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1
Peristianis, Nicos. "Between nation and state : nation, nationalism, state, and national identity in Cyprus." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2008. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6485/.
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This thesis is a study of the emergence and diachronic development of Greek-Cypriot nationalism, and its relation to nation, state, and national identities. The broad perspective of historical sociology is used, and the more specific neo-Weberian analytic framework of cultural transformation and social closure, as developed by A. Wimmer, to demonstrate how nationalism, as the 'axial principle' along which modem societies structure inclusion and exclusion, did not lead to the development of a Cypriot nation state, but to a bi-ethnic national state instead; this was mainly because closure took place along ethnic and not national lines, for socio-historical reasons which the study examines. The study first explores the hotly debated issue 'when is the nation', of whether there was a Greek nation in antiquity, of which Greek-Cypriots were a part, or whether the nation's roots are traceable in Medieval times. Next, the development of national consciousness and nationalism is considered, under three different types of regime: During Ottoman rule, a religious community was gradually transformed into an ethnic community; toward the end of this period, Ottoman reforms did not manage to forge a common new (Ottomanist) identity, for social closure had already progressed along ethnic lines. In early British colonial years, ethnicity was politicized and ethnic consciousness gradually turned into a nationalist mass movement for enosis; despite the overall unity of the movement, two variants of nationalism developed, a more traditional ethnic version, characterizing the Right, and another version, imbued with territorial/civic elements (derived from the Internationalist outlook of the communist party), characterizing the Left The anti-colonial struggle for enosis was led by the Right, and excluded the Left and the Turkish-Cypriots. The fragile consociational regime established at independence collapsed after a brief period of cohabitation between the Greeks and Turks of the island in the bi-ethnic / bi-communal Republic of Cyprus - the study analyses the causes leading to the breakdown. Between 1964 and 67, the Greek-Cypriots turned to enosis again, but after realizing the difficulties and dangers involved in its pursuance, Makarios sought to strengthen independence instead, while limiting the powers of Turkish-Cypriots - in effect, aiming for a majoritarian regime with minority rights for the latter. The clash between pro-independence and pro-enosis versions of nationalism was to characterize this period, leading to the coup and invasion of 1974. With the death of enosis in 1974, Hellenocentric nationalism would give more emphasis to Greek culture and identity, whereas Cyprocentric nationalism would stress the priority of Cyprus, the state, and of rapprochement with the Turkish-Cypriots. The study utilizes data from two surveys coordinated by the author, to analyze in more depth the attitudes and discourses of Greek-Cypriots as regards their relations to the Greek nation and the Cypriot state. The gradual strengthening of Cypriot identity is seen to be connected with a new social compromise, which seems to have prevailed within the Greek-Cypriot community, stressing the importance of the Greek-Cypriot state, and which seems to be the primary explanation of why the Greek-Cypriots rejected the federal solution suggested by the UN sponsored Annan Plan, in 2004. In the same year, Cyprus became a member of the European Union, and the study considers some of the implications of this development for the future of nationalism in Cyprus.
2
Töpperwien, Nicole. "Nation-state and normative diversity /." Basel : Helbing & Lichtenhahn, 2002. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38979279g.
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Harty, Siobhán. "Disputed state, contested nation : republic and nation in interwar Catalonia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0027/NQ50182.pdf.
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Goodrich, Claire. "Texas Politics in State and Nation." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1212.
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This thesis analyzes a gradual political transformation in Texas during the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. It specifically analyzes the political climate following the 2014 Midterm Elections by using the valuable context of past Texas political history. In spite of the massive setbacks of the 2014 election cycle, the Democratic Party may actually have a bright future in the state of Texas. Demographic and economic trends provide the party with an opportunity to make steady gains. But such progress will not happen automatically: Democrats have to run candidates and take positions that appeal to the emerging Texas electorate.
5
Hofmann, Anna. "Securitising the state and the nation?" Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät III, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/16172.
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Polen wird in Westeuropa häufig als ein Land wahrgenommen, in dem Sicherheitsfragen eine im Vergleich zu den faktischen Bedrohungen unverhältnismäßig große Bedeutung zugemessen wird. Gleichzeitig klagt es aber über das gegenseitige Nichtverstehen: Der „außenstehende Westeuropäer“ sei in seiner unwissenden Perspektive nicht in der Lage, die wahren Gründe für das ausgeprägte polnische Sicherheitsdenken zu durchschauen. Die Arbeit ist darauf ausgerichtet, Einblick in das Innere der polnischen Sicherheitspolitik zu gewähren. Sie untersucht die sicherheitspolitische Sinnbildung und den Stellenwert von Sicherheit in der Außenpolitik, um festzustellen, dass die Konstruktion der Sicherheit in Polen auf historische, kulturelle und politische Referenzen zurückgreift, denen häufig ein symbolischer Wert zugeschrieben wird. In theoretischer Hinsicht greift die Studie auf Überlegungen aus der Außenpolitikforschung und den Security Studies zurück. Sie nimmt den Gedanken auf, dass die Außenpolitik auf einem gesellschaftlich konstruierten Deutungssystem basiert, das die Grenzen des politisch Möglichen bestimmt und verwendet einen diskursiven Begriff der „Sicherheit“. Sie baut auf den Erkenntnissen konstruktivistisch und kritisch geprägter Ansätze aus der sicherheitspolitischen Forschung der „Kopenhagener Schule“ um Ole Wæver und Barry Buzan auf, die in Form der Theorie der securitization zusammengefasst wurden. Die Dissertation präsentiert Ergebnisse einer diskursanalytischen Untersuchung öffentlicher Debatten über die Außenpolitik, die in Polen in den Jahren 1999-2006 geführt wurden. Untersucht wurden zwei Sektoren von Sicherheit: die Konstruktion der politischen Sicherheit in den Narrationen über Russland und den Westen sowie die Konstruktion der gesellschaftlichen Sicherheit innerhalb des Europadiskurses. Als Ergebnis entsteht zum einen ein Überblick über die diskursiven Mechanismen und Ressourcen, die die Artikulation von Sicherheitsinteressen sowie ihre Legitimierung in der Öffentlichkeit ermöglichen. Zum anderen stellt die Analyse unterschiedliche Wirkungsmechanismen im Zusammenspiel zwischen der Nationalisierung und der Transnationalisierung fest, was die verbreitete Sicht differenziert, dass Transnationalisierung in Polen automatisch als eine Gefahr wahrgenommen wird.<br>Poland is often perceived in Western Europe as a country which attaches much more importance to security issues than its real threats demand. At the same time it complains of mutual non-understanding: the outsiders from Western Europe are blamed for not being able to see through the good reasons for the pronounced polish security thinking. The study aims at allowing an insight in the internal logic of the polish security policy. It analyses how meaning is constructed in the security policy and which importance security will be attached to security in the foreign policy in order to realize that the construction of security in Poland uses historical, cultural and political references with symbolic value. The theoretical framework of the study is based on Foreign Policy Analysis and Security Studies. It incorporates the idea that the foreign policy is grounded on a socially constructed meaning system that determines the limits of political opportunities and employs a discursive definition of security. It follows the constructivist and critical approaches in the Security Studies, especially the theory of securitization by Ole Wæver and Barry Buzan from the Copenhagen School. The dissertation presents the results of the discourse analysis which investigates the public debates on foreign policy from 1999 till 2006. It analyses two sectors of security: the construction of the political security in the narration about Russia and the West as well as the construction of the societal security within the discourse about Europe. As a fist result emerges an overview of mechanisms and resources that enable the articulation of security interests and their public legitimation. As a second outcome the study ascertains diverse mechanisms in the interaction between nationalization and transnationalization, which differentiates the general opinion stating that the transnationalization is perceived in Poland automatically as a threat.
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Andreescu, Florentina Carmen. "Transition, Nation, State, and Structure of Fantasy." Scholarly Repository, 2010. http://scholarlyrepository.miami.edu/oa_dissertations/413.
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This research aims to make evident the importance of films serving as a relevant arena for political struggles within a society, struggles that concern highly important concepts such as the nation and the state. This goal is accomplished by building upon the theory of cinematic nationhood and using the method of relational constructivism combined with insight from Lacanian psychoanalytic theory. The research regards films as forms of communication as well as forms of fantasy. The case this research focuses on is Romania. The case was selected because for a certain period of time the myths of nation and state had been strongly embedded-or nested-- within the social contexts-or commonplaces--specific to Marxism, namely work, equality, and the bourgeois enemy, followed by a swift and radical social discourse change that triggered changes within the topography of commonplaces. The films analyzed represent these changes in order to understand the specific ways in which the myth of nation and state are reflected within films produced during radical economic, social, and political transformations. This research reveals that, despite the social, economic, and political upheavals from the pre- to post-transition eras, the underlying national structure of fantasy remained remarkably unchanged, while the nation and the state changed their social relevance with changes in their position occupied within the structure of fantasy.
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Boikhutso, Keene. "Ethnic identity in a 'Homogeneous' Nation State." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/7768.
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This thesis adopts a two thronged approach to explore the two components of the common wisdom in Botswana. Firstly, it tests the claim by the common wisdom that Botswana is inherently homogeneous. That 90% of the population either speaks Setswana or belongs to Setswana speaking tribes. Secondly, it tests the fact that this perceived homogeneity connect to the country&amp;amp;acirc;s democratic, economic and political success. The study uses existing Afrobarometer survey data drawn from Rounds 1 (1999), 2 (2003) and 3 (2005) Afrobarometer survey data to test both claims about Botswana&amp;amp;acirc;s homogeneity thesis. The findings of this study reveal that the first part of the common wisdom is confirmed especially when using language &amp;amp;acirc;spoken most at home.&amp;amp;acirc;However, it is disconfirmed when using &amp;amp;acirc;home language.&amp;amp;acirc; It is also shown that when using tribe (a putatively objective) and social identity (a more subjective) dimension of ethnicity, the level of ethnic diversity in Botswana is much higher than the common wisdom suggests. This is more apparent when language and tribe are broken down according to district and rural-urban location. It seems that minority groups are distributed across and also concentrated in certain parts of the country. With regard to the second part of the common wisdom, the results point out that difference in language, tribe and social identity exist. However, these are not politicized and not aligned with key political factors of national identity, interpersonal trust, political participation, voting and government legitimacy. There are no important politically relevant cleavages structures in Botswana. This study concludes by proposing that, it may be this lack of politicization of identity, rather than the putative homogeneity of the country, that accounts for Botswana&amp;amp;acirc;s record of development and democracy.
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Hagen, Achim. "Global Climate Policy Beyond Nation-State Actors." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/19547.
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Internationale Kooperation zur Vermeidung von gefährlichem anthropogenen Klimawandel erweist sich als sehr komplex. Viele Schwierigkeiten, ein verbindliches internationales Abkommen mit ausreichenden Reduktionszielen zu erreichen, sind augenscheinlich und werden in bestehender ökonomischer Literatur ausführlich diskutiert. Es entstehen allerdings stetig neue Ansätze und Ideen um Klimakooperation zu fördern. Diese Arbeit untersucht neue Wege der internationalen Klimakooperation und erweitert den Horizont der spieltheoretischen Forschung zu internationalen Umweltabkommen um Ansätze aus der Global Governance, politischen Ökonomie und Außenhandelspolitik. Zudem wird die Übertragbarkeit spieltheoretischer Erkenntnisse aus der Forschung zum Klimaschutz für die transnationale Klimaanpassung diskutiert. Die Arbeit fundiert in großen Teilen auf analytisch-spieltheoretischer Modellierung. In der zu Grunde liegenden Spielstruktur entscheiden Länder anfangs, ob sie einer internationalen Koalition beitreten oder nicht. Anschließend wählen die Koalitionsmitglieder ihr Emissionsniveau in einem Spiel zwischen der Koalition und den Nichmitgliedern. In diesem Analyserahmen wird die Option mehrerer gleichzeitig parallel existierender Klimaklubs auf ihr Potenzial zur Verbesserung der Zusammenarbeit und Emissionsminderung untersucht. Darüber hinaus wird der Einfluss von politischen Interessengruppen (Lobbys), die die Interessen von Industrie und Umweltverbänden vertreten, auf die Stabilität internationaler Umweltabkommen analysiert. Dies geschieht durch eine politökonomische Ergänzung des Grundmodells. Die Eignung von Handelssanktionen als Mittel zur Förderung der internationalen Kooperation für den Klimaschutz wird ebenfalls in einem analytischen Model untersucht und die Auswirkungen dieser Maßnahmen anschließend in einem angewandten allgemeinen Gleichgewichtsmodell quantifiziert.<br>International cooperation to avoid dangerous anthropogenic climate change has proven to be very hard to achieve. The difficulties to reach a binding international agreement with sufficient reduction targets are evident and extensively discussed in the economic literature.
Nevertheless, new ideas towards cooperation are evolving. This thesis offers an exploration
of new avenues to international climate cooperation, widening the scope of game theoretic
research on international environmental agreements towards global governance literature, political economy and trade. It also extends the potential applicability of the findings from the game theoretic literature on international environmental agreements for climate change mitigation as it discusses potential insights for cases of transnational climate adaptation.
The analysis is based on analytical theoretical modelling, using a game theoretical model in which countries first choose between joining and not joining an international coalition. Then
the coalition members choose their level of emissions cooperatively in a game between the
coalition and the outsiders.
It includes the possibility of multiple parallel climate clubs, focusing on their potential to enhance cooperation and emissions abatement. Further, the influence of political pressure
groups (lobbies) that represent the interests of the industry and environmentalists on the stability of international environmental agreements is examined. This is done by augmenting the basic model of international environmental agreements with a politico-economic model of political contributions. The potential of trade sanctions to induce international cooperation for climate protection is assessed in an analytical model and the effects of these trade measures are then quantified in a static multi-region, multi-sector computable general equilibrium model of globaltrade and energy.
9
Ferguson, Bennie Lee. "What is a nation: The micronationalist challenge to traditional concepts of the nation-state." Thesis, Wichita State University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10057/2410.
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While primarily concerned with questions of legitimacy, particularly in regard to issues such
as sovereignty, recognition, and autonomy as they relate to diminutive nationalistic entities
(otherwise known as “micronations”), this work also seeks to resolve definitional concerns
associated with the concept of “nationalism”in general. In an attempt to simultaneously realize
these objectives, the “micronationalist”phenomenon has been examined in light of academic and
legal research, particularly in connection with traditional international law.
Research for this project entailed consultation of a variety of secondary scholarly sources,
including books, journals, and “online”material. Primary sources included direct personal
communication with the heads of state of various “micronationalist”entities. The governments
of these states also provided material concerning political, cultural, sociological, military, and
economic developments associated with their nations.
Where “micronations”specifically are concerned, the motivations of those who establish
them are found to be divergent in the extreme. Also, even though “micronationalism”is often
associated with the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, such states have existed since antiquity.
Their relationships with larger, more powerful, traditional nations have typically been
characterized by disputes over the aforementioned issues of sovereignty, recognition, and
autonomy.
It was concluded that “nationalism”itself (or, more specifically, “nationhood”) is at best an
ambiguous and nebulous term. There is an absence of consensus within both the legal and
academic communities regarding this issue, as well as among the governments of traditional
nations, leading to the current proliferation of “micronationalist”states.<br>Thesis (M.A.)--Wichita State University, College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History
10
Garcia, Colleen Elizabeth. "Regulating nation-state cyber attacks in counterterrorism operations." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FGarcia.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Combating Terrorism: Policy and Strategy))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Denning, Dorothy ; Russell, James. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Cyber attack, international law, China, Russia, United States, al Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, FARC, Botnet, worm, virus, malicious code, hack, jus in bello, jus ad bellum, Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC), laws of war, counterterrorism operations (CT), cyber strategy, military strategy, foreign policy, national policy, use of force, armed attack, enforcement, evaluation Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-60). Also available in print.
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Kostagiannis, Konstantinos. "Realist conceptualisations of power and the nation-state." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/15859.
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This thesis is a project of intellectual history which focuses on the development of notions of power and the nation-state in realist thought. The main aim of the thesis is to offer a comprehensive account of how different conceptions of power in the work of various realist thinkers influence their perceptions of the nation-state. Although both power and the state are considered as central to realism, their connection has not been adequately discussed and remains largely implicit. The thesis aims at illuminating such a connection. The authors under examination are both key realist thinkers and representative of the diversity of realist thought as well as of the development from classical to structural realism. As such, the thesis focuses on the works of E.H. Carr, H. Morgenthau (as classical realists), J. Herz (as a transitional figure) and J. Mearsheimer (as a structural realist). The thesis engages with each realist’s theory in a three-step process. First, it analyses their conceptualisation of power and the role it plays in their ontological and epistemological assumptions. Then, using that conceptualisation of power as a starting point, it discusses its impact on the way the realist under examination understood the nation-state. Finally, the way the aforementioned realists engaged with the foreign policies of given nation-states is employed as an illustration of their theoretical framework. The thesis identifies a close interplay between power and the nation-state in all realists examined. Power plays a central role in each realist’s ontology and as such influences profoundly the way they conceptualised the nation-state. The latter can thus be approached as a manifestation of power which is unfixed in time. The realists examined approach the state as a historically conditioned entity. As such, it is argued that it is power that constitutes the core analytical category of realism rather than the state whose very conception is dependent upon that of power. In terms of the development of realism, a process of gradual narrowing down of the concept of power from classical to structural approaches is observed. The multifaceted conception of power advanced by early realists is abandoned in favour of an approach which understands power as material capabilities. While this approach is compatible with a scientific vision of politics as manifested after the second debate it reduces significantly realism’s analytical purchase both in understanding power and the nation-state. This is evident in the precarious balance that neorealists have to attain when theorising nationalism, the ideological corollary of the nation-state, which can more fully be accounted for by classical realists. Finally, by removing power from the field of epistemology, structural variants of realism lack the reflexivity of earlier realists and as such find it difficult to engage in foreign policy debates without compromising the core assumptions of their theory. The thesis is structured as follows: In the introduction, the thesis is put in the context of existing literature on realism and the way questions of power and the nation-state have been addressed in the past. Questions of methodology and selection of authors are also addressed in the introduction. The following four chapters are dedicated to analysing the theories of the selected realists. The concluding section summarises the findings and main argument of the thesis.
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Garner, Michael Wilson Jr. "Nation State Threat Actions Against Critical Energy Infrastructures." Thesis, Utica College, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10686214.
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<p> The purpose of this capstone project was to examine vulnerabilities of the Energy Industry that could be exploited by Nation State Threat Actors and the impact as a result of a cyber-attack. The research questions were developed to identify key areas of concern as they relate to our nation’s most critical infrastructure. This study explored what systems are currently being deployed within U.S. power grids and what response plans exist in the event of a cyber-attack against those systems. It included an investigation on how an Internet of Things device can be exploited and leveraged against current U.S. power grids and what Nation States pose potential threats. This study looked at a history of attacks against foreign energy infrastructure and examined the analysis that were done after those attacks. Those findings were then compared to existing systems used within the U.S. Energy Industry. The literature review process examined the current U.S. power grid system design, response plans to cyber-attacks on power grids, Nation States that could be identified as potential threats against the U.S. power grids and other critical infrastructures. The findings of this project found that the reality of a cyber-attack against the Energy Industry is not only possible but is probable.</p><p>
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Sokolowski, Asaf Zeev. "A breakdown of cosmopolitanism : self, state and nation." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/2647.
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In this study in political theory I challenge the way in which national identity and liberalism are traditionally counterposed, by arguing that this opposition does not of existence rooted in time and space. On the proposed understanding, Locke’s position is a reaction to Hobbes’s demand for the complete surrender of individual particularity in exchange for an immutable state of perfect stability. It is argued that Locke appreciates the requirement of stability for generating future-oriented motivations in individuals, but exhibits a more humble approach to the human capacity to rule its own existence. The unbound autonomy to take charge of reality that Hobbes grants to humanity is replaced by a constrained ability to administer its existence within the corporeal confines of time and space. It is argued that the timespace constraints that Locke insists are metaphysically inherent to humankind, conflict with the boundary-free assumptions of cosmopolitanism. Conversely, it is maintained, Hobbes’s radical argument for dislodging humankind from spatiotemporal constraints serves as a platform for a cosmopolitan outlook, albeit a markedly authoritarian one. obtain in the work of one of the key figures in liberal thought, John Locke. This controversial assertion is supported by arguing that the conventional reading of Locke is tainted by Hobbesean preconceptions. Rejecting the view that Locke builds upon, or enhances, Hobbes’s position, this thesis instead maintains that Locke is replying to, and moreover divorcing himself from Hobbes. Thus Locke’s stance is portrayed as a distinctive and far more substantial contribution to political theory than he has traditionally been credited with. Furthermore, the distancing of Locke from Hobbes serves to expose the roots of the misconception of Locke’s political thought as a precursor of, and foundation for, a boundary-free cosmopolitanism. It is argued here that Locke’s political theory has become entangled with Hobbes’s due to a lack of attention to the formative relation between metaphysics and politics in their thought. This has obscured the metaphysical foundation of the social problem they are attempting to resolve, reducing it to the language of a clash of conflicting interests, so that the difference between their political prescriptions is presumed merely to echo the different degrees of potential conflict they observe, rather than being a substantive difference. The conventional framing of such conflict as a security problem, a concern for the harm of one’s person and possessions, is replaced here with that of an insecurity problem: an anxiety about the inability to identify regular rules that attach attributes, including possessions, to persons. In social terms, the future having not been secured, it cannot be trusted to connect with the past and present in a continuum. On the interpretation proposed here, Locke and Hobbes offer radically different measures for the artificial generation of this ‘continuum’. Their divergence concerns the degree of control they assume political solutions can exert over the social parallel of the metaphysical ‘continuum’ problem. It is maintained that Hobbes proposes to reverse the causes of anxiety about the future by artificially generating a constant environment, detached from the fluctuations inherent to a mode.
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Chernilo, Daniel. "Sociology and the nation-state : beyond methodological nationalism." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3656/.
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The equation between society and the nation-state in sociology has been subject to severe criticisms in recent times. This equation has been given the name of ‘methodological nationalism’ and is underpinned by a reading of the history of sociology in which the discipline’s key concept, society, and modernity’s major sociopolitical referent, the nation-state, allegedly converge. At the critical level, my thesis argues that this is too restrictive a view of the history of the discipline and at the positive level it reconstructs the conventional version of sociology’s canon in relation to nation-states. The first part of the thesis surveys the main trends in the current sociological mainstream, reviews the rise of the critique of methodological nationalism and establishes a distinction between a referential and a regulative role of the idea of society in sociology. The body of the thesis constructs a history of the sociology of the nation-state in its classical (K. Marx, M. Weber and E. Durkheim), modernist (T. Parsons and historical sociology) and cosmopolitan (U. Beck and M. Castells) moments. As an essay on the history of sociology, this thesis seeks to uncover how the conceptual ambivalences of sociology reflect the actual ambivalences in the position and legacy of nation-states in modernity.
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Janse, van Rensburg Thelma. "Framed communities : translating the State of the Nation." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80266.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Every year, the South African President delivers a State of the Nation Address. This speech
provides him with the opportunity to raise his opinion on the current state of affairs in the
country. As can be expected, the country's different media channels then report extensively
on the speech. These reports can, however, be regarded as much more than simple
commentaries on the speech – they are in fact, reframed versions of the speech that affect
and shape the opinions and ideologies of their readers. These media channels also provide
the perfect vehicles through which links can be established between citizens to support their
belief that they form part of an established community (Bielsa and Bassnett 2009:33).
Wherever communication is present or necessary, it is impossible to escape the process or
effect of framing, as framing implies “‘how speakers mean what they say’” (Tannen and
Wallat, 1993:60; in Baker, 2006:105). Therefore, the presence and effects of framing should
not be ignored, instead, translation scholars should be aware of framing and how this
process affects translated texts. Mona Baker introduced the idea that the translated and
reformulated narratives that we are exposed to constitute the everyday stories that shape
the way we perceive reality (Baker 2006:3). By studying these translated versions of the
speech one can gain insight into the ideologies of the intended target readership (Bielsa and
Bassnett 2009:10). In the ever-growing field of Translation Studies it is important to focus on finding an
approach that provides enough freedom for scholars to elaborate on existing approaches
and include new findings and results. This thesis focuses on the narrative approach and
explores Baker's views by taking a deeper look at rewritten versions of the SONA in the
shape of newspaper articles. It also suggests that this approach has the potential to provide
scholars with a much-needed framework.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Elke jaar gee die President van Suid-Afrika ʼn staatsrede waarin hy sy mening lug oor die
huidige stand van sake in die land. Dit is te verwagte dat die verskillende mediakanale dan
breedvoerig oor hierdie toespraak verslag lewer. Hierdie verslae is egter veel meer as
eenvoudige kommentaar op die President se toespraak, hulle is in effek, hergekonstrueerde
weergawes van die toespraak, wat sodoende deel van ʼn nuwe raamwerk uitmaak – ʼn
raamwerk wat ʼn belangrike rol speel in die vorming van lesers se menings en ideologieë.
Hierdie mediakanale bied ook die perfekte mediums om kommunikasie tussen die
onderskeie lede van ʼn gemeenskap in werking te stel sodat hulle sal glo dat hulle deel vorm
van ʼn gevestigde gemeenskap (Bielsa en Bassnett 2009:33).
Waar kommunikasie ter sprake is, is dit onmoontlik om die proses van herskrywing te vermy,
aangesien die plasing van inligting in ʼn nuwe raam verwant is aan “‘hoe sprekers bedoel wat
hulle sê’” (Tannen en Wallat, 1993:60; in Baker, 2006:105). Dus moet die effek van
herskrywing nie onderskat word nie; inteendeel, vertalers moet bewus wees van die
implikasies daarvan en hoe dit vertaalde tekste beïnvloed. Mona Baker het vorendag
gekom met die idee dat die manier waarop ons realiteit waarneem, beïnvloed word deur die
vertaalde en herskryfde narratiewe waaraan ons elke dag blootgestel word (2006:3).
Vertalings word spesifiek geskep met die doellesers in gedagte, daarom kan verdere insig
oor die ideologieë van die doellesers verkry word deur hierdie vertalings verder te bestudeer
(Bielsa en Bassnett 2009:10). In die steeds groeiende veld van vertaalteorie, is dit belangrik om ʼn benadering te vind wat
kenners genoeg vryheid toelaat om bestaande teorieë uit te brei en nuwe resultate en
bevindings tot die vertaalwetenskap te kan byvoeg. Hierdie studie bestudeer dus Baker se
argumente en die impak van ʼn narratiewe benadering op vertaalteorie deur te fokus op
herskrywings van die staatsrede in die vorm van koerantberigte. Dit suggereer ook dat
hierdie narratiewe benadering van herskrywing deur inligting binne ʼn nuwe raam te plaas,
die potensiaal het om aan wetenskaplikes ʼn nuwe teoretiese ondersoekbasis te bied.
16
Chen, Qi. "Empire, nation-state, and the globalisation of aestheticism." Thesis, University of London, 2011. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.549572.
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Muranovic, Azra. "A Straitjacket Peave Agreement : A Study on Nation-Building and Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48655.
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This master’s thesis is a result of research conducted during six weeks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the contribution of the Dayton peace agreement to process of nation building in Bosnia has become counter productive as it contains elements of both nation-state and state-nation foundation. The study strives to understand the question of identity and how people in Bosnia view themselves and Others, and how they view the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in combination with the Dayton peace agreement. Qualitative methods such as semi-structured and focused interviews as well as participatory and direct observations built the base for the data collection. The hermeneutic method is used as an approach to comprehend and to handle the findings. As my personal background contains pre-understandings of the chosen topic, I have chosen to use them throughout the research instead of ignoring them as the objective of this study is not to come to a final response of this topic, but instead to bring forward an alternative angle of the identified problem. The result of this study indicates that people in Bosnia and Herzegovina tend to identify in terms of ethno-national identity groups primarily where religion and territory have a decisive role in shaping identity, while a common Bosnian identity has fallen behind. It also reveals that the Dayton peace agreement damages the idea of a common Bosnian identity and questions the idea of Bosnia all together. This research suggests that a nation-state bottom-up process in Bosnia is little perceptible, due to the lack of a common Bosnian identity. The results from this study indicate that Bosnia does not fit the state-nation definition, nor the nation-state definition for several reasons while both state-nation and nation-state building are visible on regional levels. The Dayton peace agreement has initiated a very difficult political situation with extremely complex state structures and limited possibilities for change. The ethno-national division of three, and the constitutive tying of particular groups to specific territories, has hampered both the societal and political situation in Bosnia.
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Hue, Ka-keung, and 許家強. "A comparison of national integration in Malaysia and Indonesia: political and social dimensions." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1996. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951326.
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Abu-Laban, Yasmeen M. (Yasmeen Mayya) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "The nation-state in an era of regionalism and globalization; a comparative study of the politics of migration in the United States and France." Ottawa, 1995.
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20
Baishya, Amit Rahul. "Rewriting-nation state: borderland literatures of India and the question of state sovereignty." Diss., University of Iowa, 2010. http://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1120.
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This project studies the paradoxical juxtaposition of the modern nation-state's guarantee of life and security to its citizenry, along with the spectacular (encounter killings, torture chambers and cells) and banal (border control practices, population policies) forms through which it exercises the power over life and death in the sphere of everyday life in particular borderland areas. I argue that a study of exceptional locales like India's eastern borderlands elaborates the paradox of state sovereignty in two ways: first, it illustrates that so-called "margins," like colonies and borderlands, are necessary for the institution of modern state sovereignty, and second, it enables a critical scrutiny of the function of forms of violence as essential tools of modern governmentality. India's eastern borderlands are a crucial locale for such an inquiry because they lie at the crossroads of the three area-studies formations of South, Southeast and East Asia. The institutionalization of the official borders of the nation-states that rim this region--India, China, Myanmar, Bangladesh and Bhutan--are comparatively recent historical developments. Specters of pre-nation-statist spatial connections still survive in the region, and often come into conflict with modern state technologies such as citizenship laws and statutes regulating cross-border socioeconomic contacts among people. The central focus of my project is on post-1980 Anglophone and local language literary fictions by Amitav Ghosh, Siddhartha Deb, Parag Das and Raktim Xarma. These fictions demonstrate how the eastern borderlands are figured in popular Indian discourse as a "state of nature" that occupy a position of being both inside the rationalized territorial body of the nation-state and outside the regime of normalized law and order. Focusing on figures as diverse as bureaucrats, army officials, journalists, guerrillas and refugees (among others), they show how socio-historical changes over a longue durée, and the practices and policies employed by the state apparatus, coalesce to produce new modalities of subjectivity and politics in these zones of exception in the Indian nation-state.
21
Meyer-Schwarzenberger, Matthias. "Nation-, State- und Capacity-building Modernisierungstendenzen im postmodernen Kontext? /." St. Gallen, 2006. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/02669539001/$FILE/02669539001.pdf.
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Mandelbaum, Moran M. "State, nation and the congruent society fantasy : a genealogy." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.616642.
Full textAbstract:
Nationalism is primarily a political principle, which holds that the political and the national unit should be congruent' (Gellner 2006: 128, 1). This thesis argues that this ideal of congruency - a unification of individuals and a congruency of a 'people' with space and authority - has become a leitmotif in our contemporary modes of thought, often rendered concomitant to liberal democracy, security, peace and modernity. Congruent societies, whether defined as 'nation-states' or otherwise, are assumed to be the optimal unit in the 'modern international'. In this thesis, I suggest reading the congruent society as a 'fantasy', a multifaceted discourse that makes our world intelligible by carving it into imagined congruent socio-political units. The congruent society is a fantasy, indeed a fantasmatic project, in that it offers a certain 'fullness to come', the promise of jouissance, that can never be attained and is thus constantly reenvisioned and re-invoked. It is an impossible yet always-desired attempt to mask the void of society, to stabilise the contingency of social life. Furthermore, this thesis offers a genealogical inquiry into the conditions of emergence of the congruent society fantasy from early-modernity to our contemporary regime of congruency. Reading genealogy as a 'history of the present', this thesis problematises and denaturalises our contemporary regime of congruency by interrogating the myriad discursive practices that constitute and legitimate the fantasy of congruency.
23
Chew, Wendy Poh Yoke. "Consuming femininity : nation-state, gender and Singaporean Chinese women." University of Western Australia. School of Humanities, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0135.
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My research seeks to understand ways in which English-educated Chinese women in cosmopolitan Singapore bolstered their identity while living under the influences of Confucian values, patriarchal nation-building and racial concerns. My thesis examines women who have themselves been lost in translation when they were co-opted into the creation of a viable state after 1965. Often women are treated as adjuncts in the patriarchal state, particularly since issues of gender are not treated with the equality they deserve in the neo-Confucian discourse. This thesis takes an unconventional approach to how women have been viewed by utilizing primary sources including Her World and Female magazines from the 1960s and 1990s, and subsequent material from the blogosphere. I analyze images of women in these magazines to gain an understanding of how notions of gender and communitarianism/race intersect. By looking at government-sponsored advertising, my work also investigates the kind of messages the state was sending out to these women readers. My examination of government-sponsored advertisements, in tandem with the existing mainstream consumer advertising directed at women provides therefore a unique historical perspective in understanding the kinds of pressures Singaporean women have faced. Blogging itself is used as a counterpoint to show how new spaces have opened up for those who have felt constricted in certain ways by the authorities, women included. It would be fair to say that women?s magazines and blogging have served as ways for women to bolster their self worth, despite the counter-argument that some highly idealized and unhealthy images of women are purveyed. The main target group of glossy women?s magazines is English-educated women readers who are, by virtue of the Singapore?s demographics, mostly Chinese.
24
Pinchero, Renée K. "Integration as ideology, Survival ESL and the nation-state." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ33933.pdf.
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Sioh, Maureen Kim Lian. "Fractured reflections : rainforests, plantations and the Malaysian nation-state." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape4/PQDD_0018/NQ48715.pdf.
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Al-Abadi, Ghalib. "Re-building a nation-state : Iraq's reconstruction after Saddam." Thesis, Brunel University, 2017. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/17135.
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This is a study of the development of post-war Iraq after the downfall of former President Saddam Hussein in 2003. The thesis examines the actions and consequences of the coalition led by the United States to facilitate the re-construction of Iraq as a democratic nation-state. The thesis examines the geo-political, economic and ideological motivations behind the US actions in Iraq in order to explain why the coalition plans to reconstruct the country along the lines of a democratic nation-state have failed so profoundly. The thesis develops a typology of policies that lead to successful nation-state building in post-authoritarian and post-conflict scenarios and applies this typology to the actual policies implemented by the US-led coalition after the fall of Saddam in 2003. The thesis illustrates that many of the policies implemented by the coalition undermined successful nation-state building. These policies failed to ensure the security and stability of Iraq after the invasion and thereby hampered economic development. Rather than re-defining Iraqi nationhood in democratic terms, the implemented policies enshrined ethno-sectarian divisions in the political landscape and in the social fabric of Iraq. The new Iraqi state lacked a stable constitutional and legal foundation and a functioning judiciary to ensure the rule of law. Finally, the political order established by the US-led coalition is marred by partisan conflicts and Kurdish independence tendencies which weaken the central government and the operation of its various departments and further threaten the territorial integrity of the Iraqi state. The thesis argues - based on evidence gathered through a nation-wide survey, in-depth interviews with influential stakeholders in the public sectors and other material - that Iraq after 2003 has become a failed state.
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May, Stephen Andrew. "Reimaging the nation-state : language, education and minority rights." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/de565342-9694-4a47-924b-c2a22045c94c.
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Choueiri, Y. M. "Arab historians and the rise of the nation-state." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1986. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/273108.
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Haastrup, Adetoun A. A. "Change and the nation-state in the European Union." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/19025.
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The advent of the European Union has necessitated an adaptation on the part of governments, especially in those areas where the Community's laws supersede the national laws. The process whereby the Union affects the state has been characterised as ' Europeanisation.' This paper examines the adaptation in certain policy areas, not of policy itself, but at changes in the decision-making mechanisms that accompany membership in Union. It focuses on change in foreign policy mechanisms in Britain and Sweden, both unique case studies because of their histories. I argue that changes in foreign policy mechanisms reflect a change in the construct of the state itself given the delicacy of this particular policy area. Because foreign policy making remains within the ambit of respective member states, with the CFSP, the second pillar of the Maastricht treaty, encouraging, at best coordination by states, without imposing supranationality, foreign policy coordination in the European Union is mostly an intergovernmental affair. The changes in decision-making mechanisms however, has jeopardised the accepted notion of sovereignty in EU states as Sweden battles to retain her neutrality identity and Britain struggles to keep its Atlantic alliance intact while being part of Europe. Moreover, although the present changes have not removed foreign policy within the Union from intergovernmental level, that position too is fast changing. It is too early to say that the CFSP or the CESDP will supersede national foreign policy, and possibly, for a long time it would not; however, the new mechanisms in place allow for change in this aspect of the Union. In essence, as national foreign policy mechanisms evolve to accommodate membership, the CFSP too is adapting to the influence of the states and in the final analysis has the most potential to shape the future of the Union.
30
Judge, Jane Charlotte. "Nation and State in the Belgian Revolution 1787-1790." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/10652.
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Today, Belgium is an oft-cited example of a “fabricated state” with no real binding national identity. The events of 1787-1790 illustrate a surprisingly strong rebuttal to this belief. Between 1787 and 1790, the inhabitants of the Southern Netherlands protested the majority of reforms implemented by their sovereign Joseph II of Austria. In ten independent provinces each with their own administration and assembly of Estates, a resistance movement grew and its leaders eventually raised a patriot army over the summer of 1789. This force chased the imperial troops and administration from all the provinces except Luxembourg, allowing the conservative Estates and their supporters to convene a Congress at Brussels, which hosted a central government to the new United States of Belgium. By November 1790, however, infighting between democrats and conservatives and international pressures allowed Leopold II, crowned Emperor after his brother’s death in February, to easily reconquer the provinces. This thesis investigates the moment in which “Belgianness,” rather than provincial distinctions, became a prevailing identification for the Southern Netherlands. It tracks the transition of this national consciousness from a useful collaboration of the provinces for mutual legal support to a stronger, more emotional appeal to a Belgian identity that deserved a voice of its own. It adds a Belgian voice to the dialogue about nations before the nineteenth century, while equally complicating the entire notion of a nation. Overall, the thesis questions accepted paradigms of the nation and the state and casts Belgium and the Belgians as a strong example that defies the normal categories of nationhood. It examines how the revolutionaries—the Estates, guilds, their lawyers, the Congress, and bourgeois democratic revolutionaries—demonstrated a growing sense of “Belgianness,” in some ways overriding their traditional provincial attachments. I rely on pamphlet literature and private correspondence for the majority of my evidence, focusing on the elite’s cultivation and use of national sentiment throughout the revolution.
31
Tokluoglu, Ceylan Carleton University Dissertation Sociology and Anthropology. "The formation of the Turkish nation-state and resistance." Ottawa, 1995.
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32
Habib, Jasmin. "Imagining Israel, belonging in diaspora, North American Jews' reflections on Israel as homeland, nation, and nation-state." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape2/PQDD_0035/NQ66269.pdf.
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Ates, Davut. "Political Legitimacy Of Nation State :shifts Within The Global Context." Phd thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605009/index.pdf.
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The thesis investigates the basis of possible sources of shifts in the classical
conceptualizations of political legitimacy of nation state as a result of the impositions of
globalization. To this end, it first suggested that we should have a theory of globalization.
Globalization in the fields of economy, politics, society, culture and identity along with
fragmentation provides crucial changes in the roles and functions of the state, which result
in fundamental transformation in the distinctive features of nation state, such as autonomy,
capacity, unity, territoriality, sovereignty and identity. The depreciation in the classical roles
and functions of nation state is observed in its decreasing capacity to cope with emerging
global threats, such as environmental pollution, unequal development and international
crimes. Economic globalization deprives nation state of its autonomy in determining its own
economic policies. And identity/culture assertions of the locality disintegrate the unity and
identity of nation state. Decreasing autonomy, capacity and unity lead to further
depreciation in other two fundamental features of nation state, which are territoriality and
sovereignty. These developments force nation state to find out new ways of legitimizing its
position under the global context. In classical conceptions, political legitimacy of nation
state had been constructed within the framework of the premises of its autonomy,
sovereignty, territoriality, unity, identity and capacity. However, those fundamental
characteristics of nation state seem to be depreciating under the global context. Actually,
this depreciation will result in a new conceptualization of political legitimacy under
globalization. Therefore, in this re-conceptualization of political legitimacy, individual,
local and global impositions emerge as major sources. Nation state, which is eager to resituate
itself in a legitimate basis in the twenty first century, should take into account
emerging individual, local and global concerns.
34
Osadchuk, Darren Peter. "Sovereignty and plurality, Hannah Arendt's critique of the nation-state." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0001/MQ34496.pdf.
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Miklavcic, Alessandra. "The Mauritians in Canada, between globalization and nation-state building." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ43393.pdf.
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Mihaylov, Dimitrina. "'Bulgarian', 'Turk', 'Pomak' : discerning nation-state borders and identity frontiers." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.424778.
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Iratni, B. "Foreign policy and nation-state building in Algeria, 1962-1985." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.387498.
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Tzanakopoulou, M. "In defence of constitutionalism : democracy, power and the nation state." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2016. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1476846/.
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Constitutionalism is a theory of liberal democracy based in law which restricts state power and establishes the rule of law. But seen more broadly constitutionalism underpins the field of social conflict, understood abstractly as the often unexpressed tension produced out of power asymmetries. It accommodates conflict in an effort to preserve the established state apparatus. While constitutionalism pacifies social conflict, it can also provide the spark igniting the legitimate expression of such conflict. Social struggles often unfold in the name of the constitution and are legitimately backed by it even when their demands directly challenge the established liberal legal and political paradigm. Seen in this light, constitutionalism is a democratic project carrying with it the potential for emancipation of vulnerable and oppressed parts of society through agonistic citizenship and politics of contestation. Drawing on this understanding it is appropriate to examine where social conflict is located and where citizenship, understood as collective political disagreement, is viable. Based on the theory of ‘global governance’ which recognises that power and authority are diffused globally, a line of constitutional argument holds that the constitutional project should exceed state boundaries. By contrast, this thesis insists that constitutionalism should remain focused on the nation state understood as the principal locus of social conflict. The nation state framework supports the political and ideological conditions needed for the (re-)production of the fundamental asymmetry dividing societies into opposing forces: the capitalist mode of production. Therefore the nation state is also the site where collective struggle against power asymmetries is most needed. The qualities and characteristics of the nation state are not replicable at global level. They could potentially apply at European level. However, the Union blocks collective political disagreement while it promotes a logic which hinders the development of democratic practices of dissensus and therefore of constitutionalism.
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Ryan, Raymond James. "Region, state, and nation : the Republic of Ireland and Scotland." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.393024.
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Solic, Margaret. "A Nation Against Itself: Domestic Violence, Feminism, and the State." The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437729890.
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Ros, Adela. "Being Andalusian in Catalonia : a challenge to nation-state construction /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3029639.
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Dickson, Francesca. "Paradiplomacy and the state of the nation : a comparative analysis." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2017. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/111215/.
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Part of a new cohort of diplomatic actors, sub-state governments represent a particularly complex challenge for our understanding of international relations. These actors are both territorially constituted and governmental; they look and sound very similar to states. Crucially, however, they are not states at all. When paradiplomatic relations are conducted on the part of sub-state governments with a strong regional identity, in particular ‘stateless nations’, there can sometimes be challenge – implicit or explicit – to the authority of the state to speak for, or represent, its people. This thesis takes three such stateless nations: Wales, Scotland and Bavaria, and analyses their paradiplomatic activities. The unique political context in each of these case studies is used as a frame within which to understand and interpret both the motivations and implications of such activities. Using a conceptual toolkit less familiar to traditional paradiplomatic analysis, including sovereignty games, performativity and mimicry, the study explores the ways in which sub-state governments acquire international agency, and the extent to which this agency is contested by other actors. Despite the range in political ambitions in each of the stateless nations considered, the paradiplomatic activities they conducted were often remarkably similar. What differed, however, was the way that these activities were interpreted, depending on the political context and the tenor of inter-governmental relations within the state. The paradox of paradiplomacy is that in many ways it remains unremarkable in its day-to-day practices. Yet, at other times, sub-state governments use their international relationships to make important claims about their status and position within their state, the currency of exchanges becoming that rarefied concept: sovereignty. Using a marginal site of international relations such as paradiplomacy, this thesis explores the heterogeneity of the field and the variety of relationships that exist and persist within it.
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Delsing, Maria Riet. "Articulating Rapa Nui : Polynesian cultural politics in Latin American nation-state /." Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2009. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Lee, Young-Sook. "Constructing tourism in South Korea : nation state and the tourist gaze /." St. Lucia, Qld, 2003. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe17474.pdf.
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Sari, Ozgur. "The Role Of Secularization Within The Turkish Nation-state Building Process." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605570/index.pdf.
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The objective of this study is to analyze the role of secularization within the Turkish nation-state building process between the late 19th and the early 20th century<br>hereby an emphasis will also be on the relations between the state and religion. This study will consider the Religious Affairs Directory as the key institutional actor in this process. This institutional reflection of secularization will be studied as an interesting case of state controlled social change on and over religion in society. The state reproduces its legitimization and discourse over the Religious Affairs Directory, therefore some publications and khutbas of that institution in 2003 and 2004 will be analyzed. On the other hand, secularization was defined on 5th February 1937 in the 1924 Constitution with the law numbered 3115, as the separation of the state and religious affairs and the equal distance of the state&rsquo<br>s position towards all beliefs and believers. The contradiction between the state&rsquo<br>s definition and institutional application of secularization will be criticized. The first contradiction is the integration of state and religious affairs. The statist discourse legitimizes the state
through the religious affairs and as it will be seen in the analyzed publications and khutbas of the Religious Affairs Directory, the statist and religious discourses overlap each other. Since this overlapping enables the integration of state and religious affairs through the Religious Affairs Directory as a constitutional institution, the applications of this institution contradict with the constitutional definition of Turkish secularization. The second feature of the Turkish secularization is that the state applies this practice over only one sect (Sunni-Hannifin) which is an obstacle for the state&rsquo<br>s position against all the religious beliefs. The legitimization of the state is being done through the Sunni-Hannifin denomination and by this way the state takes a side among the various beliefs. Lastly, as the results of the historical analysis of this study reveal, it will be understood that the practice of manipulating the religion under the hegemonic state ideology is a tradition inherited from the late Ottoman period. The Republic of Turkey, which realized secularization within a constitutional definition and through institutional transformations, has continued to integrate the state with religion.
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Ihekweme, Fabian C. "State making, nation building, and the civil society Nigeria, 1960-1999 /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2000. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/322948541.pdf.
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Shim, Yong-Woon. "International telecommunications and the nation state : the case of South Korea." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251660.
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Frazier, Dustin M. "A Saxon state : Anglo-Saxonism and the English nation, 1703-1805." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/4146.
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For the past century, medievalism studies generally and Anglo-Saxonism studies in particular have largely dismissed the eighteenth century as a dark period in English interest in the Anglo-Saxons. Recent scholarship has tended to elide Anglo-Saxon studies with Old English studies and consequently has overlooked contributions from fields such as archaeology, art history and political philosophy. This thesis provides the first re-examination of scholarly, antiquarian and popular Anglo-Saxonism in eighteenth-century England and argues that, far from disappearing, interest in Anglo-Saxon culture and history permeated British culture and made significant contributions to contemporary formulations and expressions of Englishness and English national, legal and cultural identities. Each chapter examines a different category of Anglo-Saxonist production or activity, as those categories would be distributed across current scholarship, in order to explore the ways in which the Anglo-Saxons were understood and deployed in the construction of contemporary cultural- historiographical narratives. The first three chapters contain, respectively, a review of the achievements of the ‘Oxford school' of Saxonists of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries; antiquarian Anglo-Saxon studies by members of the Society of Antiquaries of London and their correspondents; and historiographical presentations of the Anglo-Saxons in local, county and national histories. Chapters four and five examine the appearance of the Anglo-Saxons in visual and dramatic art, and the role of Anglo-Saxonist legal and juridical language in eighteenth-century politics, with reference to discoveries resulting from the academic and antiquarian research outlined in chapters one to three. It is my contention that Anglo-Saxonism came to serve as a unifying ideology of origins for English citizens concerned with national history, and political and social institutions. As a popular as well as scholarly ideology, Anglo-Saxonism also came to define English national character and values, an English identity recognised and celebrated as such both at home and abroad.
49
Yong, Benjamin. "Becoming national : contextualising the construction of the New Zealand nation-state." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2185/.
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Much legal literature on constitutional change in New Zealand presumes that the NZ state has been transformed from a dependent British colony into an independent, liberal nation-state. However, this nationalist narrative is a recent development, and is only one of three narratives of constitutional change, the other two being a 'Britannic' (or pan-British) narrative and a Maori narrative. All three suggest and justify a particular form of the NZ state. All three give an incomplete picture of NZ's constitutional history, separating 'law' from its various contexts. This thesis focuses mostly on the nationalist narrative, how it emerged and how the liberal nation-state became the only acceptable form for the NZ state to take. It attempts to provide a more nuanced approach to constitutional history. This is done by a broad examination of a number of subject areas: constitutional historiography, the economy, citizenship, NZ's relationship with the Privy Council, the Crown, and various constitutional developments (in particular, proposals for bills of rights) in the periods 1950-1970 and 1970-2005, and placing legal signposts in economic, historical and political context. Greater contextualisation suggests that asserting that the NZ nation-state is inevitable is a response to the fragility of NZ's present, brought on by the collapse of empire, the emergence of a community of nation-states, and domestic change. The emergence of the liberal constitutional nation-state in NZ is better seen as the contingent product of both various structures (international, British and domestic) and choices made by New Zealanders themselves. To treat this transformation as inevitable ignores that there were other alternatives possible. Moreover, it is wrong to see changes in NZ's constitutional arrangements as a shift from dependency to liberty: rather, there has been a reconfiguration of constraints and enablements.
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Nacheri, Sylvanus Amkaya. "Mass schooling, Nation Building and the Sovereignty of the Kenyan state." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/27060.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate whether Kenya's national policies of education are consistent with the principles of nation building and state sovereignty. The investigation involved developing eight multiple regression models. Each model utilized one dependent variable, one independent variable and two control variables. The dependent variables were the average boys and the average girls public primary education gross enrollment ratios for 2000-03, the boys and the girls public primary education completion rates for the class of 2003, and the boys and the girls public primary education gross enrollment ratios for 2003. The independent variables were the public primary education pupil/teacher ratios for 2000 and the public primary education pupil/teacher ratios for 2003. The two control variables were the percentage of the population living in towns in 1999 and the percentage of the population in wage employment in 1999. The only significant results were a negative relationship between public primary education pupil/teacher ratios for 2003 and the girls public primary education completion rates for the class of 2003 and, a positive relationship between the percentage of the population in wage employment in 1999 and the girls public primary education completion rates for the class of 2003. The results suggested that Kenya's national policies of education are not consistent with the principles of nation building and state sovereignty and led to the conclusion that Kenya's public primary education may not be playing the nation-building role that it should play.<br>Ph. D.