Journal articles on the topic 'Nation state in Iraq'
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1
Parker, Sam. "Is Iraq Back?" Current History 108, no. 722 (December 1, 2009): 429–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2009.108.722.429.
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Al-Rawi, Ahmed. "Islamic State in Iraq and Syria’s standardized media and jihadist nation-state building efforts." Communication and the Public 4, no. 3 (June 10, 2019): 224–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057047319853323.
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In its efforts to establish order and legitimacy among the people it once controlled, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria followed standardized and systematic nation-state building policies. The terrorist group attempted to establish an imagined jihadist nation-state with the assistance of standardized media productions and practices. These media productions that are examined in this article reflect Islamic State in Iraq and Syria’s unified vision of the ultra-conservative society that it once intended to form in its different territories. I argue here that Islamic State in Iraq and Syria used standardized media productions to promote strict sharia laws including emphasis on men and women’s garments, distrust in secular rule, and calls for jihad in the different cities that it controlled. For Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, media is jihad and journalists are Mujahideen whose main purpose is to mobilize the masses and assist in creating a jihadist nation-state.
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Zubaida, Sami. "IRAQ: HISTORY, MEMORY, CULTURE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 2 (April 16, 2012): 333–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000116.
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There is a stock argument on whether Iraq is an “artificial” creation of colonial power or a “real” entity with historical and psychological depth and identity. It is a futile question because all nation–states, in one form or another, are historical creations. The processes of their creation are diverse and lead to different outcomes in the degree of coherence and permanence. Our thinking on the subject has been highly influenced by the seminal concepts advanced by Benedict Anderson on the “imagining” of the nation, which is, in turn, underlined by the socioeconomic processes of modernity. The state, often superimposed from above, is a principal actor in this process. Educational systems, tied to qualifications and employment, for instance, are powerful means of enforcing a unified national language and, in turn, the medium of literacy, the press and media, and the means of imagining the nation. The state makes the nation, more or less successfully. The intelligentsia are the cadres of these processes. They and the state class, with which they overlap, are subject to the vagaries of political conflicts and struggles and, in the case of Middle Eastern states, to the repression and violence of the state and militant sectors of the population. In the case of Iraq these troublesome manifestations are particularly evident. The books under review are concerned with these processes and in particular with the role of the ideological cadres and institutions in their unfolding.
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Ahmad, Mumtaz. "IRAQ." American Journal of Islam and Society 2, no. 2 (December 1, 1985): 313–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v2i2.2774.
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At the end of 1979 when the fall of the Shah of Iran was imminent, all eyeswere set on Iraq. Iraq was then seen as the new giant of the Gulf. It had remainedcompletely aloof from all the major inter-Arab disputes and contnwersiesfor almost a decade and had exclusively focused its attention on its ownsocio-economic development. Its development performance during the 1970shad been phenomenal. Iraqi economic planning was rated by internationaldevelopment experts as the most prudent, rational and well-implemented inthe entire Middle East. Notwithstanding-or perhaps because of- its oppressivepolitical apparatus, the Ba'thist state had imposed a code of strict, puritanicalfinancial ethics on its international economic transactions. Iraqi developmentexperience was thus regarded as unique in the Third World in that it was theleast hog-tied by malpractices, pay-offs and personal empire-building by theleadership.Iraq in 1979 was thus a nation with great promise. The size of its oil reservesand potential oil revenues, its capacity for sustained economic developmentbased on a non-oil economy, and its vast water resources that offered thepossibility of an expanded economic base in both agriculture and industry,were some of the major advantages Iraq enjoyed over other Arab oil-producingstates. Its geographical position bordering Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Syria, Jordan,Turkey, and Iran placed it in an area of great geostrategic concern forboth regional and global ewers. Its pivotal position between Israel to thewest and the Gulf to the east, where it forms what Christine Moss Helmshas called "the eastern flank of the Arab World" was regarded as unique inthe Middle East.But then, Iraqi President Saddam Hussein took the greatest gamble of hislife-and lost. He misjudged the vulnerability of the newly installed IslamicRepublic of Iran under the leadership of Ayatullah Khomeini and, believingin his own rhetoric about the invincibility of the Iraqi armed forces, decidedto invade Iran on some filmsy pretexts. Five and a half years after the war ...
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Gurbuz, Hasan. "The Iraqi's Foreign Language Acquisition and Arabic as a Foreign Language." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 5, no. 7 (July 30, 2022): 344–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v5i7.423.
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Although decades have passed on language teaching techniques, foreign language teaching is still a subject that does not fall off the agenda and does not lose its originality. It is a fact that there are prejudices against foreign language learning among nation-state citizens or that they have no interest in learning a foreign language. The Iraqi state is in geography where dozens of nations live, and different languages are spoken, and although it is a nation-state, it does not have a mass of people who are closed to foreign language learning like the people of America, England or Turkey. Along with this fact, it is also true that there is a minimal audience that looks at foreign language learning with cultural prejudice. This article focuses on foreign language acquisition in Iraq, language acquisition of children and adults, and the position of Arabic as a foreign language.
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Sorensen, Alan. "The Reluctant Nation Builders." Current History 102, no. 668 (December 1, 2003): 407–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.668.407.
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The largely unilateral, dubiously rationalized, and defiantly prosecuted occupation of Iraq has distracted from the need to develop international consensus and capacity for nation building and other benevolent interventions. What the world needs now … is possibly a new multilateral organization or two specialized in peacekeeping and state-building operations.
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Singh, Ripu Sudan. "State-Nation Dilemma and Kurdish Issue: Crisis of Governability in West Asia." Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, no. 4 (November 22, 2017): 672–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117726845.
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Ever since the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, the process of state and nation making in modern times is going on. The collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and post-Cold War period saw the emergence of fifteen new states and several other sovereign states from the ruins of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia in Eastern Europe. The problems of governance and political legitimacy are directly linked with the demand for new nation-states globally. The threats unleashed by interstate Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL) in Syria and Iraq have substantially posed problems of governance and legitimacy threatening the survival of several states in the Middle East. The question of nation-state was almost accepted as resolved and settled in the region but the end of Cold War and Soviet collapse again brought the issue on the global forefront and the political structure of several states have been challenged. The state-centred, faith-centred and ethnicity-centred forces are confronting each other and the nation-state dilemma has got more pronounced and complicated, as states are not in a position to manage the nations within. This article tries to probe the issues of governance, political legitimacy and gross violation of basic human rights of the ethno-national groups, minority ethnic groups and weaker sections of society. It also makes an attempt to look for and devise certain alternatives and methods to resolve the dilemma of nation-state in the Middle East in general and drawing lessons for the rest of the globe. The Kurdish issue may be taken as a case study which has once again become a matter of deep concern and its timely resolution has drawn worldwide attention and concern. The survival of a large number of people is at stake as a result of the nation-state dilemma, and if this is not properly taken care of, it will spread globally and affect world peace and order.
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FUKURAI, Hiroshi. "The Decoupling of the Nation and the State: Constitutionalizing Transnational Nationhood, Cross-Border Connectivity, Diaspora, and “National” Identity-Affiliation in Asia and Beyond." Asian Journal of Law and Society 7, no. 1 (February 2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/als.2019.26.
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AbstractSince the first Asian Law and Society Conference (ALSA) was held at the National University of Singapore (NUS) in 2016, a number of special sessions have been organized to focus on the deconstruction of the Westphalian transnational order based on the concept of the “nation-state.”1 This dominant hegemony was predicated on the congruence of the geo-territorial boundaries of both the state and the nation, as well as the “assumed integration” of state-defined “citizenship” and another distinctly layered “membership” based on culture, ethnic, religious, and indigenous affiliations. The “nation-state” ideology has thus masked a history of tensions and conflicts, often manifested in the form of oppression, persecution, and genocide directed at the nation and its peoples by the state and its predatory institutions. Our studies have shown that such conflicts between the nation and the state have been observed in multiple regions in Asia, including Kashmir in India; Moro and Islamic communities of Mindanao in the Philippines; Karen, Kachin, and other autonomous nations in Myanmar; West Papua, Aceh, Kalimantan, South Moluccas, Minahasa, and Riau in Indonesia; Kurds in multiple state systems of Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran; and Palestine in Israel, among many other culturally autonomous nucleated communities in Asia and across the world.2 The phrase “the nation and the state” was specifically chosen to distinguish and highlight the unique conflictual histories of two geo-political entities and to provide a fundamentally differing interpretation of history, geography, the role of law, and global affairs from the perspectives of nation peoples, rather than from that of the state or international organizations, as traditional analyses do. The Westphalian “nation-state” hegemony led to the inviolability of the state’s sovereign control over the nation and peoples within a state-delimited territory. The state then began to engage in another predatory project: to strengthen and extend its international influence over other states and, thus, the nations within these states, by adopting new constitutional provisions to offer cross-border “citizenship” to diasporic “ethnic-nationals” and descendants of “ex-migrants” who now inhabit foreign states. The nations have similarly capitalized on constitutional activism by erecting their own Constitutions to explore collaboration with other nations, as well as diasporic populations of their own, in order to carve out a path toward the nations’ independence within, and even beyond, the respective state systems. The “constitutional” activism sought by the state and the nation has become an important political vehicle with which to engage in possible collaboration with diasporic “ethno-nationals” and ex-migrant communities, in order to further assert political influence and strengthen trans-border politics of the state and the nation. Three articles included in this issue investigate such constitutional activism of cross-border politics and transnational collaborations in Asia, the Americas, Europe, and other regions across the globe.
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Ahmadi, Shaherzad. "Smugglers, Migrants, and Refugees: The Iran–Iraq Border, 1925–1975." International Journal of Middle East Studies 52, no. 4 (September 16, 2020): 703–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743820000380.
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AbstractDue to the illegal movement of goods and people, the Khuzistan-Basra frontier, like many other borderlands in the region, represented a liminal space for border dwellers and the Iranian state. Although scholars have written about the migration that was endemic to the early nation-building period, the consequences of this movement in the latter half of the 20th century require further exploration. Well into the 1970s, Iranian migrants and border dwellers complicated citizenship, evinced by the Pahlavi monarchy's failure or refusal to offer them their rights. The Iranian archives prove that, decades into the nation-building project, local dynamics continued to exert tremendous influence on Iranians and even superseded national policies.
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Mahmood, Amna, Fouzia Munir, and Sharin Shajahan Naomi. "The Plight of a Nation without a State: An Analysis of the Struggle of Kurds for an Independent State." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 4, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 400–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/4.2.31.
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Struggle of the Kurds for an independent state can be considered to be one of the most challenging and most underestimated issue in the political analysis of Middle East. Kurd is the fourth largest ethnic group in this region with an estimated populace of 35 to 40 million who are dissipated among four states Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran separately. This study intends to examine the origin of Kurds, their political struggle, the factors that compelled Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) of Iraq to conduct referendum for Independence and reaction of all the four countries who share Kurdish population. By adopting exploratory and explanatory approaches and utilizing primary as well secondary data, it has been found that Kurdish struggle and its outcome have been influenced by multiple complex factors which led their conflict to an unresolved state. Our analysis concluded that the states need to realize that suppression of ethnic identities and voices of Kurds might appear to be solution for short time, but not in the long run for promoting peace and regional stability in the Middle-East.
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Helmys, Naldo. "Ekspor Revolusi Islam dan Identitas Republik Islam Iran." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 5, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.5.2.194-209.2016.
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Having been considered as rational actor acting based on national interests, sovereign states is also understood have their own identities. Moreover, state identities have pivotal role on determining state behavior in international social structure. Stand on that assumption, this paper will describe the four state identities of Islamic Republic of Iran that assist to find an answer for interesting question: why did Iran export their Islamic Revolution throughout Middle East during Ayatollah Khomeini’s era (1979-1989)?During export of revolution, Iran was in war with Iraq and ideologically conflicted with Saudi while its fundamental ideology was spread across by propagating via international radio network and supporting oppressed nations in some countries. This historical phenomenon will be explained by Constructivism in International Relations, especially based on Alexander Wendt’s Social Theory of International Politics. It can be seen that there are four identities of Iran: as an Islamic Iran nation, velayat-e faqih-based Islamic Republic, core of Islamic world, and part of Pan-Islam.
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Koolaee, Elaheh, and Ziba Akbari. "Fragile State in Iraq and Women Security." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 3 (July 24, 2017): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798917711294.
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After the Cold War and the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the term “fragile states” has gained increasing prominence in security debates and the international community turned its attention to how to deal with such countries. These security concerns originate from several factors: emphasis on building peace and security, spread of this idea that development and security are related, and the principle that the stability of state plays an influential role in its development. The term “fragile state” refers to weak states that are vulnerable to internal and external threats and have a poor government that is incapable of managing internal affairs and external policy. In this regard, Iraq was considered as a fragile state after 2003, and its stability has been evaluated poor since ever. The present study employed indices of fragile state and human security in order to investigate the effect of Iraq’s fragile state on development of threats to women security. Violation of human security in Iraq after 2003 was caused by failure in nation state-building process and weakness of Iraqi government in maintaining societal order and unity. Therefore, the main question that the present study aims to address is: “How has women security been threatened by Iraq’s crisis and its fragile state?”
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Abdel-Razek, Omar, and Miriam Puttick. "Majorities and minorities in post-ISIS Iraq." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 565–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1244901.
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The question of majorities and minorities has dominated the Iraqi political scene since the American-led invasion of 2003. As an occupying power, the US enshrined sectarianism in post-Saddam Iraq through divisive policies and structures that continue to pervade the political institution from top to bottom. As a result, what was considered a remedy for Iraq's political ills opened the gates for more sectarian division, the dispersion of religious minorities and power struggles between the main majority groups: Shia Arabs, Sunni Arabs and Kurds. How this deadlock will be resolved is the key question that Iraq is facing as it prepares for an imminent defeat of the so-called Islamic State (Da'sh or ISIS). This paper traces the development of the concepts of majorities and minorities in Iraq's recent history, analyzing the factors that led to the sectarian paralysis of today and exploring possibilities for a post-ISIS political solution that preserves the multi-ethnic, multi-religious character of the Iraqi nation-state.
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NATARAJAN, USHA. "Creating and Recreating Iraq: Legacies of the Mandate System in Contemporary Understandings of Third World Sovereignty." Leiden Journal of International Law 24, no. 4 (November 3, 2011): 799–822. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156511000380.
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AbstractThis article explores the League of Nations' role in state formation in Third World or peripheral states and its legacy for contemporary understandings of Third World sovereignty. It examines Iraq under British Mandate, and UN and Coalition of the Willing interventions. This research was prompted by the international-law community's outrage when the Coalition invaded Iraq in March 2003. While the invasion was seen by many as an affront to international law, there was also something faintly familiar about the Coalition's reasoning for the invasion. This feeling of déjà vu escalated once regime change was followed by lengthy nation-building. The idea of recreating Iraq was not a new one. The British were tasked with something similar under the League of Nations Mandate System. UN interventions into failed states also attempt comparable transformations. Indeed, the more one contemplates international law's interventions in Iraq, the less shocking the Coalition's invasion becomes. It starts seeming foreseeable and even inevitable.
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Tripp, Charles. "The United States and state-building in Iraq." Review of International Studies 30, no. 4 (September 29, 2004): 545–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210504006229.
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RANDAmerica's Role in Nation-Building: from Germany to Iraq (Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2003)Imaging IraqOn the back cover of this book there is a warm endorsement of its contents by none other than Paul Bremer, effectively the US Governor General of Iraq from May 2003 until June 2004. He claims to regard the book as ‘a marvellous “how to” manual for post conflict stabilization and reconstruction. I have kept a copy handy for ready consultation since my arrival in Baghdad.’ Events in Iraq during the past year would suggest either that he misplaced his copy of the book early in the occupation – or simply chucked it behind a sofa when he realised that it no longer told him what he wanted to know.
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Bashkin, Orit. "Multilingual journeys: Jewish travel narratives and multicultural identities in interwar Iraq." Journal of Contemporary Iraq & the Arab World 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jciaw_00019_1.
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This article suggests that the Jews in northern Iraq lived in, and were part of, multiethnic and multireligious communities, whose identities were fluid, mobile and volatile. While some northern Jewish experiences serve as testimony to the strength of the new nation state, other historical experiences underline the fragmented nature of Iraqi society, where individuals were members of multiple linguistic and cultural communities. These shifting Jewish identities, moreover, were not simply a result of Jews living amongst Arab, Turkish, Kurdish, Assyrian and Armenian communities, but rather a product of Iraqi modernity itself.
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Bunton, Martin. "From Developmental Nationalism to the End of Nation-state in Iraq?" Third World Quarterly 29, no. 3 (April 2008): 631–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436590801931595.
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Dawoody, Alexander. "It’s Raining in Iraq." Public Voices 8, no. 2 (December 9, 2016): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/pv.165.
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Using the medium of a play, the author of the last piece of the symposium reflects on the issues of personal freedoms, moral choices, the right of a nascent nation to self-determination, national liberty, as well as the mentality of violence and culture of nonviolence. The play spans only three years but lasts for two political eras: one of Saddam Hussein’s tyranny and another – the era of state building, rebirth and hope in a land ravaged by war.
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Klein, Janet, David Romano, Michael M. Gunter, Joost Jongerden, Atakan İnce, and Marlies Casier. "Book Reviews." Kurdish Studies 1, no. 1 (September 2, 2013): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v1i1.387.
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Uğur Ümit Üngör, The Making of Modern Turkey: Nation and State in Eastern Anatolia, 1913-1950, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011, 352 pp. (ISBN: 9780199603602).Mohammed M. A. Ahmed, Iraqi Kurds and Nation-Building. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012, 294 pp., (ISBN: 978-1-137-03407-6), (paper). Ofra Bengio, The Kurds of Iraq: Building a State within a State. Boulder, CO and London, UK: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2012, xiv + 346 pp., (ISBN 978-1-58826-836-5), (hardcover). Cengiz Gunes, The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey, from Protest to Resistance, London: Routledge, 2012, 256 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-415—68047-9). Aygen, Gülşat, Kurmanjî Kurdish. Languages of the World/Materials 468, München: Lincom Europa, 2007, 92 pp., (ISBN: 9783895860706), (paper).Barzoo Eliassi, Contesting Kurdish Identities in Sweden: Quest for Belonging among Middle Eastern Youth, Oxford: New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013, 234 pp. (ISBN: 9781137282071).
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Dessouki, Ali E. Hillal. "The whirlwind in the Arab nation, 2014–15: from regime change to state collapse." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 295–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1057426.
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This article is based on the executive summary of a book in the Arabic language, The State of the Arab Nation 2014–2015, edited by Ali E.Hillal Dessouki and published by the Center for Arab Unity Studies. The book analyzes events in the Arab region from 2014 to the first part of 2015. The chapters examine the international order, the Arab regional system, and domestic conditions in the Arab states and neighbouring countries, such as Turkey and Iran. There is also particular focus on the countries of the Arab Spring and the remaining Arab countries, as well as the outlook for the youth in Arab countries and their role in future. Other chapters consider economic developments and their link to political developments and issues relating to science, technology and digital technologies. The final chapters cover the major political hotspots in the region, namely Palestine, Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen. The conclusion points to the main challenges facing the Arab nation in 2015.
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II, W. Lynn Rigsbee. "State-Making, Nation-Building and the Military: Iraq, 1941-1958: Khaled Salih." Digest of Middle East Studies 6, no. 4 (October 1997): 59–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1997.tb00768.x.
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Ivanov, S. "Rise of the Kurdistan Factor in Regional Geopolitics." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2015): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-10-84-93.
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This article explores a general situation in the Middle East as well as the role and value of Kurds in regional geopolitics. The author concludes that in the context of a growing threat of the radical Islamists take-over in a number of the Middle East states, the ISIS strengthening, the incitement of a widespread armed conflict between Sunni and Shia communities, and a tendency towards Syria and Iraq territories turning into the area for an open confrontation between regional centers of power, the Kurds intrinsically become a "Third Force" and play an increasingly important role in stabilizing the military-political situation both in each country of their compact settlements and in the region as a whole. The 40-million strong Kurdish nation, divided by borders of four states, preserves its language, rich spiritual and cultural heritage, manners and customs (and hangs on to its age-old dream to create an independent state). The main attention is paid to the Iraqi Kurdistan as to an advance party of the Kurdish national movement. Today, the Kurdish region of Iraq has all attributes of the state, successfully carries out foreign policy and economic activity. The author notes an important role of Erbil as an intermediary in resolving inter-Arab contradictions in Iraq, for the unity of Kurds in Syria, for a peaceful solution of the Kurdish problem in Turkey. A very important statement is the potential of Iraqi Kurdistan to turn into a national and cultural center of all Kurdish people, and to proclaim an independent state on the North of Iraq, if necessary.
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Kovtun V.A., Supotnitskiy M. V. "Chemical Weapons in the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). 1. Iraq Preparing for Chemical War." Journal of NBC Protection Corps 3, no. 1 (2019): 40–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.35825/2587-5728-2019-3-1-40-64.
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The Iraqis became the first nation to use chemical weapons on the modern battlefield during the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988). There are no general reviews and research available on this issue in Russian. It also puts the Russian researchers in an unequal position in comparison with their Western and Middle Eastern colleagues, who have such information from a wide range of sources. This lack of knowledge limits our ability to understand the secret mechanisms that trigger modern chemical wars in the Middle East. The analysis in the present study is based on different Western sources, UN and CIA materials. The article shows that Iraq – a third world country with the population of 16,3 million people in 1980-ies and relatively low educational level – could start its chemical weapons program only due to the Western aid and assistance (supplies of the precursors, technologies and technical documentation, education of specialists, diplomatic support ect). Only due to this assistance the Iraqi`s chemical weapons program could become successful. The industrial production of chemical agents and chemical munitions of various tactical purposes was established by the Iraqis in less than 10 years. By the end of the 1980-ies, the Iraqi chemists laid the foundations of the future research in the sphere of toxic chemicals. The industrial base for the production of CW have also been established. For Russia, the success of the Iraq`s chemical weapons program is a warning. It means that technically backward, but oil rich quasi-state can acquire chemical weapons in a few years with the clandestine support of the same «sponsors», and use it both for provocations and for conducting combat operations in the regions, vital for Russia`s interests.
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Putri, Dewi Agha, and Hasan Sidik. "Responsibility to Protect dalam Kasus Genosida oleh ISIL terhadap Yazidi-Irak melalui Intervensi Militer Amerika Serikat." Jurnal ICMES 4, no. 1 (June 29, 2020): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.35748/jurnalicmes.v4i1.65.
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Artikel ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan intervensi militer yang dilakukan oleh Amerika Serikat (AS) dalam menanggapi genosida yang dilakukan oleh Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) terhadap komunitas Yazidi di Irak. Peneliti menggunakan konsep Responsibility to Protect (R2P), yang merujuk pada laporan dari the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (ICISS) u
This article aims to explain the military intervention carried out by the United States in response to the genocide carried out by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) against Yazidi community in Iraq. The researchers use the concept of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), which refers to a report from the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty to see the procedure for procuring military intervention in the R2P framework in detail. This article found that besides several collateral damages, military intervention carried out by the United States was following the procedures set out by the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty. The United States’ intervention was done by the Iraqi government's approval, which had previously requested assistance from the United States. This intervention can be seen as Iraqi collective self-defense as stated in Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations or intervention based on approval as stipulated in Article 20 of the Responsibility of States for International Wrongful Acts 2001. This research was conducted qualitatively using sources in the form of a variety of documents and mass media reports.
ntuk melihat prosedur intervensi militer dalam kerangka kerja R2P secara terperinci. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa meskipun telah terjadi sejumlah dampak sampingan (collateral damages), intervensi militer yang dilakukan oleh AS mengikuti prosedur yang ditetapkan oleh ICISS, antara lain, dilakukan AS atas persetujuan pemerintah Irak yang sebelumnya meminta bantuan dari AS. Intervensi ini dapat dilihat sebagai pertahanan diri kolektif Irak sebagaimana tercantum dalam Piagam Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa Pasal 51 atau intervensi berdasarkan persetujuan sebagaimana diatur dalam Pasal 20 Responsibility of States for International Wrongful Acts tahun 2001. Penelitian ini dilakukan secara kualitatif dengan menggunakan sumber-sumber berupa berbagai dokumen dan laporan media massa.
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Caló, Ben, David Malet, Luke Howie, and Pete Lentini. "Islamic Caliphate or nation state? Investigating the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant's imagined community." Nations and Nationalism 26, no. 3 (June 12, 2020): 727–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12616.
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Taşdemir Yaşin, Zehra. "Studying Modern Nation-State in a World-Historical Perspective: The Instance of Iraq." Journal of Historical Sociology 28, no. 4 (August 19, 2014): 548–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/johs.12078.
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Jackson, Iain. "The architecture of the British Mandate in Iraq: nation-building and state creation." Journal of Architecture 21, no. 3 (April 2, 2016): 375–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602365.2016.1179662.
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Zietlow, Nina. "The Politics of Monumentalizing Trauma: Visual Use of Martyrdom in the Memorialization of the Iraq-Iran War." Review of Middle East Studies 54, no. 1 (June 2020): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rms.2020.11.
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This poster focuses on three mediums of commemoration: the monument, the memorial, and the museum as tools of state-sanctioned memory creation, and thereby spaces for politicized rituals of memory which further state-building projects. Specifically, during and after The Iran-Iraq war (1980-88) the al-Shaheed Monument (1983), and the Victory Arch (1989) in Baghdad and the Martyrs’ Museum (1996) in Tehran functioned as politically strategic representations of collective trauma. Both the Ba'ath party in Iraq and the emerging Islamic Republic in Iran used these sites to render and politicize memories of violence and loss. Despite obvious differences, the projects in Baghdad and Tehran appealed to a need to address national trauma while bolstering idealized images of statehood. The Ba'athist party under Saddam Hussein capitalized on the collective trauma of the Iraq-Iran war to further a hegemonic Sunni identity, which was both religious and political. The use of immense scale, vulgar displays of power, and Islamic imagery in both the al-Shaheed Monument and Victory Arch linked Sunni and Ba'athist causes and allowed Hussein to characterize the Iran-Iraq War as a sacred project of national and religious vindication. Similarly, the Martyrs’ Museum in Tehran constructs a specific version of history using motifs of the Battle of Karbala, Imam Husayn, martyr and civilian deaths, and blood to tie Iranian national identity to ritualized Shia martyrdom. The Martyrs’ Museum parallels the religification of national identity as seen in Iraq, and configures death as a public, religiopolitical act. Despite Ba'athist Iraq's secular self-image, the strategic harnessing of trauma both Iraq and Iran demonstrates a constructed connection between political state hegemony, religious practice, and rituals of grief. In these ways, state propagated imagery through physical commemorations of the Iran-Iraq War furthered the political – and resulting religious – sectarian divide in the official positions of the two nations.
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ABDULRAZQ, MUSTAFA. "Adapting State Capitalism to Compensate for shortcomings of private sector in Iraq." Journal Ishraqat Tanmawya 27 (June 2021): 49–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.51424/ishq.27.28.
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The Iraqi decision-maker decided to move to a market economy after 2003, without the private and public sectors being able to compete against the policies of economic openness. Because of the great risks, local capital has fled and at the same time foreign investment has not been attracted, so the public sector has taken on the burden of tackling unemployment, which led to disguised unemployment and the spread of corruption and bureaucracy, so it is important to search for a policy that compensates for the shortcoming of the private sector while absorbing the disguised unemployment. It is appropriate for the Iraqi economy to follow the policy of "state capitalism" as it has been followed by many countries, both at the stage of creating free economies (Japan, Switzerland, Germany) or to support the development process (China, India, Brazil), or when faced with economic crises (1929,2008) In this policy, government spending is directed towards the establishment of productive (not administrative or service) projects that aim at profit and generate a capital accumulation that can support the government budget and absorb the surplus workers (disguised unemployment), especially since these projects have been examined by the (Nation Investment Commission), will be protected by government policies, as well as lower labor costs, mainly driven by the government budget, and the ultimate goal is to create a competitive production sector that Iraq can then sell to the private sector. Keywords: State Capitalism, General Policy, Economic Reform, Iraqi policy, Economic transition, Financial Policy, Government Investment, Government Projects
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Elimelekh, Geula. "Disintegration and Hope for Revival in the Land of the Two Rivers as Reflected in the Novels of Sinan Antoon." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 2 (October 5, 2017): 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340150.
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Abstract This article deals with three metafictional novels by the Iraqi-American writer Sinan Antoon: Iʿǧām (An Iraqi Rhapsody, 2004), Yā Maryam (Hail Mary, 2012), and Waḥdahā šaǧarat al-rummān (The Pomegranate Alone, 2010), author-translated into English as The Corpse Washer (2013). The novels are set in Iraq during Ṣaddām Ḥusayn’s dictatorship and in the aftermath of America’s invasion. Antoon juxtaposes the terror of Iraqi life against characters seeking to survive through their mind-bending determination to see beauty in their fragmented world. To achieve his paradox, Antoon transports readers of his narrative’s here-and-now into transcendent unrealities by using magical realism. A kind of three-dimensional dialectic operates between the natural and supernatural, and rationality and irrationality in which characters’ find in their dreams respite by suspending accepted definitions of time, place, and identity. Writing in Arabic, Antoon highlights two conflicting functions of language and letters as vehicles of destruction and creativity. Antoon’s three novels, each from its own perspective, reflect his belief that although Iraq is presently in a state of disintegration, the Iraqi people are resolute in their willingness to overcome hardship and to resurrect their nation in their lifetime.
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Aziz, Gazang A., and Rebwar J. Shaikhah. "The Right of Self-Determination of Kurdish People in Iraq and A Legal View to The Kurdistan Region Referendum in 2017." Koya University Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (2021): 191–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.14500/kujhss.v4n2y2021.pp191-203.
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The right of self-determination is a legal concept under international law in which nations can freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development without external interferences. They may accomplish such self-determination either through uniting with another independent sovereign state or establishing an independent sovereign state for themselves. This principle is considered one of the international principles, which dates back to the American Revolutionary War (1776-1777) and the French Revolution (1789-1799). It was primarily a political right of nations. However, after the establishment of the United Nations, this principle developed to become a legal principle and attained jus cogens status. In this context, Kurdish nation in Kurdistan Region of Iraq has continuously attempted to obtain this right by relying on international principles, but it was always impeded by a number of factors. Unlike any other nation, so far, the Kurds were unable to exercise this right despite the fact that they chose various methods to obtain it. Finally, a referendum was held on September 9, 2017, as one of the peaceful ways to exercise this right, as it is considered one of the most diplomatic ways to take public opinion on crucial issues, including the issue of independence. However, this referendum was unsuccessful despite the fact that 92,73% of voters voted yes for independence. The failure of this referendum is due to several factors, which we attempt to refer to within the framework of our research.
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Işık, Ayhan, and Ugur Ümit Üngör. "Mass Violence and the Kurds: Introduction to the Special Issue." Kurdish Studies 9, no. 1 (May 9, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v9i1.634.
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The Kurds’ experience with modern mass violence is long and complex. Whereas Kurds lived under the Kurdish Emirates for centuries in pre-national conditions in the Ottoman and Persian empires, the advent of nationalism and colonialism in the Middle East radically changed the situation. World War I was a watershed for most ethnic groups in the Ottoman Empire, such as the Kurds, and some political minorities such as Armenians and Assyrians suffered genocide – including at the hands of Kurds. Moreover, the post-Ottoman order precluded the Kurds from building a nation-state of their own. Kurds were either relegated to cultural and political subordination under the Turkish and Persian nation states, or a precarious existence under alternative orders (colonialism in Syria and Iraq, and communism in the Soviet Union). The nation-state system changed the pre-national, Ottoman imperial order with culturally heterogeneous territories into a system of nation-states which began to produce nationalist homogenisation by virtue of various forms of population policies.
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Youssef, M. Dr Yassar Ahmed. "Iraqi political movement in the League of Nations From the years (1921-1932)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 222, no. 2 (November 6, 2018): 471–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v222i2.411.
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The study is concerned with the study of an important period of time in the history of modern Iraq, the period of the establishment of modern Iraq and independence through the end of the British Mandate and acceptance of joining the League of Nations, an international organization, which includes the membership of independent free countries, which took on the establishment of security and world peace through the adoption of the principle Prohibition of the use of force and the adoption of the principle of resolving international disputes by peaceful means, the research aims to achieve a set of important goals, namely:
1 - Highlight the efforts of the Iraqi government to join the League of Nations and clarify the reasons for this accession and the difficulties that accompanied the desire of the Hummah in this area.
2- Clarification of the role of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the accession of Iraq to the League of Nations during the period of occupation and mandate on Iraq.
3- Clarifying the position of the League of Nations and its member states on the issue of Iraq's membership and how to deal with its desire to enter it from the beginning of the negotiations until the decision to accept membership.
4 - Highlight the efforts of the most important Iraqi and foreign political figures, who had a role in the establishment of modern Iraq and joining the League of Nations.
Department of research into two basic topics, the first topic: the emergence of the modern Iraqi state. The second topic: Iraq, Britain and the League of Nations from the negotiations to join.
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Khamid, Nur. "Bahaya Radikalisme terhadap NKRI." Millati: Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities 1, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/mlt.v1i1.123-152.
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An ideology, is needed by a nation to bind the people to live together in the shade of one ideology. Likewise in Indonesia that the founding fathers already set ideology of Pancasila as the nation of Indonesia, it is automatically Pancasila becomes the nation’s ideology that must be obeyed and followed by the whole nations. Pancasila is an ideology with the principle of “Bhinneka Tunggal Ika” which teaches us to always live with a sense of tolerance. Due to the presence of many religious, ethnic, racial and flow, but the essence is one also, the one nation, the nation of Indonesia. Lately emerged a new ideology in Indonesia that is very disturbing society, namely the ideology of radical Islam. An exclusive ideology that always puts the violence in the realization of its goals. Dogmas contained in the teachings of Islam interpretednarrowly and misused to legitimize any radical action. The ideology of radical Islam is very much influenced by the ideology of ISIS or the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, which is a group of militant jihad idiology, that is being developed all over the world through websites, books, education in schools, campuses, lecture , social networks like face book, you tube, twitter etc.
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Shoaib, Muhammad, Waseem Ishaque, and Syed Ali Shah. "TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST: IMPLICATIONS FOR PAKISTAN." Global Political Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(iii-i).09.
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The regional security matrix of the Middle East is facing serious challenges since the US invasion of Iraq, which has left a deep impact on the regional balance of power. A hostile nation towards Iran becomes an ally after the fall of the Saddam regime. Things are changing rapidly when several series of protests across the Arab and African region erupted since 2011 with the Tunisian revolution to be first on the list. Muslim countries across the Arab and African region faced regime changes, the rise of nonstate actors (NSA) and infighting due to breakdown state institutions. This article explores the evolving post Arab Spring situation in the region and suggests policy options for Pakistan.
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Luke, Timothy W. "Unbundling the State: Iraq and the ‘Recontainerization’ of Rule, Production, and Identity." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 39, no. 7 (July 2007): 1564–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a38185.
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This analysis investigates the ‘recontainerization’ of state power, asking how the forms of ruling authority are being eclipsed around the world by ‘denationalization’, ‘detraditionalization’, or ‘destatalization’. The government of The Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq is an excellent case study in the recontainerizing rule, production, and identity on a different political scale and pace than that characteristic of many nation-states. This odd transitional regime points toward some of the material underpinnings and mobile resistances that one finds in the recontainerization of rule in today's networks of globalist governance. It explores how various unbundled nonstatal organizations and postnational identities work through markets and multinational military interventions to displace the authority of current state structures in determining who rules whom, what is produced where, and how identities are maintained.
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Mohammed, Jihan A., and Abdullah F. Alrebh. "Iraqi Kurds: The dream of nation state." Digest of Middle East Studies 29, no. 2 (October 21, 2020): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/dome.12216.
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Khezri, Haidar. "Kurds, Jews, and Kurdistani Jews: Historic Homelands, Perceptions of Parallels in Persecution, and Allies by Analogy." Religions 13, no. 3 (March 17, 2022): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13030253.
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This article highlights the positive relations between the Jewish and the Kurdish nations, maintained mainly by Kurdistani Jews until their displacement to Israel in the mid-20th century. These positive relations have been transmitted through their oral traditions, documented by both communities and travelers to Kurdistan, and validated by several scholars who studied the Jews of the region, Kurdistan, and Jewish-Kurdish relations. The dearth of historical documentation of both societies has resulted in a ‘negative myth’ used by the enemies of the Kurds and the Jews to dehumanize them before the 20th century, and therefore delegitimizing their right to statehood in modern times. From the 16th century onward, there is more solid evidence about the Kurdistani Jews and their relations with Kurdish neighbors. There are considerable and certain parallels between the two nations in terms of their oral traditions as well as linguistic and literary practices. The historical ties between the Jews and their neighbors in Kurdistan formed a fruitful ground for the relations between the Jewish people of Israel and the Kurds since 1948. Despite the exodus of almost the entire Kurdistani Jewish population to the State of Israel, Kurdistani Jews have largely retained their identity, culture, and traditions and have effectively influenced Israel’s policy towards the Kurds. The often-secret relations between the Kurdish movement in Iraq and Israel since 1960 played an important role in the global security policy of the Jewish nation in the Middle East, and in effect served to keep Baghdad from becoming involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict on one hand, and allowed the Kurdish liberation movement in Southern/Iraqi Kurdistan to survive on the other. These ties were reinforced by the sense of a common fate and struggle for statehood, persecution and genocides, feeling of solidarity, mutual strategic interests, humanitarian and economic dimensions, in post-1988 Halabja Massacre, the operation of the US led coalition against Iraq in 1991, and 2003 Invasion of Iraq. Since the Arab Spring, the military interventions against the self-proclaimed caliphate, Islamic State (IS), and the referendum for an independent Kurdish state in northern Iraq in 2017, this relationship allegedly has extended to include the relationships between Israel and the Kurds in Western/Syrian and Eastern/Iranian Kurdistan as well. Notably, Israel was the only state that publicly supported the creation of an independent Kurdish state. With all the development the Kurdish question has paved in the 21st century, the article concludes that the majority of the Kurds of the 21st century can be described as a ‘pariah people’ in Max Weber’s definition and meditation of the term and Hannah Arendt’s ‘rightless’, who ‘no longer belong to any community’, while describing the different aspects of the political, economic, and cultural calamity of Jews, refugees, and stateless people at the beginning of the 20th century.
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Kazemi, Sona. "Whose Disability (Studies)?" Canadian Journal of Disability Studies 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 195–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cjds.v8i4.530.
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This article is part of a larger inquiry into the production of disabled bodies due to violence. I examine processes of disablement in the global south, namely Iran and Iraqi Kurdistan, by wars launched and nurtured by both the local nation-states in the Middle East as well as the global north - the United States, Russia, and Western Europe. Utilizing a dialectical and historical materialist approach, I studied the Iran-Iraq war, the longest war of the 20th century. I explore how the disablement of global southern bodies in imperialist and nationalist wars is persistently naturalized – that is, attributed to the natural state of affairs in those regions, with the inevitable consequence that they cannot be connected to the violence of ongoing global and regional imperialism. This paper briefly touches upon the theoretical framework and methodology utilized to conduct this research, as well as the “problem” of disability in Iran. Subsequently, it goes on to extensively discuss the living conditions of the surviving Iranian veterans and surviving civilians of the Iran-Iraq war told through their own resilient voices. The veterans’ narratives expose their post-war experiences, including poverty, unemployment, inadequate medical-care, lack of medication due to the U.S.-imposed economic sanctions, and the presence of a dysfunctional disability-measurement system employed by the Iranian state. As a survivor of this war myself, I invite the reader to bear witness to how the violence of imperialism and nationalism not only renders people disabled, but also fetishizes their disablement by masking/mystifying the socio-political and economic relations that mediate the violent processes that render people disabled. By focusing on the veterans’ actual living conditions, this paper seeks to defetishize disablement, shifting the narrative of disabled veterans and civilians from tales of terrorism, heroism, living martyrdom, and patriotism, towards recognition of disability of/in human beings in need of care and support.
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Bolemanová, Kristína, and Rastislav Kazanský. "The Consequences of the Iraq War – Lesson Learned?" Security Dimensions 26, no. 26 (June 29, 2018): 188–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.7250.
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In his first address to the United Nations in September 2017, the American President Donald Trump blamed North Korea and Iran for developing missiles and nuclear weapons program, suppressing human rights and sponsoring terrorism. He also called Iran a “rogue state” what relived the memories from 2003, when President Bush used similar term of “axis of evil” to describe the regime of Saddam Hussein. Soon after, the US intervened to Iraq to launch a war against terrorism and the Hussein´s undemocratic regime. This article seeks to analyse what impact had the Iraq war on the stability and security of the country and its region. The war in Iraq also teaches us a lesson of how dangerous and counterproductive it can be, when a world superpower labels other country a “rogue state” and decides to fight alleged threats by using military power. If the US President fulfils his promise of “destroying North Korea” if under threat and launching action against its government, it could result in a very similar situation as in Iraq. A creation of another failed state would not only bring more instability but also open new military threats for the US as well as the world economy.
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Black, Antony. "Nation and community in the international order." Review of International Studies 19, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117358.
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It is obvious that today the facts of international relations do notfitinto any general framework of which people are aware (perhaps they never have). As descriptions, concepts such as state, sovereignty, federation seem more than ever stabs in the dark. In prescriptive political theory, we are even more at sea. Old prescriptive certainties such as nationhood must be conceded to be at best the most provisional of guides to action. The interface between domestic sovereignty and international organisations (and what a wilderness of phenomena that term is supposed to describe) needs to be comprehended anew. This is urgent if we are to make sense of, and have a sense of direction through, the problems of the European Community, the Commonwealth of Independent States, Eastern Europe, the Balkans, not to mention a host of problematic multi-ethnic polities as diverse as India and Iraq. Wherever we look in the world today, the relationship between ‘state’, ‘nation’ and ‘community’ seems to be in crisis: from the Balkans to Canada, from Scotland to Kurdistan. This no more has the appearance of an aberration from some historical norm than does the tie between state and nation in previous European history. It makes more sense to regard both as shifting patterns of collective human consciousnesses. The idea that there is something ‘out there’, ‘given’, that preordains human beings to live in nations, and nations t o form states, was certainly a myth; and as a myth had a certain real force. The problem today is, first, that the myth is reviving in some places at just the time when it is being swept aside in others (in parts of the European Community, for example); and, secondly, that the idea of imprescriptible national rights seems to be a postulate of democracy whenever the majority in a territory embrace it, and at the same time a recipe for carnage and the vilest known abrogation of all other human rights. The revival of this nationalist idea around 1990 has also to be set beside the real feelings of belonging that arise amongst groups other than nations; which, whenever they do have such a feeling of corporate identity, we may describe by the general term ‘communities’.
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Hama, Hawre Hasan. "The Securitization and De-Securitization of Kurdish Societal Security in Turkey, Iraq, Iran, And Syria." World Affairs 183, no. 4 (November 17, 2020): 291–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820020962772.
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The four countries hosting Kurdish populations in the Middle East have mainly been politically centralized in character and sought to follow a homogeneous nation-state model through the assimilation of their Kurdish communities. Drawing on the concepts of societal security, securitization, and de-securitization derived from the theories of the Copenhagen School, this article examines Kurdish (in)security in the Middle East and argues that the Kurds have experienced significant societal insecurity due to the adoption of assimilation strategies by their host states. I posit that federalism and power sharing are the two obvious de-securitization strategies that may address the securitization of Kurdish identity in the states with significant Kurdish populations. I further argue that, while the federal model has appeared to manage securitized Kurdish identity in Iraq since 2003, this solution may not be applicable to Turkey, Iran, and Syria. Alternatively, consociational power sharing as a form of institutional de-securitization carries the potential to address Kurdish identity in these countries.
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Rolston, Bill. "When everywhere is Karbala: Murals, martyrdom and propaganda in Iran." Memory Studies 13, no. 1 (September 13, 2017): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017730870.
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In Tehran, murals depicting men who died in the Islamic Revolution of 1979 and the Iran–Iraq war of 1980–1988 are ubiquitous. The murals represent an exercise in state propaganda, serving to remind citizens that these men died not simply for the nation but for Islam; they are martyrs. This message resonates with deeply held religious views in Iran. There is constant reference to the Battle of Karbala and the martyrdom of Imam Hossein, the grandson of the Prophet Mohammed. This is seen to prefigure the revolt of the people against the Shah in 1979, the defence of the Revolution against Saddam Hussein in the 1980s and, furthermore, the claim of the Iranian opposition that the ideals of the Islamic Revolution have been distorted by politicised clerics. In propagating the myth of Karbala, the murals function to control the masses, bolster elite power and marginalise opposition to that power.
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Oeter, Stefan. "Kurds Between Quests for Statehood, Struggle for Autonomy and Denied Minority Rights." German Yearbook of International Law 63, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 339–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.63.1.339.
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The Kurdish question is a heritage of the post-WW1 peacemaking – an unfortunate legacy that has cast a long shadow for a century. The dreams of the Kurdish national movement that had developed in the late phase of the Ottoman Empire to gain its own Kurdish nation-State were disappointed after 1919, instead the Kurdish territories were incorporated into the newly founded States of Turkey, Iraq and Syria. None of these new States was ready to accept political rights for a Kurdish community as a separate people on their territory – just to the contrary, the new Turkish Republic was decided to assimilate Kurds in their ‘great’ Turkish nation, and also the soon forming new States of Iraq and Syria repressed any sign of Kurdish separatism and insistence on Kurdish traditions and a distinct ethnicity. A new situation developed in the aftermath of the US interventions since 1991. The events following these interventions were the starting point for the de facto autonomy that developed in Kurdish Northern Iraq throughout the 1990s. Hopes for an autonomy arrangement for the mainly Kurdish territories in the eastern parts of Turkey were to arise some years later. After 2011, a new opportunity for (factual) Kurdish self-government opened up in Syria as a side effect of the civil war in that State. The paper looks look into the normative benchmarks on how to deal with the Kurdish question. In a first part, the essay will reconstruct the major legal reference points concerning self-determination of the Kurdish people. In a second step, the text will turn to autonomy arrangements as a middle-ground solution for the need for structures of ‘internal self-determination’. In a third step, as a concession to ‘realpolitik’, the minimalist options in the context of minority protection will be mapped, in their potentials, but also in their pitfalls.
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Numan, Haitham. "The Multimodal Framing Demands by Protesters’ Signs in Social Media." Contemporary Arab Affairs 15, no. 3-4 (September 2022): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2022.15.3-4.7.
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Using the Iraqi Tishreen movement as a case study, this paper applies frame and content analysis to explore the multimodal framing of the 2019 popular protests in Iraq to understand how protesters’ signs framed mass demands on social media. It analyses themes in the signs used by Iraqi protesters during the October 2019 uprising which were later posted on social media. The author collected 2113 posts from social media (Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram), including digital images of people holding protest materials, graphic designs, and placard designs. Images of protesters and their signs were considered material data. The author stopped compiling images after finding duplicates. The images included textual and visual signs as well as icons and symbols. The analysis revealed four major themes and messages intended by the protesters: a willingness to sacrifice for the nation, national unity, feminism, and demands. The theme of the demands is divided into 14 subthemes, such as ending militias, the separation of religion and state, and the rejection of sectarianism. The findings revealed Iraqi political expression on social media and the developments of Arab visual protest culture.
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Gurulé, Jimmy. "United Nations Security Council Resolutions 2199 & 2253." International Legal Materials 56, no. 6 (December 2017): 1144–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2017.41.
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In June 2014, the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) emerged on the world stage when its fighters seized Mosul, Iraq's second-largest city, after moving into Iraq from its original base in Syria. Led by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the self-appointed caliph, ISIL's goal is to establish an Islamic caliphate in the Middle East. At its peak, ISIL was considered the wealthiest international terrorist organization in the world, estimated to have an annual budget of over $2 billion. ISIL controlled large swaths of territory in Iraq and Syria, seizing control of Ramadi, the capital of Iraq's Anbar province, and the historic city of Palmyra in central Syria. In Iraq and Syria, ISIL also seized towns along important supply routes, and controlled critical infrastructure and border crossings. In 2015, the Central Intelligence Agency estimated that ISIL had between twenty thousand and thirty-one thousand fighters in Iraq and Syria, and approximately fifteen thousand of its members were foreign recruits. The acts of brutality committed by ISIL include beheading American journalists; the torture and ruthless slaughter of civilians; the persecution of ethnic minorities and Christians; and gross violations of international human rights that constitute war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.
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Biggar, Nigel. "Christian Just War Reasoning and Two Cases of Rebellion: Ireland 1916–1921 and Syria 2011–Present." Ethics & International Affairs 27, no. 4 (2013): 393–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089267941300035x.
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The contemporary West is biased in favor of rebellion. This is attributable in the first place to the dominance of liberal political philosophy, according to which it is the power of the state that always poses the greatest threat to human well-being. But it is also because of consequent anti-imperialism, according to which any nationalist rebellion against imperial power is assumed to be its own justification. Autonomy, whether of the individual or of the nation, is reckoned to be the value that trumps all others. I surmise that it is because in liberal consciousness the word “rebel” connotes a morally heroic stance—because it means the opposite of “tyrant”—that Western media in recent years have preferred to refer to Iraqi opponents of the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq and Taliban opponents of the ISAF in Afghanistan not as “rebels,” but as “insurgents.”
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Mojtahed-Zadeh, Pirouz. "Iran: An Old Civilization and a New Nation State." Focus on Geography 49, no. 4 (March 2007): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-8535.2007.tb00179.x.
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Nissan, Ephraim. "An Emblematic Case in the Kingdom of Iraq: the Jewish Commander in Charge of the Baghdad Arsenal, Yamen Yousef, from Integration in Nation-Building to Exclusion." Oriente Moderno 101, no. 3 (December 28, 2021): 321–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340267.
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Abstract This article illustrates aspects of modern Iraqi history, being concerned with the life and career of Yamen Yousef (Yāmēn Yūsif, Hebrew name: Yāmīn Ṣiyyōn [ben] Yōsēf [ben] Nissīm), an officer in the army of the Kingdom of Iraq, who was the commander in charge of the Baghdad Royal Arsenal in the 1930s, and earlier on had been one of the three young officers made to proclaim Iraq’s first king during the coronation ceremony. That up to the late 1930s he was commander in charge of the Baghdad Royal Arsenal is in retrospect surprising (and that late in that decade a false charge was made against him by the far right is unsurprising), in consideration of rising animosity towards his ethno-religious identity. This came to a breaking point when he resigned, thus reverting from the acquired status of a career in the service of the state, to private bourgeoisie: this was happening in the first decade of full independence, when Jewish civil servants were being dismissed in their droves, after having been co-opted into the process of nation-building, owing to their educational qualifications giving them for a while an advantage. This study contributes novel data and facets that enable a fairly novel, and certainly more nuanced view of intercommunal relations in Iraq from late Ottoman times throughout the Hashemite monarchy (and beyond).
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Ahmed, Arshad Mohammed. "The role of government spending in promoting human development indicators in the Kurdistan region of Iraq." Journal of University of Human Development 1, no. 3 (August 31, 2015): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v1n3y2015.pp261-277.
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Received human development of exceptional importance in various economic and social research , as well as the various reports of local and international to this topic of great importance , reflected directly on the economic reality and Social any country , became the subject at the forefront with the spins of talk about economic development and global social and promised the basis of strategies international development of the United Nations. In Iraq in general and the Kurdistan region of Iraq , especially development depends on what the State by spending through the general budget, Increased demand for social services pay increase public spending , which is putting pressure on the state, and will shed light on the reality of human development in Iraq in general and Kurdistan Region in particular through the Show human Development Reports local issued by the Central Agency for Statistics and Information Technology Iraqi statement if human development in the provinces of Kurdistan , compared with the provinces of the center, with an indication of the amount of government spending to the Kurdistan region of Iraq on the indicators making up the human Development Index to identify the social and economic impacts and their implications for human development in the the province.