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Journal articles on the topic 'Nation without a State'
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1
Pobłocki, Kacper. "Whither Anthropology without Nation-state?" Critique of Anthropology 29, no. 2 (May 27, 2009): 225–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x09104091.
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Ouellette, André, and Daniel Livermore. "Foreign policy without the “nation‐state”?" Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 1, no. 3 (January 1993): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.1993.9673007.
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MALEŠEVIĆ, SINIŠA, and GORDANA UZELAC. "A Nation-state without the nation? The trajectories of nation-formation in Montenegro1." Nations and Nationalism 13, no. 4 (November 30, 2007): 695–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2007.00318.x.
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Sandner, Günther. "Nations without nationalism." Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 2 (October 5, 2005): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.2.06san.
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In addition to the socialist discourse on popular education, theoretical contributions of Austro-Marxist intellectuals such as Karl Renner, Otto Bauer and Otto Neurath on multiculturalism represent an important intellectual source of leftist culturalism. Considering actual debates, the Austro-Marxist approach on nation and culture moved between the politics of recognition and the politics of difference. Their concept combined both the recognition of (a positively evaluated) difference between national cultures and the demand for political unification transcending the nation state. Beyond their contemporary context, the Austro-Marxist concept gains in importance even for today by formulating a possible combination of political and economic unity on the one hand and cultural difference (and diversity) on the other. In a way, the Austro-Marxist approach represents a political and cultural concept of ‘nations without nationalism’.
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King, Lamont Dehaven. "Nations without Nationalism: Ethno-Political Theory and the Demise of the Nation-State." Journal of Developing Societies 18, no. 4 (December 2002): 354–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0201800404.
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This paper examines the relationship between the ethnic group, the nation, and the state. In addition to the analysis of related concepts such as modes of production and world-systems theory, it uses examples from precolonial Northern Nigeria to emphasize how multi-ethnic states existed in Africa prior to the development of global capitalism and the imposition of the colonial state. In so doing, it challenges the standard notion that the nation-state first emerged in Europe after the French Revolution. Instead, it offers a conceptualization of patriotism as identification with the state, which is distinct from nationalism and it also suggests areas of research in which this conceptualization of patriotism might be fruitfully applied.
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Bérubé, Michael. "American Studies without Exceptions." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 118, no. 1 (January 2003): 103–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/003081203x59865.
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Scholars in American studies are generally skeptical of the notion of working within or for the nation-state, for three primary reasons: the alleged eclipse of the nation-state by multinational capitalism, the undesirability of limiting American studies parochially to the study of the United States, and the history of collusion between United States intellectuals and the Central Intelligence Agency during the cold war. This essay argues that although contemporary American studies has done well to reject the American exceptionalism that once defined the field and is rightly averse to engaging in covert international propaganda operations, scholars in American studies need to ask whether the field's rejection of the nation-state might not coincide with rather than resist the movements of global capital and thus to reconsider the importance of the state (in the United States and elsewhere) as a site of intellectual engagement and activism.
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Sanders, Jeff. "Archaeology within, archaeology without." Archaeological Dialogues 23, no. 1 (May 20, 2016): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203816000040.
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AbstractThe rise of the nation state has had a major influence on the development of archaeology. Nation states today, however, differ from their 19th- and 20th-century equivalents, and they both impact upon and use archaeology in different ways. By looking outwards from an individual country within a collective nation state, I will explore the forms that this can take. From a Scotland-based perspective, I will look at how various borders and boundaries, and the aims and objectives of those responsible for them, affect archaeological work. As well as looking at institutional and administrative boundaries and their effect on archaeology, I will also explore how archaeological work, and the stories we produce, can either question or reinforce the nation state. Ultimately, archaeology can be used in a very different way now than in the 19th and 20th centuries: it is less about the specific stories and more about the process of uncovering them. Rather than telling a national story, archaeology can be used as an instrument to deliver on wider objectives.
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Keating, Michael. "The Nation-State in Question." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 3 (September 2004): 757–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904340102.
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The Nation-State in Question, T.V. Paul, G. John Ilkenberry and John A. Hall, eds., Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003, pp. x, 384The matter of globalization and state retreat has attracted a great deal of attention in recent years. A phase of globalist europhoria or alarm, depending on the writer's political tendency, was followed by a series of works debunking the idea as ‘globalony’ and assuring us that the nation-state was alive and well. This book belongs to a third wave of writing that seriously tries to understand and measure the changes that states are experiencing, without committing itself in advance to sensationalist conclusions. The chapters come in four sections, on national identities, state security, state autonomy and state capacity. They are generally empirically grounded, historically informed and balanced in their conclusions. Some are broad comparative reviews and others are case studies, but all of them deploy theoretical arguments capable of wider application and testing.
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Goodin, Robert E. "Conjectures on the Nation‐State." Government and Opposition 30, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1995.tb00430.x.
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WHAT FOLLOW ARE LESS ‘THESES’ THAN ‘CONJECTURES’, speculations both tentative and disjointed. Like a mathematician's conjectures, however, they admit of being systematically ordered into a larger theory as well as being elaborated more fully, one-by-one. Here I shall, without elaboration, at least sketch the outlines of that larger theory.The general tenor of all these conjectures is to query an ethos, prevailing for the past two centuries or more, effectively encapsulated in the slogan, ‘Every state a nation, every nation a state’. Starting with the American and Latin American revolutions and continuing through the twentieth century's own wars of national liberation, the continuing motif has been one of freeing ‘a People’ from ‘alien rule’. Champions of ‘political unification’, from Mazzini's Italy to Kohl's Germany, have likewise taken as their rallying cry the uniting of a single people under a single government. That is the ‘every nation a state’ side of the story.
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van Schendel, Willem. "Stateless in South Asia: The Making of the India-Bangladesh Enclaves." Journal of Asian Studies 61, no. 1 (February 2002): 115–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700191.
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“Only in the eyes of the law are we indians.” With these words Anu Chairman sketched the position of tens of thousands of people living beyond the reach of state and nation in dozens of enclaves in South Asia. Much of the recent wave of literature on the nation is concerned with critiquing an earlier generation of scholars who tended to assume a correspondence between nations and states. In the new literature, the connections among nation, state, territory, sovereignty, history, and identity are all problematized. Nations are seen as being socially constructed in many different ways. Thus, there are nations without states, new nations that are invented before our eyes while older ones disintegrate, and older diasporic nations that are being joined by a host of new transnational communities. Nations are now conceived as more fluid, malleable, and unpredictable than ever before.
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Waters, Tony, and Kim LeBlanc. "Refugees and Education: Mass Public Schooling without a Nation‐State." Comparative Education Review 49, no. 2 (May 2005): 129–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/428102.
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Lowrance, Sherry. "Nationalism without Nation: State-building in Early Twentieth-Century Palestine." Middle East Critique 21, no. 1 (March 2012): 81–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2012.658498.
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Waters and Leblanc. "Refugees and Education: Mass Public Schooling without a Nation-State." Comparative Education Review 49, no. 2 (2005): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3542160.
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Andrea Smith. "American Studies without America: Native Feminisms and the Nation-State." American Quarterly 60, no. 2 (2008): 309–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.0.0014.
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Матвиенко, Анатолий, and Anatoliy Matvienko. "The peculiarities of territorial consolidation of European states and the USA." Comparative Research In Law and Politics 2, no. 1 (June 15, 2014): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/5253.
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According to S. Rokkan theory, the decisive impact on formation European states has the east-west axis (ensures identification with national political organization) and centre-periphery relations with dominant position of the centre. Asynchrony of the process of state formation and nation building gives grounds for definition three types of states: early (the state formation preceded the appearance of nation - France), late (the national identity was the base of state - Germany, Italy) and consociative (absence of the strong state and the united nation - the Netherlands, Switzerland). As the rule, on the European continent the state formation preceded the rise of nations and nationalism. The main differences between formation of the USA and European states are: the absence the competition between religious and secular power, territorial and economic barriers; the single language for communication. From the European point of view, the USA is the nation formed without state support. The success of the American state on the early stages of its development depended on rules of behavior, which implementation were provided by courts and political parties. In reference to democratization, in Europe it promoted the transition to political stage of state formation, in the USA - the search of compromise solution between confederation and federation.
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Dittgen, Herbert. "World without Borders? Reflections on the Future of the Nation‐State." Government and Opposition 34, no. 2 (April 1999): 161–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00476.x.
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THE PARTICULARISTIC CHARACTER OF THE POLITICAL WORLD, THE separation of political communities into poleis, territorial-states or nation-states, has always provoked the universalist criticism of borders as artificial and incompatible with universal humanity. Such demarcations were even suspected of being one of mankind's greatest evils. Edmund Burke, for example, wrote in his A Vindication of Natural Society – a response to Rousseau's Discourse on the Origin and Foundation of Inequality – that ‘this artificial division of mankind, into separate societies, is a perpetual source in itself of hatred and dissention among them’.
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Palmowski, Jan. "The Europeanization of the Nation-State." Journal of Contemporary History 46, no. 3 (July 2011): 631–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009411403336.
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This article explores the interrelationship between national and supranational politics in contemporary history. In Europe, the nature of national and transnational politics, law and economics has been completely transformed through the emergence of the European Union (EU) and its predecessor, the European Community (EC). We cannot understand the European nation-state (and its regions) without appreciating the EC’s or EU’s dynamic (and often asymmetric) impact on public law, economics, the environment, social legislation, human rights and culture. This Europeanization of the nation-state has affected in different ways members and non-members of the EC and EU. The interplay between national and transnational politics, while not unique to the contemporary world, presents particular challenges to the contemporary historian. The enmeshing of national and supra- as well as international spheres means that the contemporary state cannot be analysed with the same tools and assumptions about political sovereignty as its nineteenth-century predecessors. Instead, this article calls for a greater readiness to engage in the complexities of national and EC/EU history and engage in a new dialogue with other disciplines, notably the political sciences.
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Ehrick, Christine. "To Serve the Nation." Social Science History 29, no. 3 (2005): 489–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320001302x.
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This article looks at the construction and evolution of Latin America’s first “welfare state” through the lens of social assistance. What one sees in Uruguay during these years is a modernization of paternalism, whereby the state assumed some of the roles previously played by the elite and, to a lesser extent, the Catholic Church, protecting and assisting society’s “weak” without fundamentally challenging or altering class or gender inequalities or hierarchies. The article focuses on the Asociación La Bonne Garde, a state-subsidized, ostensibly private organization that housed pregnant juveniles and placed them as domestic servants in the homes of the more well-to-do. Exploring the relationships between the elite women who ran this organization, their poor juvenile wards, and state bureaucrats and other reformers illustrates the establishment and evolution of this state-sponsored paternalism as well as the ways in which the young female wards attempted to manipulate this system to their own ends.
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Biermann, Frank, and Klaus Dingwerth. "Global Environmental Change and the Nation State." Global Environmental Politics 4, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152638004773730185.
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This article outlines the theoretical problematique and some empirical knowledge regarding the impacts of global environmental change on the nation state; thereby it also introduces this special issue of Global Environmental Politics. We argue that global environmental change decreases the capacity of nation states to fulfill their definitional functions without the cooperation of other states. The added stress due to environmental change also increases the demand for adaptive capacities of nation states, which further diminishes their resources to fulfill other core functions. Based on an overview of the complex interplay between global environmental change and the nation state, we focus on the various ways in which the nation state may mitigate, or adapt to, the impacts of global environmental change, including horizontal diffusionism and vertical institutionalism. In summarizing the other contributions to this special issue, we further argue that a reconsideration of key theoretical concepts such as sovereignty, agency, and multilevel governance is required in order to improve our understanding of the complexities of global environmental governance.
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Et.al, Nur Atiqah Tang Abdullah. "Citizenship Education for the Fourth Industrial Revolution." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 3 (April 10, 2021): 1278–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i3.894.
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This chapter explores Citizenship Education in Malaysia in the context of its current experiences as we approach the era of Fourth Industrial Revolution. As a cultural discourse, the problematic conception of citizenship is a product of social fragmentation in Malaysia. Citizenship can carry two meanings - legal and sociological. The legal simply refers to a subject’s right and duties to be recognized as a legally permanent inhabitant of a state. Secondly, the development of citizenship, understood in sociological terms, would involve a transformative process in which individuals come to see themselves as part of a wider citizen body, to which they owe obligations involving duties as well as having rights. As such, ‘citizenship’ in this chapter refers to an educational process: learning and teaching to improve or achieve the aims inherent to the legal meaning. The objective of this chapter is to pull together citizenship and education as central themes, - not legal but the sociological aspects, with the ‘nations-of-intent’ as a conceptual framework. Nevertheless, the present effort of citizenship education in Malaysia is based on a particular form of ‘nation-of-intent’ (Bangsa Malaysia). As nation-building in Malaysia is a state without a nation (and it has many nations-of-intent), the present effort does not include ideas to the nation when promoting citizenship education- the notion of ‘equality in diversity’ and not only ‘unity in diversity’. The concept of citizenship and citizenship education in Malaysia is prompting only one form of ‘nation-of intent’ available in the country, whereas, there are other nations as well, apparently. An implication of it is that the concept of citizenship and thus, nation-building in Malaysia is still fraught with confusion. The presence of plurality of ‘nations-of-intent’ in contemporary Malaysia demonstrates the fact that dissenting voices are present and heard, within and without government. To some degree, it is necessary, for the underlying reason that the identification and sense of belonging of individuals and communities themselves are fragmented, not necessarily conducive to the knowledge of national unity. Hence, in the context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, there is a need to clarify and explore the meaning of citizenship in diverse and democratic Malaysian as a nation-state, the multiple views of citizenship and the dimensions of citizenship education.
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CHAPLIN, JONATHAN. "Doing Justice to Religious Diversity: Theological Foundations for “Principled Pluralism”." Unio Cum Christo 6, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc6.2.2020.art4.
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This article argues a theological case for “principled pluralism,” a particular stance regarding the proper attitude of the state towards the plural religious affiliations of its citizens. Its central claim is that the role of the state is both to defend the religious freedom of adherents to all faiths and to maintain a public square equally open to contributions from all faiths without publicly privileging any faith, even Christianity. It develops the argument in critical dialogue with a “Christian nation” position, according to which nations can exercise corporate religious agency, should be formed where possible according to Christian principles, and in which Christian citizens should call their governments to support the nation’s Christian character. KEYWORDS: Principled pluralism, religious diversity, state, Christian nation, public square
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Schenk, Caress. "The Migrant Other: Exclusion without Nationalism?" Nationalities Papers 49, no. 3 (February 9, 2021): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2020.82.
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AbstractMigrants are an easy, visible Other, seeming to fall neatly into the us-versus-them framework of nationalism. Nevertheless, much of the scholarly approach to migrant identity, with the partial exception of a largely separate literature on citizenship, has eschewed overt ties to nationalism studies. When us-versus-them language is used in relation to nationalism, the focus or nodal point is the identity of the seemingly homogenous “us” of the nation. However, when migrants are othered, the focus is not always the nation, and while othering migrants always creates exclusion, it is not always exclusion from a nation or identity group. This state of the field article analyzes the literature on populism, securitization, biopolitics, and other critical scholarship related to the issue of othering migrants. In each of these bodies of work, different sets of “us” are set against migrants, some of which evoke identity and others of which do not, elucidating the links (or the lack thereof) of each approach to the study of nationalism. In each of these frameworks, the migrant Other comes up against a different frame of reference, leaving migrants themselves (or any sense of migrant identity) somewhat lost amid the analytical frameworks, at continual risk of being re-othered as victims of circumstance without agency.
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Breuilly, John. "Modern empires and nation-states." Thesis Eleven 139, no. 1 (April 2017): 11–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617700036.
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Empires and nation-states are not opposed or distinct forms of polity but closely linked forms. Pre-modern empire existed without any contrasting form of polity we might call a nation-state. Rather, they contrasted with non-national state forms such as city-states, small kingdoms and mobile, nomadic polities. These in turn were in constant interaction with any neighbouring empire or empires, perhaps becoming the core of an empire themselves, perhaps taking over all or part of an existing empire, perhaps maintaining some autonomy by virtue of remoteness or lack of attractiveness, perhaps by balancing opposed empires against each other. Empires did not have a national core, and non-empires were not national. By contrast, modern empires have always had a clearly designated nation-state core and a physically separate set of non-national peripheries. This has been crucial to ensuring that when formal empire is ended, both the imperial core and the former colonies are defined as nation-states. But ex-imperial nation-states and ex-colonial nation-states are really two kinds of states. Much contemporary confusion about the prospect for a world order of nation-states revolves round the failure to make that basic distinction.
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Zarycki, Tomasz, Rafał Smoczyński, and Tomasz Warczok. "Cultural citizenship without state: historical roots of the modern Polish citizenship model." Theory and Society 51, no. 2 (October 30, 2021): 269–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11186-021-09465-x.
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AbstractCitizenship is usually seen as a product of modern nation-states, or of other political entities which possess institutional infrastructures and political systems capable of producing a coherent framework that defines the relationship between that system and its members. In this paper, we show that an early system of modern citizenship was created in the absence of a formal state, notably by the cultural elite of a stateless nation. The Polish case illustrates that an elite may become a dominant class in the given society only later, and institutionalize that early citizenship system within the framework of a newly founded state. As a result of the legacy of the emergence of citizenship predating the restoration of statehood, the contemporary Polish citizenship model is influenced by a strong and largely overlooked cultural component that emerged at the turn of the 19th century. This model uses the figure of the intelligentsia member as its ideal citizen. Despite the dramatic political and economic changes in the decades which have passed since its emergence, this cultural frame, which was institutionalized during the interwar period, still defines the key features of the Polish citizenship model. Consequently, we argue that the culturalization of citizenship is hardly a new phenomenon. It can be seen as a primary mechanism in the formation of civic polities within the imperial context. Moreover, it shows that such processes can have many ambiguous aspects as far as their Orientalizing forces of exclusion are concerned.
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Lemay-Hébert, Nicolas. "Statebuilding without Nation-building? Legitimacy, State Failure and the Limits of the Institutionalist Approach." Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding 3, no. 1 (March 2009): 21–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17502970802608159.
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SKOCPOL, THEDA, and JOAN D. MANDLE. "THE TRAVAILS OF FEMINISM—AND ITS PROMISE—IN A NATION WITHOUT A WELFARE STATE." Gender & Society 1, no. 3 (September 1987): 332–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089124387001003009.
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Razuni, Ganjar, and Adilita Pramanti. "NO AGRARIAN REFORM: REVOLUTIE WITHOUT REVOLUTION?" Jurnal Partisipatoris 2, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/jp.v2i1.11742.
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RI’s independence is a revolution to form a nation and state with an independentsocial structure. One of the instruments of de-colonization of the Indonesian peopleis the Agrarian Revolution. The matter of study in this paper is why, since Sokarnostepped down, the implementation of agrarian reform became half-hearted. Thiswriting method with a literature study through historical, descriptive analysis. Theresult reveals there has not been a fundamental change in the basic socio-agrarianstructure in Indonesia, and people fought for it from 2014 until now
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Nishida, Kitarō. "The Principle of the New World Order." Geopolítica(s). Revista de estudios sobre espacio y poder 10, no. 2 (November 12, 2019): 305–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geop.66402.
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The First World War created no other principles for world formation than an abstract notion of national self-determination. Such an abstract notion could not solve the historical challenges the world faced, of which the outbreak of the Second World War provided evidence. Each state/nation must realize its world-historical mission to construct the world-historical world in which states/nations would be united to form ‘a global world (sekai-teki sekai)’ while maintaining their own historical uniqueness. For such historically unique entities to be united into the whole without losing their uniqueness, it would be necessary an intermediate process of forming ‘a particular world (tokushu-teki sekai)’. In this process, each state/nation transcends itself, connects to neighboring states/nations, and follows its own regional (supra-national) tradition at the same time, leading to the establishment of non-Western worlds. East Asian nations must realize their world-historical mission and construct a particular world based on the idea of East Asian culture. There must be a central player to tackle such challenges and no country but Japan would be in the position to play such a role.
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Riyanto, Astim. "PANCASILA DASAR NEGARA INDONESIA." Jurnal Hukum & Pembangunan 37, no. 3 (September 21, 2007): 457. http://dx.doi.org/10.21143/jhp.vol37.no3.151.
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AbstrakPancasila is a name of basic norm (Grundnorm) of a State that is calledRepublic of Indonesia that standing on 17 August 1945. Pancasila wasformularized by the founding fathers of Indonesia and established byCommittee Preparation Freedom of Indonesia on 18 August 19-45 to becomefundamental state of Indonesia. The Pancasila had enclosed in the Preambleof The Constitution of The Republic of Indonesia of 1945. And then,Pancasila as national ideology. national basic unity. and guiding nationalbehavior or way of life of people or nation of Indonesia. Thus, Pancasila isinnerself of nation of Indonesia. The Pancasila had integrated a nation ofIndonesia that plural. Without the Basic Norm of Pancasila will not to beIndonesia like that there is now and to future. Therefore, existence ofPancasila is the real need for insurance integration of nation and state ofIndonesia.
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Mahmood, Amna, Fouzia Munir, and Sharin Shajahan Naomi. "The Plight of a Nation without a State: An Analysis of the Struggle of Kurds for an Independent State." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 400–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.31.
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Struggle of the Kurds for an independent state can be considered to be one of the most challenging and most underestimated issue in the political analysis of Middle East. Kurd is the fourth largest ethnic group in this region with an estimated populace of 35 to 40 million who are dissipated among four states Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran separately. This study intends to examine the origin of Kurds, their political struggle, the factors that compelled Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) of Iraq to conduct referendum for Independence and reaction of all the four countries who share Kurdish population. By adopting exploratory and explanatory approaches and utilizing primary as well secondary data, it has been found that Kurdish struggle and its outcome have been influenced by multiple complex factors which led their conflict to an unresolved state. Our analysis concluded that the states need to realize that suppression of ethnic identities and voices of Kurds might appear to be solution for short time, but not in the long run for promoting peace and regional stability in the Middle-East.
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Surguladze, Vakhtang Sh, and Oksana V. Petrovskaya. "30 Years Without the USSR: State and Nation Building Processes in the Post-Soviet Space." Problemy natsional'noi strategii, no. 5 (2021): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.52311/2079-3359_2021_5_163.
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Hatchard, John. "Detention Without Trial and Constitutional Safeguards in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Law 29, no. 1 (1985): 38–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300005611.
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There comes a time during the life of almost every nation when situations arise which threaten its peace and security. At such a time the government may need to acquire certain additional powers to help it combat the danger and this is frequently achieved by the declaration of a state of emergency. This enables it to utilise wide-ranging emergency powers and in this situation national security and public order considerations are placed above the constitution. As a result, among the first casualties of an emergency proclamation are the guarantees of personal liberty and protection of the law which are often abrogated or at least severely curtailed.The use of detention without trial during periods of emergency has now become commonplace, particularly in developing countries, a point which is defended by President Nyerere of Tanzania on the grounds that:“Our Union has neither the long tradition of nationhood, nor the strong physical means of national security, which older countries take for granted. While the vast mass of people give full and active support to their country and its government, a handful of individuals can still put our nation in jeopardy, and reduce to ashes the efforts of millions.”The need for a nation to protect itself in this way cannot be denied and this is widely recognised. For example, Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) recognises the rights of governments
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Schlanger, Nathan. "‘If not for you’. The nation state as an archaeological context." Archaeological Dialogues 23, no. 1 (May 20, 2016): 48–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203816000088.
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AbstractRather than being bashed around in view of its contents, the nation state – or at least the ‘state’ part of this compound term – needs to be cherished for the context it provides. Without the state, instilling regulations, procedures and common purpose, archaeology will not really thrive. This is confirmed through an exemplary case study, namely the seemingly measured and consensual retrenchment of the state occurring in England over the past 25 years. A brief presentation of the structure of English archaeology serves to highlight the situation of each of its main sectors, commercial contractors, curators at local levels and national bodies. Recent changes at the last level, involving English Heritage Trust and Historic England, highlight the risks posed by state disengagement, by funding withdrawal and by the enforced commercialization of public services.
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Lehman, Kathryn. "Beyond Academia: Indigenous media as an intercultural resource to unlearn nation-state history." Revista Tempos e Espaços em Educação 10, no. 21 (March 15, 2017): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20952/revtee.v10i21.6330.
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This article proposes that settler communities cannot teach or understand our shared intercultural history without listening to ideas presented by Indigenous communities about their own history in lands currently occupied by modern nation- -states. This history enables us to understand the power of the ethnographic gaze and its relation to The Doctrine of Discovery (1493), which extinguished Indigenous rights to lands and resources, rights later transferred to the modern nation- -states through the legal notion of “eminent domain”. These rights include the ownership of intangibles such as the image and storytelling through photography and film. Maori scholars Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Barry Barclay and Merata Mita are cited on knowledge production, copyright and image sovereignty to decolonise our understanding of the right to self-representation. The study includes a brief analysis of films that help decolonise an ethnographic gaze at these relationships, particularly the Brazilian documentary “O Mestre e o Divino” by Tiago Campos Torre (2013).Keywords: Indigenous peoples. Nation-state history. Film. Self- -determination.
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Konishi, Sho. "Translingual World Order: Language without Culture in Post-Russo-Japanese War Japan." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 1 (February 2013): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812001751.
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This essay examines how Japanese Esperantism developed after the Russo-Japanese War in a manner that departed from the global Esperanto movement. Esperantists viewed Esperanto as a language that amplified the diversity of and symbolized equality between cultures. Esperanto was studied and discussed by elites and nonelites alike in noninstitutional spaces such as in rural homes and coffee shops, often at night, when institutions privileged by state and financial power had closed. By looking at these hidden space-times outside the realms of state guidance, we become privy to an imagination and practice of peace and world order that operated outside the institutions of the nation-state. The history of this movement offers us a rare window into a popular concept of world order in Asia.
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Okunev, I. Y., and D. V. Basova. "CAPITAL WITHOUT STATEHOOD: EMPIRICAL STUDIES IN STARAYA LADOGA, KASIMOV AND MYSHKIN." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(49) (August 28, 2016): 248–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-4-49-248-261.
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The article covers the concept of "capitaleness" and "geographical identity". Our research will make an attempt to analyze an institute of capitals at functional as well as symbolic levels. In that case capitals serve not only as a place to dispose the governmental bodies, but their functions include national representation to themselves and the environment. Capitals are the idealized image of nation and national history, a sort of nation in miniature. Interregional differentiation within a state through establishing and maintaining mental boundaries between center and periphery is the mechanism to detect the territories needing the support for preserving the compliance with national norms and, thereafter, maintaining stateness. Two major territorial bases of stateness are traditionally singled out: nation-building and threats to security or, in other words, mental boundaries marking of "Us" community and actualization of "Others". Contemporary political geography is turning to the study of the third mechanism - internal "Other". Two strategies are possible to prove that interregional differentiation is a mechanism of nation-building. Analysis of different discursive and institutional practices marginalizing regions would be logical. However such way leads us to the large number of cases differing from each other in the multitude of variables and, therefore, exclude generalization in the conclusions. Thereupon we consider it possible to address another strategy, such as the search for evidence that center is purposefully opposed to periphery and is given symbolic national and centrifugal functions as well as administrative ones. The existence of one dichotomic pole should confirm the existence of the opposite. There are three cases - of Staraya Ladoga, Myshkin and Kasimov - which interpret differently the peculiarities of geographical space. Besides, the authors give illustrative examples of the construction of the myth about "stolichnost" and describe the instruments of symbolic politics.
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Abdullah, Muhammad Amin. "KONTRIBUSI ILMU KALAM/FILSAFAT ISLAM DALAM PEMBANGUNAN KARAKTER BANGSA." Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Ushuluddin 13, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/jiu.v13i2.725.
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The trend of Islamic sciences in the future, especially kalam Science/Islamic philosophy is a religion sciences that haveto interact and dialogue with modern science, the social sciences and humanities. If scientific Kalam and IslamicPhilosophy felt enough with himself (al-muhafadzah ala al-qadim al-shlih), refusing to touch and connect with otherscientific (wa al-akhdz bi al- jadid al-ashlah), then there is no future can be expected, morever their contribution to thedevelopment of the nations character. This paper describes the themes of what is required to form the new religious(Islamic) worldview that can contribute to the development of the nations character. Islamic sciences requires freshijtihad to deal with the contemporary of life, it is not enough just to repeating the experience of the past without lookinghow the development of the present and the future. Past (al-turts) is still needed, but also needed a paradigm shifttowards the present (al-hadtsah) in view of the contemporary religious and solve problems, especially those related tothe issue of character development in the format state of the nation (nation-states).
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Fahmy, Khaled. "The Nation and Its Deserters: Conscription in Mehmed Ali's Egypt." International Review of Social History 43, no. 3 (December 1998): 421–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859098000236.
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“Could a Nation, in any true sense of the word, really be born without war?” Such was the question raised by Michael Howard, the eminent Oxford military historian in a public lecture delivered on the topic of “War and the Nation State”. Looking generally at European history in the past two centuries he argued that war was indeed central for the appearance of the modern nation-state and that modern armies are somehow intimately linked to the rise of nationalism. During the first half of the nineteenth century this argument could very well be applied to Egypt. Having been incorporated in the Ottoman Empire for more than two and a half centuries, Egypt, by the beginning the nineteenth century and mostly through an unprecedented war effort that was concurrent and often synonymous with state-building, had come to play an increasingly independent role on the international plane.
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Fraser, David. "To belong or not to belong: the Roma, state violence and the new Europe in the House of Lords." Legal Studies 21, no. 4 (November 2001): 569–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.2001.tb00181.x.
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Issues of national sovereignty and membership in the body politic are central to many current political and legal debates surrounding ‘New Britain’ and Europe. Traditional understandings of citizenship and belonging are grounded in the ideal of a territorially limited and defined nation state. In this article, I explore a series of judicial and political decisions surrounding the fate of Roma or Gypsies, both as claimants to refugee status in Britain, or as subjects of domestic legal controls. I argue that these decisions construct this nomadic Other as a fundamental danger and challenge to the coherence of the legally protected body politic of the nation state ‘Britain’. I argue that the deconstructive excess found in the construction of the Roma as dangerous nomads, without allegiance to a fixed and geographically delimited nation state, might contain the kernel for a possible re-imagining of the basis of our understandings of citizenship and belonging.
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Tijani, Achmad. "Ancestral Religious Recognition an Effort to Build Indonesia without Discrimination." Al-Albab 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v6i2.864.
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Samsul Ma’arif, Dynamics of Ancestral Religious Recognition in Religious Politics in Indonesia. Yogyakarta: CRCS UGM, 2017
Juridically Indonesia has identified itself as a religious country. An important element which states that it is manifested in Pancasila as the foundation of the state in the first principle, namely the belief in the oneness of God. The formalization of the element of belief in all of the nation's history is not a flawless one. One of the criticisms that is not taken seriously by most components of the nation is a derivative form of the first polarized first principle in the birth of official religions recognized by the state. Polarization is arguably very exclusive, which eventually, will deny the existence of other beliefs that grow in the community. As a consequence, there arises a pejorative narrative in all its forms to those outside the official state religions. Even the most unnecessary things happen, as violent acts which very likely result from the exclusive polarization.
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Kamiński, Antoni Z. "Etos dworu i „ludzi dobrze wychowanych”: epitafium dla inteligencji." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 62, no. 1 (March 26, 2018): 47–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2018.62.1.1.
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The article is devoted to a critical analysis of current controversies concerning the Polish national identity, and the interpretation of the impact of nobles’ democracy on the demise of the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth. It considers the role of national identity as a factor influencing civic culture and, therefore, determining its usefulness in assuring the proper functioning of the constitutional order. The analysis assumes that (1) the current global order is the product of the emergence of nation-states; (2) that a nation-state cannot exist without civil society grounded in the concept of national identity and patriotism. Patriotism is opposed here to nationalism; similarly, cosmopolitism is opposed to internationalism. Patriotism and cosmopolitism are compatible and imply an open-minded, inclusive attitude to different national identities. Both nationalism with its focus on superiority of one’s own nation, and internationalism — rejection of the nation-state in the name of an imaginary global, stateless community — are exclusive. These both exclusive postures present a threat to civil society.
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Frankenberg, Erica, Genevieve Siegel-Hawley, and Jia Wang. "Choice without Equity: Charter School Segregation." education policy analysis archives 19 (January 10, 2011): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v19n1.2011.
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The political popularity of charter schools is unmistakable. This article explores the relationship between charter schools and segregation across the country, in 40 states, the District of Columbia, and several dozen metropolitan areas with large enrollments of charter school students in 2007-08. The descriptive analysis of the charter school enrollment is aimed at understanding the enrollment and characteristics of charter school students and the extent to which charter school students are segregated, including how charter school segregation compare to students in traditional public schools. This article examines these questions at different levels, aggregating school-level enrollment to explore patterns among metropolitan areas, states, and the nation using three national datasets. Our findings suggest that charters currently isolate students by race and class. This analysis of recent data finds that charter schools are more racially isolated than traditional public schools in virtually every state and large metropolitan area in the nation. In some regions, white students are over-represented in charter schools while in other charter schools, minority students have little exposure to white students. Data about the extent to which charter schools serve low-income and English learner students is incomplete, but suggest that a substantial share of charter schools may not enroll such students. As charters represent an increasing share of our public schools, they influence the level of segregation experienced by all of our nation’s school children. After two decades, the promise of charter schools to use choice to foster integration and equality in American education has not yet been realized.
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Rahma, Azizatur, and Muhammad Nur Hanif. "RUANG DAN IDENTITAS DALAM CERPEN “KEMERDEKAAN” KARYA PUTU WIJAYA (Space and Identity in “Kemerdekaan” Short Story by Putu Wijaya)." Kandai 15, no. 1 (May 31, 2019): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.26499/jk.v15i1.1289.
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Kemerdekaan dapat menjadi sebuah konsep yang mengandung prasangka. Kemunculan prasangka tersebut bergantung pada identitas individu maupun kelompok. Identitas pun dipahami sebagai sebuah konstruksi ruang. Apabila kemerdekaan adalah milik suatu bangsa, maka semangat kolektivitas tersebut berupaya didekonstruksi dalam cerpen “Kemerdekaan” karya Putu Wijaya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui konstruksi ruang dan identitasserta terciptanya bangsa (nation) tanpa harus ada negara (nation-state) dalam cerpen tersebut. Sumber data berupa teks cerpen “Kemerdekaan”. Penelitian ini bersifat kualitatif dengan menggunakan metode analisis isi. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori ruang pascakolonial Sara Upstone. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ruang dan identitas pascakolonial dalam cerpen "Kemerdekaan” ditampilkan secara oposisional sebagaimana konsep dasar orientalisme. Ruang dalam sangkar beroposisi dengan ruang luar sangkar. Hal tersebut akhirnya memengaruhi prasangka atas konsep kemerdekaan; di satu sisi sebagai“pembuangan” (alienasi) dan di sisi lain sebagai kebersamaan. Selanjutnya, hasil dari kemerdekaan dapat pula berbentuk bangsa (nation) secara konseptual, tidak harus selalu (nation-state) secara material.(Independency can be a concept which contains the prejudice. The emergence of prejudice depends on individual or group identity. The identity is conceived as a part of space construction. If independency belongs to a nation, then the collectivity zeal is trying to be deconstructed within “Kemerdekaan” short story by Putu Wijaya. This study aims to know the construction of space and identity and the creation of nation without having to have a nation state in the short story. The data source of this study is ”Kemerdekaan” short story. The study is qualitative research and contains analysis method. The teory that used is spatial theory by Sara Upstone. The results of the study indicate that postcolonial space and identity in “Kemerdekaan” short story are displayed as oppositional, as basic orientalism concept. Space in a cage is an opposition of outside cage space. It affected prejudice over the concept of independence; on one hand as “exile” (alienation) and on the other hand as togetherness. Furthermore, the results of independence can also be in the form of a nation (nation) conceptually, not necessarily (nation-state) materially.)
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Gīthīnji, Mwangi wa, and Frank Holmquist. "Reform and Political Impunity in Kenya: Transparency without Accountability." African Studies Review 55, no. 1 (April 2012): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2012.0006.
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Abstract:Kenya has been going through a period of political reform since 1991, when section 2A of the constitution, which had made Kenya a de jure one-party state, was repealed. This reform followed a prolonged struggle on the part of citizens both inside and outside the country, and their call for democracy was one that, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, was embraced by Western countries. Via diplomatic pressure and conditionality on aid, Western donors played an important role in the repeal of section 2A, the return of multiparty elections, and the creation and reform of a number of political institutions and offices via a separation of powers. But although these changes were supported by the political opposition and much of civil society in Kenya, they did not rise organically from the national struggle over political power. Nor did these reforms lead to a determination in the country to hold the political elite accountable for their transgressions. This article argues that modern Kenya's history of economic and political inequality has resulted in a population whose very divisions make it difficult for politicians to be disciplined. Accountability has two dimensions: the horizontal accountability among branches of government that is assured by checks and balances, and the vertical accountability of the state to its citizens. Vertical accountability depends on a constituency of like-minded citizens defending broad national interests, or an electorate with a collective identity or set of identities attached to the Kenyan nation. But in the absence of such shared goals and demands, narrow personal and local interests prevail, and politicians remain unaccountable to the nation as a whole.
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Pears, Emily. "Visible States and Invisible Nation: Newspaper Coverage of Nineteenth-Century Lawmaking." Journal of Policy History 31, no. 3 (June 13, 2019): 354–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030619000113.
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Abstract:Researchers and the public alike have long recognized that in American politics visibility matters. To claim credit for policies, to recruit supporters, and to maintain democratic legitimacy, the lawmaking process must be visible to the American public. Yet little is known about how the public perceived the legislative process during the nineteenth century. This article uses systematic qualitative and quantitative analysis of newspapers in Baltimore, Maryland, Portland, Maine, and Charleston, South Carolina, to measure the comparative visibility of lawmaking at the state and federal levels between 1830 and 1880. The research demonstrates how analysis of newspaper coverage can be used to better understand public perceptions of state and federal lawmaking during time periods without polling data. The visibility of congressional lawmaking varied greatly from one state to the next, and competition for coverage between state legislatures and Congress remained strong across the country throughout the studied period.
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Kendzior, Sarah. "Redefining Religion: Uzbek Atheist Propaganda in Gorbachev-Era Uzbekistan." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 5 (November 2006): 533–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600952954.
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Much has been made in the social sciences of the ambiguity of nationalism in Central Asia, where not only the boundaries between republics but between nations, languages, and peoples were drawn by the Soviet state. The similar ambiguity of Central Asian religiosity, however, has remained largely ignored. Perhaps religiosity, unlike the more recent idea of nationalism, is considered too fixed a construct for the modern and artificially created states of Central Asia. The division of religions into specific sects, each with its own explicit doctrine and precepts, would seem to preclude definitional necessity. Yet in the 1980s it was religiosity, malleable and stubborn, which proved as essential to the decline of the Soviet Union as did nationalism. As a vital component of identity, religion can exist without any clergy, place of worship, or understanding of sacred text, much as a nation can exist without a state or a government. The illusory aspects of religion, the comforts and mystery of rite and ritual, are as difficult for a state to control as national sentiment, and often prove the impetus behind the latter.
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Arop, Lucy Obil, Effiom Effiom, Bassey Ekeng, Maria Enemeba Ngwu, and Prof Anthony Akpan. "Nation Building and Security Enhancement: The View of Comtemporary Counsellor." Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 7, no. 5 (May 27, 2022): 213–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sjhss.2022.v07i05.005.
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Nation-building is a developmental process of constructing or re-structuring a national identity using the state power which aimed at the unification of the people within the state so that it remains politically stable and viable in the long run. Nigeria and many other African countries have consistently and persistently pursued the ideal nation building and development plan designed to integrate the citizenry both at home and in diaspora as a means of fostering unity and all round development. Nigeria as a nation, continues to develop integral policies and framework for short, medium and long term development plans of nation-building with conscious efforts to ensure peace, prosperity and security of lives and property. Against this backdrop, this review paper examined the role(s) of political elites, the academia and the collective struggle in the overall project of building the nation called Nigeria. This paper focuses on the need to ensure peace in Nigeria through conscious nation building programmes of successive administrations in Nigeria. Information were sourced from books and journal articles, and was content analyzed in relation to the scope of the paper. The paper concludes that without peace and effective leadership provision, no nation-building is achievable. The paper concluded by admonishing the government at the centre to development policies and implement programmes that would cater for all ethnic groups and her citizenry.
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DROLET, JEAN-FRANÇOIS. "Nietzsche, Kant, the democratic state, and war." Review of International Studies 39, no. 1 (July 12, 2012): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000204.
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AbstractThis article offers a reconstruction of Nietzsche's critique of Kant's scheme for perpetual peace distilled from his life-long confrontation with Kant's critical philosophy. Through this reading strategy, it sheds light on Nietzsche's controversial and yet surprisingly under-researched reflections on the problem of conflict and war in human affairs. Although Nietzsche embraced many of the basic premises of Kant's critical philosophical project, he considered the ethico-political conclusions Kant drew from these to be both irrational and nihilistic. From Nietzsche's perspective, Kant's thoughts on politics and International Relations rest on a fundamental misunderstanding of the phenomena of agency, statehood, and war that elides both the tragic relationship between politics and culture, and the violence which Nietzsche believes to be latent in all attempts at reconciling individual with collective autonomy. According to Nietzsche, Kant's influential association between liberal republicanism, freedom, and peace contributed unwittingly in ushering in the cult of the nation-state, which Nietzsche warned would engulf Europe into a wholly new kind of organised violence in the coming decades. Although clearly not without their uncritical assumptions and hubristic tendencies, Nietzsche's reflections on war and peace draw attention to some of the more insidious risks and difficulties attending liberal attempts at accommodating cosmopolitan values and principles within the framework of the modern nation state.
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Keles, Janroj Yılmaz. "Digital Diaspora and Social Capital." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 9, no. 3 (2016): 315–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00903004.
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The Internet and its applications, such as social media, have revolutionized the way stateless diasporas communicate transnationally. This new virtual, deterritorialized conversation between diasporic individuals contributes to building (digital) social networks which constitute resources and opportunities for diasporas, central to social and geographical mobility. This paper explores the role of the Internet in connecting diasporas without a home nation-state, encouraging subordinated people to participate in civic society and creating a collective source of digital social capital in the diaspora. I argue that the Internet, particularly social media, contributes to the growth of social networks, social capital and the community’s cultural and political participation within and across nation-state borders.
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Albintani, Muchid. "PANCASILA DAN IDENTITAS KE-INDONESIA-AN: Sebuah Catatan Krisis." Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 16, no. 2 (September 30, 2018): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35967/jipn.v16i2.5825.
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The term there is no legislation under development of Pancasila as the basis of the state, but theposition of Pancasila is unshakeable. The anti-Pancasila attitude must also be anti-diversity that can live as a nation and a state [national crises]. Without affirmation or not in the legislation, Pancasila is the ‘foundation and ideology of the state’. Based on the fact that there is irrelevant when the question arises, whether Pancasila is still needed as the basis of state and nation, or is Pancasila still needed as a source of national law that explicitly needs to be affirmed into the1945 Constitution and the sanctions of Pancasila tabulatively? This paper is an assertion of [reinforcement] of the Pencasila as an ideology into the 1945 Constitution or not, highly dependent on the winning electoral regime and the ‘election-winning political party’. Pancasila as ‘the foundation and ideology of the state’ becomes the determinant of ‘as close as the regime of the results of the practice of direct democracy’. Therefore, the affirmation of the essentials in building a lasting and harmonious life of fellow children of the nation in the future. Recognizing the reintroduction of the Indonesia’s identity of essence of Pancasila as the ideology of nation and state is based on ‘national consensus’. This awareness is resilient, so that a country that has been established for more than 73 years does not experience an identity crisis.