Hession, Mobeen Hussain, Krishan Kumar, Naomi Lloyd-Jones, Jane Ohlmeyer, and Ian Stewart. "Roundtable: Four Nations." Modern British History 35, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 30–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwae005.

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Abstract Nations have long since preoccupied historians. Histories of how nations came to be, how they persisted, and how nations were unmade are innumerable. As a political unit of analysis, the nation has fascinated and divided. On the one hand, histories of the nation have traced the origins of particular nation states, analysing how a large body of people becomes united within a geographic territory through a shared language, a shared identity, and a shared culture. On the other hand, such histories have been criticized for reifying the nation-state, stressing the majority over the minority, and ultimately for obfuscating differences. The nation as a structure can indeed serve the needs of the ruling establishment to create a governing society. How then, can historians retain the nation as a unit of analysis without for example valorizing England in histories of the UK? Why is it so often that in histories of Britain, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales are mentioned as a comparable case and not the focus itself? Is it possible to ensure that histories of the British Isles reject and refuse implicit hierarchies that routinely prioritize one nation over other nations? Fundamentally, is it even worthwhile to study the nation instead of, for example, focusing on specific gendered groups, or ethnic communities or labour movements for instance? By focusing on thematic experiences rather than the nation-state can historians avoid inadvertently reproducing structural inequality in twenty-first-century Britain?

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Teachout, Terry. "Nation républicaine, nation démocrate ?" Le Débat 115, no. 3 (2001): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/deba.115.0038.

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Kaneva, Nadia. "Simulation nations: Nation brands and Baudrillard’s theory of media." European Journal of Cultural Studies 21, no. 5 (January 30, 2018): 631–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549417751149.

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This article outlines a new perspective on the role of media in nation branding, drawing on Jean Baudrillard’s post-structuralist media theory. I argue that, following Baudrillard, we can see nation brands in a new light, namely, as simulacra which exist within a transnational media system for the creation, circulation and consumption of commodity-signs. In this capacity, nation brands shed their representational burden of standing in for the nation and, instead, operate as self-referential entities. I use the example of Brand Kosovo to provide illustrations for my theoretical points. However, while the case of Kosovo has its specificities, I propose that the theoretical claims presented here hold beyond its parameters. This article forms part of the Theorizing Media in Nation Branding Special Issue.

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Tiwari, Ajay Krishna, Ayushi Tiwari, and Mudit Tiwari. "Education for international peace and harmony." Edumania-An International Multidisciplinary Journal 02, no. 01 (January 1, 2024): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.59231/edumania/9021.

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In the present context, keeping in mind the horrors of Ukraine- Russia war and Israel- Hamas war international harmony and peace are a very essential concept. ever new Discoveries and inventions reduced the distance between nations so much that things happening in one nation Events and changes impact all nations. For example, in developed countries. The whole world shakes when there is invention or innovation in the nations falling in this category. of a nation Philosophical, political, economic and cultural conditions affect other nations. the resulting One nation interferes in the affairs of another nation, the effect of which is that there is discord between the nations. Tension arises. It is extremely important to reduce this tension and establish global peace. It is necessary that the feeling of goodwill and cooperation towards each other should be awakened among the nations. Nations International education is a powerful medium in establishing goodwill and cooperation among Through this medium the tension growing between nations can be ended. (EFA, 2014) What is international goodwill?

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Paruch, Waldemar. "Between Political Nation and Ethnic‑Cultural Nation: Nations in Central Europe in the 20th Century." Politeja 15, no. 6(57) (August 13, 2019): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.57.07.

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The article analyzes the nation‑building process in Central Europe in the context of conditions and specific character of historical processes. It identifies the origin of the dilemma in Central Europe: political or ethnic‑cultural nations. The study shows why ethnic‑cultural communities developed in this region. It also describes the extent and the dynamics of disputes over the problem between the most important political trends arisen in Central Europe, and emphasizes the intensity of rivalry over this question in the interwar years, primarily in the Second Republic of Poland, the Kingdom of Hungary, and Czechoslovakia. The paper also analyzes the style of thinking practiced by the adherents to the concept of Central European political nations: Józef Piłsudski, Tomaš G. Masaryk, and Miklós Horthy.

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Chernilo, Daniel. "Beyond the Nation? Or Back to It? Current Trends in the Sociology of Nations and Nationalism." Sociology 54, no. 6 (December 2020): 1072–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038520949831.

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This article critically reviews three of the most significant debates in the sociology of nations and nationalism over the past 50 years: (1) the problem of methodological nationalism on the main features of nation-states; (2) the tension between primordialism and modernism in understanding the historicity of nations; and (3) the politics of nationalism between universalism and particularism. These three debates help us clarify some key theses in our long-term understanding of nations and nationalism: processes of nation and nation-state formation are not opposed to but compatible with the rise of globalisation and non-state forms of governance; the question ‘when is a nation?’ combines modern and pre-modern dimensions; the politics of nationalism is neither unfailingly democratic nor exclusively regressive. A key paradox that unfolds is that all nations invest heavily in the production and reproduction of their own exceptionalism.

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Kuczur, Tomasz. "Współczesne interpretacje kategorii „narodu”– wprowadzenie do problematyki." Świat Idei i Polityki 9, no. 1 (2009): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/siip200903.

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Variety and ambiguity of concepts, definitions and terms referring to “nation” is extremely vast. At the same time it is also constantly aggrandized by the researchers in the field themselves. While interpreting the concept they “apply” already existing views which leads to even greater chaos in selecting the basic categories necessary for defining the concept. The concept of “nation” cannot be precisely pinpointed based only on experiences or on free decisions. At the same time it is not an absolute or static concept which sense can be defined once and it will never change. Nation, in some apprehension, is the same as the history of nations which can be defined as changing with time and space relation of “us” which leads to defined concept of “we”. Therefore in order to be able to understand “nation” we need to understand its “historic drama” in which the “nation” has been taking part. The problem with the above conclusion is that there is no nation’s drama as nations – there are rather dramas of individual nations. Therefore in order to define the nature of a nation one should infer from nations’ dramas, which is some kind of a historical abstraction, and which will always be treated as a “more or less” concept.

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19

CHUANG, YUN-WEN, LING-CHU LEE, WEN-CHI HUNG, and PIN-HUA LIN. "FORGING INTO THE INNOVATION LEAD — A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF SCIENTIFIC CAPACITY." International Journal of Innovation Management 14, no. 03 (June 2010): 511–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1363919610002763.

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This study, through bibliometric data, adopts the concept of Revealed Comparative Advantage (RCA) to apply in publication of scientific fields for observing the feature of scientific capacity of a nation. Following that, we utilize a hierarchical clustering method to conduct national clustering according to the RCA scores of publication in 24 scientific fields of each nation. A nation can thoroughly review its relative position, identify other nations with the same characteristics, and understand different clusters' features of scientific capacity. The result also provides a reference that enables researchers to review, explore, and learn about the factors behind the innovation system in the representative clusters or nations. By leveraging the clustering result, this knowledge also allows the nation to grasp opportunities to create innovation by cooperating with other nations that have different comparative advantages. As a result, by accumulating innovation capacity in these research network collaborations, the nation can maintain its innovation momentum and then forge into the innovation lead constantly.

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20

Platt, Edward, Rahul Bhargava, and Ethan Zuckerman. "The International Affiliation Network of YouTube Trends." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 9, no. 1 (August 3, 2021): 318–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v9i1.14607.

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Online video, a ubiquitous, visual, and highly shareable medium, is well-suited to crossing geographic, cultural,and linguistic barriers. Trending videos in particular,by virtue of reaching a large number of viewers in a short span of time, are powerful as both influencers and indicators of international communication flows. In this work, we study a large set of videos trending across 57 nations, collected from YouTube over a7-month period. We consider the set as a network of content flowing between nations, then develop conditional co-affiliation, a nation-nation co-affiliation index that enables a meaningful interpretation of network path length and the application of betweenness centrality. We observe a highly-interlinked network with remarkably similar co-affiliation levels between very different nations.However, Arabic-speaking nations appear more isolated, with the U.A.E. emerging as a key bridge. By analyzing video trend lifespans, we show that nations having many globally-popular video trends are reliably not the nation where those trends are strongest: we see no evidence to support the widely discussed idea of cultural exporter or trendsetter nations. We model correlations between co-affiliation and a selection of contextual factors. We note a surprisingly complex interaction between migration and shared video trends. Consistent with existing work on video popularity, we find that long trending times within one nation do not necessarily translate to reaching a wide global audience. This work expands on previous studies of the geographic popularity of videos by incorporating trending data and extending our analysis from video-nation affiliations to nation-nation co-affiliations. Characterizing these relationships is key to understanding the international cultural impact and potential of online video.

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Wu, Yann-Ling, Wen-Hsiang Lai, and Ying-Chyi Chou. "An Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) Approach to Identifying Key Criteria of Taiwan’s National Brand." International Business Research 9, no. 12 (November 23, 2016): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v9n12p143.

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<p>Nation branding benefits industrial upgrading within a nation and closes the competitiveness gap between nations. A nation that lacks a strong, positive, reputable national brand cannot maintain its competitiveness aimed at attracting consumers, tourists, investors, or immigrants and cannot gain the respect and attention of other nations or the global media. All nations are currently vying to create their own national brands. Taiwan has also attempted to define its advantages and develop its national brand to not only respond to current development trends, but also to examine issues facing Taiwan’s development. Because of this, key criteria of Taiwan’s nation branding were identified in this study. The expert interview methodology was used to discuss and compile a criteria system of Taiwan’s national brand and the analytic hierarchy process technique was used to calculate the relative weights for these criteria. Results showed that the most suitable criteria for Taiwan’s nation branding were based on the dimension of culture; within this dimension, the criterion historical heritage was most crucial. This study can serve as a reference for the government when it needs to determine areas to focus on in nation branding.</p>

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Doidge, Mary, B. James Deaton, and Bethany Woods. "Institutional Change On First Nations: Examining Factors Influencing First Nations’ Adoption of the Framework Agreement on First Nation Land Management." Journal of Aboriginal Economic Development 8, no. 2 (January 1, 2013): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/jaed334.

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In 1999 the Canadian Federal government passed the First Nations Land Management Act, ratifying the Framework Agreement on First Nation Land Management signed by the government and 14 original signatory First Nations in 1996. This Agreement allows First Nations to opt out of the 34 land code provisions of the Indian Act and develop individual land codes, and has been promoted as a means of increasing First Nation autonomy and facilitating economic growth and development on reserve lands. There are currently 77 First Nation signatories to the Agreement, 39 with operational independent land codes. This paper is the first to empirically examine factors that may influence a First Nation's decision to become signatory to the Framework Agreement. A unique dataset characterizing each First Nation by socio-economic and demographic characteristics is used with a probit model to determine the effects of these characteristics on the probability of First Nation adoption of the Agreement. The results of this study indicate that proximity to an urban centre positively affects the probability that a First Nation will adopt. However, the statistical strength of this finding is sensitive to the inclusion of an education variable in the regression.

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Motyl, Alexander J. "The paradoxes of Paul Robert Magocsi: the case for Rusyns and the logical necessity of Ukrainians." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 1 (January 2011): 105–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.532774.

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How is it possible for a Rusyn nation-builder to have contributed to the historiography of Ukraine to such a significant degree that one might suspect that Paul Robert Magocsi is really a Ukrainian nation-builder? Like all social-science puzzles, this one dissolves upon closer inspection. Magocsi resembles a Ukrainian nation-builder – or perhaps even is a Ukrainian nation-builder malgré soi – precisely because he is a Rusyn nation-builder. That is so because all nation-builders are always builders of at least two nations, their own and the others.

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Jansen, Sue Curry. "Designer nations: Neo-liberal nation branding – Brand Estonia." Social Identities 14, no. 1 (January 2008): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630701848721.

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25

Penrose, Jan. "The general category of nation and specific nations." Political Geography 13, no. 2 (March 1994): 195–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(94)90023-x.

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Jam, Jean-Louis. "Nations ethniques et nation mythique au xviiie siècle." Siècles 9 (1999): 57–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/123kn.

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Jammes, Jérémy. "Nation, Damned Nation and Statistics." Social Sciences and Missions 35, no. 1-2 (April 13, 2022): 97–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-bja10047.

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Abstract The Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL)’s main objective is to translate the Bible into all languages by collecting ethnolinguistic data thanks to the methods of participant-observation and lexical investigation. Tracing its origins to the mid-1930s in the United States and Central America, SIL started its missionary, linguistic and development activities in Southeast Asia in the 1950s, especially in the Philippines (1953) and Vietnam (1954). This article analyses the nature and trajectories of SIL members, investigating their missionary activities, their visual and statistical conception of conversion and ethnographic encounter, their conception of Pax Americana during the Vietnam war (1954–75). Both archive- and fieldwork-based investigation reveal what the SIL’s activity meant at the nexus of evangelism, linguistics, ethnography and US foreign policy, challenging some of the very simplified views of the operations of missionaries and religious NGO s in Southeast Asia during the Cold War.

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Glatz, Ferenc. "State, state-nation, cultural nation." European Review 1, no. 4 (October 1993): 385–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870000079x.

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The paper examines the background of current national and minority conflicts in Eastern and Central Europe and argues that a deeper-going analysis of these phenomena calls for a reconsideration of the traditional European territorial-administrative institutions. It argues that the European State-structure as shaped in the 17–19th centuries is the greatest obstacle to the prevention of global dangers, then looks at the typical arguments against dismantling the present national-state borders.The conclusion is that European nations are primarily cultural nations and they have to survive in that form for the 21st century.

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Direche-Slimani, Karima. "Nation algérienne ou nation musulmane ?" NAQD Hors-série 3, no. 2 (2014): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/naqd.hs3.0019.

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30

Agnew, Hugh LeCaine. "Noble Natio and Modern Nation: The Czech Case." Austrian History Yearbook 23 (January 1992): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800002885.

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Czech nationalism differs in one important respect from its Polish and Hungarian counterparts: the Czech nation did not have a “national” aristocracy. As a result, so the conventional wisdom goes, when the modern Czech nationalist movement emerged, even its leading elites were only a few generations removed from the countryside, giving it a supposedly more egalitarian and bourgeois coloring. This affected its ideology and political program, and by extension, helped account for the relative stability of the interwar Czechoslovak democracy, the most successful of the “successor states.”

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van Schendel, Willem. "Stateless in South Asia: The Making of the India-Bangladesh Enclaves." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 1 (February 2002): 115–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700191.

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“Only in the eyes of the law are we indians.” With these words Anu Chairman sketched the position of tens of thousands of people living beyond the reach of state and nation in dozens of enclaves in South Asia. Much of the recent wave of literature on the nation is concerned with critiquing an earlier generation of scholars who tended to assume a correspondence between nations and states. In the new literature, the connections among nation, state, territory, sovereignty, history, and identity are all problematized. Nations are seen as being socially constructed in many different ways. Thus, there are nations without states, new nations that are invented before our eyes while older ones disintegrate, and older diasporic nations that are being joined by a host of new transnational communities. Nations are now conceived as more fluid, malleable, and unpredictable than ever before.

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Pavković, Aleksandar. "Anticipating the Disintegration: Nationalisms in Former Yugoslavia, 1980–1990." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 3 (September 1997): 427–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408516.

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In addition to rapid economic decline and the persistent political violence in the province of Kosovo, in the 1980s Yugoslavia experienced a veritable renaissance of nationalist ideologies of the “dominant nation” type. According to this kind of national ideology, its target nation is historically predetermined to be politically dominant on a given territory which is then chosen by the national ideology in question. From 1971–1972, when the Croat nationalist movement and the Serbian liberal communist elite was suppressed by Tito until the early 1980s, publication of any nationalist writings was effectively banned in all parts of Yugoslavia, except in Kosovo. While ending public polemics by national ideologues, the ban confined nationalist polemics to the closely watched realm of intellectual dissidence. At that time, intellectual dissidents aimed primarily at the delegitimisaton of the communist regime in Yugoslavia. For this purpose, nationalist—as opposed to liberal—dissidents argued that the Yugoslav communist regime not only intentionally belittled and disadvantaged their respective nations, therefore benefiting the competitor nation(s), but also that it had betrayed their respective nations’ national goals. However absurd these claims may appear when taken together, they reveal how limited the target of each national ideology was: it targeted only “its” nation, in the attempt to prove that the communist regime had failed that nation alone and should not have the right to rule over it. These “dominant nation” ideologies stood in sharp contrast to the official Yugoslav Communist Party ideology of “equal nations,” which maintained the equality of all nations and nationalities in all parts of Yugoslavia; according to the official ideology, no nation in Yugoslavia was, in theory, politically dominant in any part of Yugoslavia.

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Hroch, Miroslav. "Evropský národ vs. globalizovaný nacionalismus." Kulturní studia 2021, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7160/ks.2021.150101.

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The author recommends that any consideration of the issue of nation and nationalism should be preceded by a careful analysis of the terminology used. He points out that the key term ‚nation‘ itself should be used in the knowledge that it refers, on the one hand, to a specific large group of citizens – members of a nation, but also to an abstract value community of culture. He critically rejects the thoughtless use of the term ‚nationalism‘, which forgets that it is derived from the term ‚nation‘. This is a dangerous distortion, especially when applied to non-European realities. A nation is originally a specifically European phenomenon, that is to say, a community that grows out of the old cultural and ideological resources of European countries. If the globalised term nationalism is used retrospectively to analyse the history or present of European nations, there is a danger of distortion and misunderstanding. Just as distorting, however, can be the analysis of non-European ‚nations‘ in the coordinates of the European nation. In conclusion, the author points out that the humanistic and motivational values of the European nation from the time of its formation are largely an empty phrase for contemporary nations. The reason for this, however, lies not only in terminological confusion, but also in the great transformation of value norms as a result of the neoliberal questioning of national values and identities that is being promoted in the context of advancing globalisation.

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Maltsev, Konstantin G., and Artem L. Alaverdyan. "Republican Nations and Nation-Building: Causal Explanation and Political Project." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (216) (December 28, 2022): 16–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2022-4-16-29.

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The heterogeneous discourses of the nation produced in modern disciplinarily organized science are considered, they built in the horizon of the representation of the nation, normatively set by the New European “managerial paradigmˮ. In this perspective of which resolves the ambiguities, always accompanying stories about national identity: the discrepancy in the definition of the beginning and description of the history of European nations; the definition of it as a political community and social community; the ways in which the social category. That is, the analytical tool of objective scientific sociological cognition, is attributed to reality; the distinction between republican and ethnic nations and the validity of evaluation in value-neutral scientific cognition. The story, that is, the narrative, has its own logic and its own way of connecting with reality. The narrative of the nation is built on behalf of the state and in different historical periods emphasizes various elements of content and the principles of its organization in the representation of the nation. The article identifies two configurations of the narrative of the nation, mediated by changes in the nature of the social, the essence of the political (politics as the management of interests) and the state interest (from revolution to mobilization). The conclusion is made that the “unique constellation of historical circumstances” that led to the emergence of the New European nations and the exclusivity of the national political form in the New European nation-state is losing its validity in modern times. The alternative is indicated: the world re-publican nation of a universal and global political order (the liberal project of the republican nation) and the non-national existence of the population, which has an open character.

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35

Linz, Juan J. "State building and nation building." European Review 1, no. 4 (October 1993): 355–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700000776.

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This essay discusses, from a historical and contemporary perspective, the processes of state and nation building. The difficulties of making every nation a state and every state a nation, and the fact that people live intermingled within the borders of states and have different and often dual identity leads to arguments for multi-national states, states which abandon the dream of becoming nation states and ‘nations’ willing to live in a multi-national democratic liberal state.

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Sarana, Salsabila Annisa, and Viani Puspita Sari. "Strategi Nation Branding Malaysia dalam Penggalakan Pariwisata Medis terhadap Publik Indonesia." Padjadjaran Journal of International Relations 4, no. 2 (August 12, 2022): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/padjir.v4i2.40092.

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Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui strategi nation branding Malaysia dalam menggalakan industri pariwisata medis terhadap publik Indonesia. Dalam menguraikan strategi nation branding Malaysia, peneliti menggunakan konsep elemen strategi nation branding oleh Keith Dinnie (2015) yang terdiri dari nation-brand advertising; public relations; online branding, social media, and mobile application; customer and citizen relationship management; nation-brand ambassadors; internal brand management; diaspora mobilization; nation days; the naming of nation-brands; performance measurements; dan institution involved in nations branding. Penelitian ini menggunakan desain penelitian kualitatif deskriptif dengan data yang didapatkan bersumber pada studi pustaka dan wawancara. Dalam penelitian ini ditemukan bahwa Malaysia melakukan berbagai strategi khusus yang ditujukan kepada publik Indonesia. Dari seluruh elemen strategi, kecuali elemen nation-brand advertising dan diaspora mobilization, sepuluh elemen strategi lainnya berperan dominan dalam keberlangsungan penggalakan pariwisata medis Malaysia terhadap publik Indonesia.

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Ferenčuhová, Bohumila. "La langue et la nation : le cas slovaque." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 8 (April 9, 2022): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.1996.1907.

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Dans son ouvrage Nations et nationalisme, Arnošt (Ernest) Gellner exprime, entre autre, une thèse selon laquelle il existe dans le monde un grand nombre de nations potentielles et que c’est le nationalisme qui engendre les nations, pas l’inverse. Tzevtan Todorov, de son côté souligne que la nation est une entité à la fois politique et culturelle, née avec l’époque moderne. Il mentionne aussi que c’est grâce à l’existence d’une conscience culturelle nationale que l’idée d’autonomie politique prend de l’essor. L’État peut, d’une part, permettre à la nation-comme-culture de s’affirmer et de s’épanouir, d’autre part, la culture commune n’est pas nécessairement nationale – l’existence d’un état autonome n’est ni suffisante ni nécessaire à la survie d’une culture particulière. De nos jours, les Slovaques existent, sans aucun doute, comme nation à la fois politique et culturelle, même pour ceux qui persistent à penser que seule une entité dotée d’une structure étatique peut prétendre se désigner comme nation. Mais depuis quand en est-il ainsi ?

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Beacháin, Donnacha Ó., and Rob Kevlihan. "Imagined democracy? Nation-building and elections in Central Asia." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 3 (May 2015): 495–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.916662.

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Is an imagined democracy more important than actual democracy for nation-building purposes? After 20 years of independence, Central Asian countries present a mixed bag of strong and weak states, consolidated and fragmented nations. The equation of nation and state and the construction of genuine nation states remains an elusive goal in all of post-Soviet Central Asia. This paper examines the role that electoral politics has played in nation-state formation. We argue that electoral processes have been central to attempted nation-state building processes as part of efforts to legitimize authoritarian regimes; paradoxically in those few countries where (for brief periods) partial democratization actually occurred, elections contributed, at least in the short term, to nation-state fragmentation.

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FUKURAI, Hiroshi. "The Decoupling of the Nation and the State: Constitutionalizing Transnational Nationhood, Cross-Border Connectivity, Diaspora, and “National” Identity-Affiliation in Asia and Beyond." Asian Journal of Law and Society 7, no. 1 (February 2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2019.26.

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AbstractSince the first Asian Law and Society Conference (ALSA) was held at the National University of Singapore (NUS) in 2016, a number of special sessions have been organized to focus on the deconstruction of the Westphalian transnational order based on the concept of the “nation-state.”1 This dominant hegemony was predicated on the congruence of the geo-territorial boundaries of both the state and the nation, as well as the “assumed integration” of state-defined “citizenship” and another distinctly layered “membership” based on culture, ethnic, religious, and indigenous affiliations. The “nation-state” ideology has thus masked a history of tensions and conflicts, often manifested in the form of oppression, persecution, and genocide directed at the nation and its peoples by the state and its predatory institutions. Our studies have shown that such conflicts between the nation and the state have been observed in multiple regions in Asia, including Kashmir in India; Moro and Islamic communities of Mindanao in the Philippines; Karen, Kachin, and other autonomous nations in Myanmar; West Papua, Aceh, Kalimantan, South Moluccas, Minahasa, and Riau in Indonesia; Kurds in multiple state systems of Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran; and Palestine in Israel, among many other culturally autonomous nucleated communities in Asia and across the world.2 The phrase “the nation and the state” was specifically chosen to distinguish and highlight the unique conflictual histories of two geo-political entities and to provide a fundamentally differing interpretation of history, geography, the role of law, and global affairs from the perspectives of nation peoples, rather than from that of the state or international organizations, as traditional analyses do. The Westphalian “nation-state” hegemony led to the inviolability of the state’s sovereign control over the nation and peoples within a state-delimited territory. The state then began to engage in another predatory project: to strengthen and extend its international influence over other states and, thus, the nations within these states, by adopting new constitutional provisions to offer cross-border “citizenship” to diasporic “ethnic-nationals” and descendants of “ex-migrants” who now inhabit foreign states. The nations have similarly capitalized on constitutional activism by erecting their own Constitutions to explore collaboration with other nations, as well as diasporic populations of their own, in order to carve out a path toward the nations’ independence within, and even beyond, the respective state systems. The “constitutional” activism sought by the state and the nation has become an important political vehicle with which to engage in possible collaboration with diasporic “ethno-nationals” and ex-migrant communities, in order to further assert political influence and strengthen trans-border politics of the state and the nation. Three articles included in this issue investigate such constitutional activism of cross-border politics and transnational collaborations in Asia, the Americas, Europe, and other regions across the globe.

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Surak, Kristin. "Nation-Work: A Praxeology of Making and Maintaining Nations." European Journal of Sociology 53, no. 2 (August 2012): 171–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975612000094.

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AbstractThis article bridges the literatures on nationalist projects and everyday nationhood by elucidating a repertoire of actions shared by both. Analysis of such “nation-work” contributes to the cognitive turn in ethnicity and nationalism research by showing how ethnonational categorization operates. Examining variation in this domain shows that though nationalism may project an image of a homogeneous “we”, internal heterogeneity is crucial for refining the experience and performance of membership in the nation.

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Bukhari, Dr Saeed Ahmed. "Iqbal’s Ideology of Nationalism: A Quranic Perspective." Al Khadim Research journal of Islamic culture and Civilization 2, no. 2 (September 30, 2021): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/arjicc.u5-v2.2(21)69-79.

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With regard to commonalities and unity, the communion of race, communion of home land and communion of languages are common. Islam abhors the differences of color, race, language and country, and bases its Ummah on the religious creed. The concept of oneness of Allah of the Muslims is cementing force for all Muslims and makes them dominant over all the nations of the world. No force of the World can sustain before it. The word "Nation" has been taken in broader sense of words. But in concept of nation, the word "Nation" has been called as Ummah of prophets. Islam has given the Muslims superiority to other nations. And it is distinction of Islam. Universality of Islam has been proved by Iqbal calling the entire Muslims universal and single nation.

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Hidayat, Nur. "اللغة العربية قبل الإسلام." Imtiyaz : Jurnal Pendidikan dan Bahasa Arab 2, no. 1 (June 5, 2018): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.29300/im.v2i1.1256.

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Language is a set of words used by a group of people to express or reveal a purpose. Arabic is one of the Sam languages, Arab nation is a kind of Sam nations (identical to sam ibn nuh). As we all know that the Arabic language is not only used by the Arab nation, but also used in many nations of the world. Before the arrival of the Islamic religion in the Arab nation, the Arab nation lives in the Jahiliyyah. Arabic civilization before Islam in the social field has a bad social order, but in the field of arts and language is highly advanced. The Arabic language since its oldest era has been divided into many dialects that differ from each other in many aspects of Phonology, Semantic, Sintax, and Vocabulary

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Knott, Brendon, Alan Fyall, and Ian Jones. "Sport mega-events and nation branding." International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management 29, no. 3 (March 20, 2017): 900–923. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijchm-09-2015-0523.

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Purpose Sport mega-events have received much criticism of late. However, there has been increasing awareness of the brand-related benefits from hosting a sport mega-event, with their hosting being a deliberate policy for many nations, most notably among emerging nations. One such nation is South Africa, which explicitly stated its nation branding ambitions through the staging of the 2010 FIFA World Cup. Through this single case, this paper aims to identify the unique characteristics of the sport mega-event that were leveraged for benefits of nation branding. Design/methodology/approach An interpretivist, qualitative study explored the insights of nation brand stakeholders and experts, elicited using in-depth, semi-structured interviews (n = 27) undertaken two to three years after the staging of the event. Findings Three characteristics of the 2010 sport mega-event were deemed by stakeholders to be unique in creating nation branding opportunities: the scale of the event that created opportunities for transformational development; the global appeal, connection and attachment of the event; and the symbolic status of the event that was leveraged for internal brand building and public diplomacy. The paper proposes that while sport mega-events provide nation branding opportunities, the extent of these benefits may vary according to the context of the nation brand with lesser-known, troubled or emerging brands seemingly having the most to gain. Originality/value While acknowledging the critique of mega-events, this paper highlights a pertinent example of an emerging nation that leveraged the potential of a sport mega-event for nation branding gains. It extends the understanding of sport mega-events and their potential for nation branding.

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Farhan, Muhammad, and Syed Shahid Zaheer Zaidi. "Oil Price Shocks and Stock Market Performance: A comparison between Oil Exporting and Oil Importing Nations." South Asian Journal of Management Sciences 15, no. 2 (2021): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21621/sajms.2021152.01.

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The paper explores the impact of shocks in oil prices on the stock market for the oil importing and exporting nations. As Pakistan is heavily dependent on imports of oil therefore, we focus on Pakistan as an oil importing nation and have taken Iran, as an oil exporting nation because, it is considered to be among top ten nations of the world that exports oil. Various studies in Pakistan have investigates the relationship between shocks in prices of oil and return on the stock but none of the study has examined the association between shocks in oil prices and return on the stock market by comparing Pakistan and Iran as an oil importer and exporter nations of the world. This study has employed Autoregressive Distributed Lag model to find out the relationship between dependent and independent variables. We have taken prices of oil as an independent variable, whereas, stock price has been taken as a dependent variable. On the other hand, rate of exchange and rate of interest are the other independent variables. The results of this study and bound test reveals a long run association between prices of oil and the stock return for both nations. It has been indicated in the results that high oil prices have an adverse impact on market of stock for an oil importing nation (i.e., Pakistan) and have positively impacted on Iran which is an oil exporter nation. The results confirm that oil price shock contributed towards positively affecting the market of stock of an oil exporter nation but negatively affected the stock market if an oil importing nation. The author recommended the investors of both nations to evaluate various alternatives to diversify portfolios of their stock market by utilizing other financial assets.

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Arshin, Konstantin. "Nation." Philosophical anthropology 4, no. 2 (December 2018): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2414-3715-2018-4-2-103-116.

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Domínguez, Israel. "Nation." World Literature Today 89, no. 5 (2015): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wlt.2015.0249.

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Israel Domínguez and Translated by Margaret Randall. "Nation." World Literature Today 89, no. 5 (2015): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7588/worllitetoda.89.5.0039a.

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Thorpe, Ashley. "Nation." Contemporary Theatre Review 23, no. 1 (February 2013): 50–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10486801.2013.765117.

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Edginton, B. "Nation." Screen 39, no. 1 (March 1, 1998): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/screen/39.1.79.

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Visvanathan, Shiv. "Nation." Theory, Culture & Society 23, no. 2-3 (May 2006): 533–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276406061702.

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The essay traces the definitions of nation through various stages, outlining the consequences of each definition. It emphasizes that the movement to exclusivity has been genocidal and then hints at the possibility of re-reading the idea of nation.

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