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Journal articles on the topic 'Nation-building – Ukraine'
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1
Kuzio, Taras. "Identity and Nation-Building in Ukraine." Ethnicities 1, no. 3 (September 2001): 343–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146879680100100304.
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KRASIVSKYI, Orest, and Nadiia PIDBEREZHNYK. "PROBLEMS OF NATION-BUILDING PROCESSES IN UKRAINE AT THE PRESENT STAGE." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-214-221.
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The article deals with the problematic aspects of nation-building processes in Ukraine at the present stage. A methodological basis is a comprehensive approach to problem analysis. The categories «nation», «Ukrainian nation», «Ukrainian people» are characterized. The main markers of national identity are identified among which: national consciousness, national interest, national territory, national idea, culture, language, history, common origin, religion. The nation was found to contain both ethnic, cultural and political components. From the dominance of one of these characteristics is formed in essence, an ethnic or political nation. The basic internal and external factors that negatively effecting nation-building processes in Ukraine are investigated. The internal ones include: lack of clear legislative criteria for inclusion in the ethnic community and real indicators of the ethnic composition of the Ukrainian people; loss of title ethnic identity based on linguistic marker; political speculation about the ethno-cultural features of the regions of Ukraine, linguistic and mental differences of the citizens of Ukraine; lack of an effective system of national-patriotic education and formation of national consciousness. External factors include: hybrid war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine, aimed at loss of territorial integrity and state sovereignty of Ukraine, aggravation of interethnic relations; intensive globalization processes that require new approaches to public policy on preserving and developing national identity; negative impact of information flows of foreign countries on the formation of information and cultural space of Ukraine; political and cultural expansion of neighboring countries (Hungary, Poland, Romania, Russia) into Ukraine, which goes beyond the support of their national minorities and poses a direct threat to Ukraine's national security. Keywords: ethnicity,nation, national identity, nationalization, Ukraine, Ukrainian nation, hybrid war.
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Ponomarenko, Liudmyla Viktorivna. "MODERN TRENDS AND CONTRADICTIONS IN THE PROCESSES OF NATION-BUILDING IN UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE MIRROR OF ARCHETYPES." UKRAINIAN ASSEMBLY OF DOCTORS OF SCIENCES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 1, no. 14 (June 16, 2018): 244–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i14.116.
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The article is an attempt to study the nation-building processes in Ukraine and in the countries of the European Union. The similarities and differences are accentuated for Ukraine, which was able to restore its independence after a long national liberation struggle, and the countries of the European Union, most of which can be called the states with sustainable democracy. In order to study the peculiarities of the nation-building processes, universal features common for any nation are investigated: history, territory, language, culture and national self-consciousness. The peculiarities of the nation-building in the newly and post-imperialist states are determined, as well as the influence of history on the formation of the archetypes of the nations. The reasons for the activation of the nation-building processes and their interrelation with the strengthening of separatist sentiments are investigated. The urgency of the separatism issue on the agenda of not only Ukraine but also of the countries of Europe is mentioned. The influence of nation-building processes on the interpretation of historical facts and events, attempts to “rewrite” historical facts or to silence them is considered. The role of the language issue in the nation-building and the duality of its interpretation are studied. Particular attention is drawn to the disagreements that have emerged in the nation-building process in Ukraine and the Member States of the European Union. The contradictions in the interpretation of various social, political and cultural phenomena in Ukraine and the countries of the European Union are considered. The historical lessons of the European Union, which are worth learning in Ukraine for the further painless nation-building, and valuable European experience, which should be studied or taken into account in practice, are analysed. The main challenges facing Ukraine and the European Union countries regarding the future of the nation-building, peaceful coexistence and productive cooperation are highlighted.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Ukraine: Myths, national historiography, nation and state‐building." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 6, no. 4 (December 2000): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110008428614.
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Shishkov, V. "Actual Problems and Prospects of Ukrainian Nation-Building." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2021): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2021-2-31-46.
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The article examines the problem of formation of ethnic boundaries in the process of nation-building in Ukraine and the role of memory politics in this process. The analysis is carried out on a theoretical and methodological basis, including research of the theory of the nation and nationalism, issues of ethnicity, imperial issues, memory policy and historical policy in the post-Soviet space. The efforts of Ukraine to implement the policy of memory, its origins and prerequisites are analyzed. The natural character and direction of this activity, conditioned by the specifics of nation-building in the imperial and Soviet periods, is shown. The main directions, elements, and means of implementing the policy of memory are aimed at forming the foundations of the Ukrainian nation, tearing it off from historical Russia and aiming at spreading Russophobic mythology. Special attention is paid to historical politics as a tool for reforming mass consciousness and implanting Ukrainian identity. The researched factual material made it possible to draw several conclusions about the consequences of the implementation of the memory policy. In particular, after decommunization the theme of decolonization gains increasing importance in Ukraine, being aimed at an even more radical division of the Russian and Ukrainian ethnic groups, of their common historical heritage. In general, the politics of memory may be regarded as an important condition and tool for constructing a new border between Russia and Ukraine.
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Stebelsky, Ihor. "Putting Ukraine on the map: the contribution of Stepan Rudnyts'kyi to Ukrainian nation-building." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 4 (July 2011): 587–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.585147.
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This paper examines the contribution of the founder of modern Ukrainian geography, Stepan Rudnyts'kyi, to Ukrainian nation-building. It demonstrates how Rudnyts'kyi put Ukraine on the mental map of the Ukrainian public before the declaration of Ukraine's independence in 1918. This is done by analyzing his key publications and showing how he formed a vision of Ukraine and delineated its territory to influence the perceptions of the Ukrainian public on the eve of the struggle for Ukraine's independence. Rudnyts'kyi's contribution is also viewed within the context of competition from rival modern nation-building projects in Eastern Europe, most notably Polish and Russian. The developments are also examined within Miroslav Hroch's periodization of national movements. Rudnyts'kyi played an important role in stage B (patriotic agitation) in Ukrainian national revival.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Borders, symbolism and nation‐state building: Ukraine and Russia." Geopolitics and International Boundaries 2, no. 2 (September 1997): 36–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629379708407589.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Nation Building, History Writing and Competition over the Legacy of Kyiv Rus in Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 1 (March 2005): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500053960.
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This article surveys the history of Kyiv Rus within the realm of nation building, identity and historical myths. It argues that Ukraine's elites believe that Western, Russian and Soviet schools of history on Kyiv Rus (and Ukraine) are incompatible with nation and state building.Two schools—Ukrainophile and East Slavic—compete within Ukraine. Nevertheless, the former has been promoted as the dominant school by ruling elites, many of whom date from the Soviet Ukrainian SSR and might personally favour the East Slavic framework. As Stepanenko states, Hrushevsky “is factually theorizing the most convincing version of Ukrainian history.”
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Kosmachev, M. V. "Ukraine: the Radical Solution of the Nation-Building’s Problem." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 1 (December 15, 2015): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2015-1-39-49.
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The article is devoted to the problem of nation building in Ukraine. After 1991 Ukrainian political elite is forced to preserve the status quo and maneuver between the practice of constructing supra-ethnic community in the form of the nation-state or in the form of the empire. The coup d’état proceeded in Ukraine in February 2014 and further confrontation demonstrate a commitment of elite groups to the line of the nation-state building in its radical form. The execution of the chosen line is only possible by force of ethno-nationalism and ethnic cleansing.
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Gilley, Christopher. "Placing Ukraine on the Map. Stepan Rudnytsky's Nation-Building Geography." Europe-Asia Studies 67, no. 5 (May 28, 2015): 843–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2015.1042678.
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Diesen, Glenn, and Conor Keane. "The Two-tiered Division of Ukraine: Historical Narratives in Nation-building and Region-building." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 19, no. 3 (February 8, 2017): 313–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2017.1277087.
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Sorochuk, Ludmyla. "CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL MISSION OF MYKHAYLO VERBYTSKY IN THE CONTEXT OF NATION-BUILDING." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 26 (2020): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2020.26.11.
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The creative activity of Mykhailo Mykhailovych Verbytsky, as one of the brightest representatives of the national elite of the period of the Ukrainian cultural revival of the XIX century, was traced. The importance of the social-cultural mission of the artist, a priest of the Greek Catholic Church, a public figure, the founder of professional music in Galicia and the founder of the national school of composition in Ukraine was emphasized. A representative of the artistic elite, the famous composer M. Verbytsky was a model of professionalism in music and, very importantly, a bearer of national and cultural ideas. The article raises the question of the significance of the creation of the anthem song "Ukraine is not dead yet": the words of P. Chubynsky, the music of M. Verbytsky. The famous musicial composition, the words and melody of which united more than one generation, united Ukrainians around the world, influenced the formation of identity and awakened national consciousness. Working on the creation of a majestic song, the authors realized that the songs-hymns encode political levers, which reveal the potential for democratic development of the nation and the consolidation of citizens. After Ukraine gained independence, the text of the anthem was approved, with simultaneous editing, and in March 2003, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted the Law "On the National Anthem of Ukraine" to the music of V. Verbytsky, P. Chubynsky's words "Ukraine is not dead yet, and Glory, and Will "– is one of the most important state symbols. Emphasis is placed on the fact that M. Verbytsky is the author of music for the National Anthem of Ukraine and his life choice, active social activity and creative work carried out a social-cultural mission. The talented composer, spiritual mentor, patriot M. Verbytsky realized the value of what he was doing, worked selflessly and sacrificially, promoting the position of self-affirmation of Ukrainians as free and self-sufficient people.
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Virág, Attila. "The cultural and geopolitical dimensions of nation-building in the Ukraine." Society and Economy 34, no. 4 (April 4, 2012): 619–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/socec.2012.0002.
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Radzik, Ryszard. "Białorusini na tle procesów narodotwórczych społeczeństw Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 41 (February 13, 2022): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2012.019.
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Belarus Vis a Vis Nation-Building Processes in Central and East European CommunitiesThe text explores the nation-building factors that determined the intensity with which certain nations in Central and East Europe were formed in the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century – with some reference to their contemporary situation, especially of today’s Belarus. In addition to Belarus, the analyses also briefly cover nation-building processes in Ukraine (Galicia and Dnieper Ukraine), Slovakia and the Czech Republic. Three categories of factors that are crucial for the processes under discussion have already been distinguished – namely civilization, culture and politics. All three types decisively benefited the Czechs, who succeeded in developing nation-building processes the soonest; the Czechs, among all the other nations in the region, thus first acquired a national awareness at the popular level. On the contrary, the above-mentioned factors did not work to the benefit of the Belarussians and Dnieper Ukrainians. The territories they inhabited were very weakly industrialized and urbanized, while their languages differed from Russian and Polish much less than was the case, on the one hand, of the Slovaks and Czechs, and on the other, of the Hungarians and Austrians (Germans). At the same time, Russian policies obviously hampered the formation of the Belarussian and Ukrainian nations. This article shows the strength with which objective conditions exerted an influence on nation-building processes in our part of the continent.
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KRUTIKOV, Anton. "“Until our government is stronger...”. Bolsheviks and the Ukrainian national question in 1917-1923." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 3 (2019): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-3-115-129.
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The upheavals of the Russian revolution and Civil War had a decisive influence on the development of the Ukrainian nation. Given modern efforts to free Ukraine "from imperial layers", it is particularly useful to address real historical experience, namely that of the Bolsheviks, who implemented their own Ukrainian nation building project in 1917-1923. Generated by the party-state machine of the RSFSR, it was a cultural dimension of the “battle for Ukraine” and determined the character of Ukrainian statehood for many decades.
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Voitiuk, I. V. "Cultural relativism and ethnocentrism in the Ukrainian nation-creating discourse." Humanitarian studios: pedagogics, psychology, philosophy 3, no. 152 (December 2020): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31548/hspedagog2020.03.084.
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The article considers the problematic issues of national self-identification in Ukraine. The study analyzes current topics of cultural relativism, ethnocentrism, nation-building in Ukraine everywhere through the prism of prognostic ideas of Ukrainian scientists, philosophers, culturologists, historians, ethnologists. As a result of the conducted scientific research the forecast which testifies to considerable potential of the Ukrainian philosophical and culturological school is made.
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Oleinik, Anton. "On the Role of Historical Myths in Nation-State Building: The Case of Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 6 (July 29, 2019): 1100–1116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.32.
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This article offers an overview of myths that may become a foundation of for shared memories of the Ukrainian nation’s past. According to Anthony Smith, common historical myths play a key role in the “ethnic” model of nationhood that constitutes the East European path to building a nation-state. The list of key myths that help constitute the Ukrainian identity includes Cossackdom, freedom, national independence, individualism, and democracy. It is argued that the existing historical myths have to be carefully assessed and adapted to the needs of nation-state building.
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Cybriwsky, Roman. "Ihor Stebelsky. Placing Ukraine on the Map: Stepan Rudnytsky’s Nation-Building Geography." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 2, no. 2 (September 8, 2015): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t28c78.
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<p><strong>Ihor Stebelsky. <em>Placing Ukraine on the Map: Stepan Rudnytsky’s Nation-Building Geography</em><em>.</em></strong> Kingston, Ontario: Kashtan Press, 2014. iii, 50 pp. Foreword. Illustrations. Endnotes. References. Afterword. Cloth.</p>
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Janmaat, Jan Germen, and Nelli Piattoeva. "Citizenship education in Ukraine and Russia: reconciling nation‐building and active citizenship." Comparative Education 43, no. 4 (November 2007): 527–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050060701611920.
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Oleinik, Anton. "Volunteers in Ukraine: From provision of services to state- and nation-building." Journal of Civil Society 14, no. 4 (September 18, 2018): 364–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448689.2018.1518771.
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Krasiwski, Orest, and Nadiia Pidberezhnyk. "Informative and cultural space as a factor of modern formation of nation in Ukraine." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 23 (June 15, 2021): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2021.23.4.
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The article analyzes the challenges to the Ukrainian nation-building and national security of Ukraine in the informative and cultural sphere at the present stage. Consequently, the author high- lights the problems of linguistic self-identification of Ukrainians, the functioning of the informative and cultural space as well as its impact on the formation of Ukrainian national consciousness are highlighted. Also, the paper determines the threats in the information sphere in the context of Rus- sia’s hybrid war against Ukraine and examines the formation of national consciousness through the system of national and patriotic education in Ukraine. The priorities of the state language policy, state policy in the information sphere and national-patriotic education in Ukraine at the present stage are defined in order to ensure the formation of the Ukrainian national consciousness and the Ukrainian civil nation, countering the challenges to the national security of Ukraine.
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Sogu Hong. "Holidays and Nation-Building in Ukraine, Russia and Belarus: Focused on Victory Day." Korean Journal of Slavic Studies 31, no. 4 (December 2015): 133–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17840/irsprs.2015.31.4.004.
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Yekelchyk, Serhy. "Studying the Blueprint for a Nation: Canadian Historiography of Modern Ukraine." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 5, no. 1 (March 23, 2018): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus373.
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This article discusses the development of a Canadian historiography of modern Ukraine. It argues that the early focus on Ukrainian nation building determined the range of topics that interested Canadian historians, but over the following years their methodology changed significantly. The development of social history provided indispensable tools for in-depth analysis of the Ukrainian national movement. The subsequent development of a new cultural history, post-colonial studies, and the “linguistic turn” allowed for a more subtle analysis of the Ukrainian patriotic discourse and practice. New scholarship focusing on the ambiguities of imperial projects and the everyday life allowed for a re-evaluation of the traditional emphasis on the national intelligentsia’s organic work. Because of its focus on the making of a modern Ukrainian nation, beginning in the 1990s Canadian historiography was well positioned to assist in the transformation of Ukrainian historical scholarship from Soviet models to new theoretical and methodological foundations. This often meant helping Ukrainian colleagues to revise the very “national paradigm” of history writing that early Canadian historians had helped develop. In the decades after an independent Ukraine emerged in 1991, the study of Ukrainian nation building became an increasingly global and collaborative enterprise, with historians from Ukraine studying and working in Canada, and with conferences on topics related to modern Ukrainian history involving scholars from around the world.
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Seliverstova, Oleksandra. "“Consuming” national identity in Western Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 1 (January 2017): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1220363.
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This paper represents an attempt to study national identity in the post-Soviet context through the lens of everyday life practices. Building on ideas of banal nationalism and consumer citizenship, and with support of empirical evidence collected in l'viv, Ukraine, this paper demonstrates how national identity becomes materialized in everyday life through consumption practices and objects of consumption. While exploring objects and practices that are not originally national in scope but infused with national meanings by ordinary people, it will be shown how consumption becomes an arena for the expression and renegotiation of national self-portraits. Differences in national meanings among residents of l'viv belonging to two different language groups will highlight the diversity of ways and means by which people express their national sensibilities. By exploring national meanings in everyday consumption practices of Ukrainian citizens, this study aims to provide an alternative perspective on post-Soviet nation-building and contribute to the current debate on the position and identity of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine.
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Mironenko, Viktor. "Ukraine, Quo Vadis? Mirages of the Third Republic." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120213845.
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Ukraine has completed a long period of transformation of its political regime. On the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of State sovereignty, a discussion of its outcome is envisaged. One can look back on the road travelled. For 30 years it has been determined by the continuation of nation-building and the search for the right integrationist vector. With the formal completion of the former and the uncertainty of the latter, the danger of a continuing transformational crisis emerged.The article is devoted to the analysis of its nature and possible ways out of it. The nature of the «second transformative crisis» in Ukraine ambivalent. It can be both a factor of destabilization and degradation and an indication of the path to exit, stabilization and growth. Much, if not all, will depend on the elite’s willingness to rise above personal and corporate interests and its ability to learn from its own experiences, to consider external conditions and to offer development goals that can consolidate society. In the opinion of the author, the Association Agreement with the EU, in the process of its further implementation, could become a basis for targeting and a tool for achieving the objectives set. If successful, Ukraine’s experience of nation-building in the context of globalization may prove useful to other newly independent Eastern European States.
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Lange, Anja. "The Beginning of Ukrman – a Fighter against the Evil and the Coronavirus." Galactica Media: Journal of Media Studies 2, no. 3 (October 19, 2020): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/gmd.v2i3.118.
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Comics have a big task in Ukraine: Through them nation is built, historical events are discussed and identity is constructed. In 2018 Ukraine’s first superhero was introduced: UKRMAN. In the past, the Cossacks have been the heroes of Ukraine and were also portrayed in various comics. But in a time when the national integrity of Ukraine is tested through an armed conflict in the East, a new superhero is sorely needed. The comic combines the past (Communist era with the Chernobyl nuclear accident) and the present of Ukraine in a unique way. The article will show why the implementation of a new superhero (especially his look, his behavior and the background of the plot) is necessary for Ukrainian nation building. The symbols UKRMAN uses tend to unify the country by giving it a superhero everybody can identify him- or herself with. The message of the comic is that someone does not have to wear a cape to be depicted as a hero. The comic as the beginning of a project with videos and merchandise is the first one of that kind in Ukraine.
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Rutland, Peter. "Thirty Years of Nation-Building in the Post-Soviet States." Nationalities Papers 51, no. 1 (January 2023): 14–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2021.94.
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AbstractThis introduction to the special issue looks back at 30 years of nation-building in the post-Soviet states. Initial hopes that national self-determination would reinforce democratization proved misplaced. While that synergy worked well in the Baltic states, elsewhere authoritarian leaders embraced nationalism, while democracies like Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine lost control of parts of their territory to secessionist movements backed by Russia. Each of the post-Soviet states promoted a national language (except for Belarus) and forged a new historical narrative for their “imagined community,” but in most cases they remained multi-ethnic and multi-lingual communities. In recognition of this persisting ethnic diversity, nation-building was accompanied by policies of ethnicity management. The international economic environment was rapidly changing due to globalization, posing new challenges for nation-builders. The gender dimension is important to the new national identities being forged in the post-Soviet space: the categories of race and class, less so. The article concludes with a review of the salient features of each of the newly-independent states.
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Volkovskyi, Volodymyr. "Independence in opposition to the "Russian world": a philosophical and pedagogical dimension." Filosofiya osvity. Philosophy of Education 27, no. 1 (August 11, 2021): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31874/2309-1606-2021-27-1-4.
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In the article, the author analyzes some political and philosophical dimensions and perspectives that become relevant on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of Ukraine's Independence. The author, positioning himself within the political philosophy and philosophy of history, points out several fundamental points relevant to the identity and positioning of Ukrainian society on "eternal issues of Ukrainian society", such as discussions on the national idea, national identity, its historical and spatial perspective. The author's presentation is divided into four points: the century-old perspective of the Ukrainian struggle for independence, definition of the current Ukrainian situation in the context of nation-building and confrontation with Russia, the theoretical dimension of "national idea" and "civil religion", practical conclusions about the Ukrainian kind of these concepts. The author relies on the methodology of modern Nationalism Studies, Postcolonial Studies, the experience of Ukrainian studies, especially in the era of Ukrainian modernity (XIX-XX centuries). He postulates that the thirtieth anniversary of Ukrainian independence is inextricably linked with the century of liberation struggles of the Ukrainian nation, that the situation in Ukraine, in particular in the context of defining national identity and confrontation with Russia, can be correctly described as a confrontation between independentists of a modern emerging nation and the colonial empire, which fights for regaining its power over the former colony-province, relies on its numerous loyalists and uses various methods of aggression (both "cold" cultural war and "hot" military confrontation) to subdue the region. The author offers his view on the concept of "Ukrainian national idea", based on the basic literary sources of the history of Ukrainian nation-building. Based on the research, the author offers certain practical conclusions important for teaching history, law, civic education and for the education of a responsible citizen in Ukraine.
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Korchagin, Kirill. "Serguey Zhadan’s Melancholic Nomadism and National Imagination in Ukraine." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 319–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3220.
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A recent state crisis in Ukraine launched the process of the re-treatment of national and state borders not only in public politics and media, but also in culture and literature. According to Deleuze and Guattari, contemporary humans live in the epoch when nomadic subjectivity comes on the scene in order to change the regime of national spatial imagination. Nomadic existence regarding individuals as always “on the road” seems to be a tool for the de- and re-territorialization that shapes new cultural and state borders. This paper regards Serhiy Zhadan, one of the most prominent contemporary Ukrainian poets, and his treatment of the Ukrainian nation and its borders. For Zhadan, the need for poetry practice has to participate in the nation-building process intensified after Maidan. The key concept for this process’s comprehensionis melancholia, which could help to draw an image of contemporary Ukranian subjectivity.
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Csernicskó, István, and Réka Máté. "Bilingualism in Ukraine: Value or Challenge?" Sustainable Multilingualism 10, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 14–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sm-2017-0001.
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Summary Several analyses have summarized the linguistic situation of Ukraine, highlighting various aspects of the problematic issues of Ukraine’s language policy. The fundamental problems of the linguistic situation in Ukraine are the lack of consensus regarding the issue of what role the Ukrainian language has in constructing the new post-Soviet identity and in nation building, what status the Russian language should be given in Ukraine. According to the data from the 2001 census, 80% of the adult population of Ukraine speak (at least) one other language fluently in addition to their mother tongue. In the country it is clear that the reality in most of Ukraine is of bilingualism. Almost everyone in Ukraine is bilingual; to varying degrees, a fundamental characteristic of the language situation in Ukraine is bilingualism of society. In spite of this, due to negative historical experiences, bilingualism is stigmatized in Ukraine, and that makes codification of bilingualism impossible on the state level. The paper shows the attitude of the political elite that took power after the overthrow of President Viktor Yanukovych towards the issue of bilingualism. We present how the linguists and representatives of the intellectuals comment on the bilingualism in Ukraine. The primordial, national romantic view that makes the Ukrainian language and the (free and independent) Ukrainian nation the same nowadays strongly dominates in Ukraine.
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Oksana Lytvynchuk, Oksana Lytvynchuk. "THE INFLUENCE OF THE LANGUAGE FACTOR ON THE NATIONAL IDENTITY FORMATION." Socio World-Social Research & Behavioral Sciences 06, no. 04(02) (November 25, 2021): 59–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/swd0604(02)2021-59.
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The importance of the state language in modern Ukrainian society as an important factor of national identity and a means of strengthening society is emphasized. It is found that language ensures the unity and development of the healthy mentality and culture of people as a nation, it is the main source and factor of its strengthening, a powerful means of consolidating national consciousness, preserving national identity for millennia. Topical issues of language policy and language situation in Ukraine are highlighted. The orientation of the state policy on strengthening the position of the Ukrainian language not only in everyday life, but also in the field of public administration, is defined,- so that it will help to open new horizons for the development of society. The main problems characterizing the modern language situation are traced. Keywords: national identity, language, language policy, nation building, Ukrainian nation, Ukraine.
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Shevel, Oxana. "The Politics of Memory in a Divided Society: A Comparison of Post-Franco Spain and Post-Soviet Ukraine." Slavic Review 70, no. 1 (2011): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.70.1.0137.
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Through a comparison of post-Franco Spain and post-Soviet Ukraine, Oxana Shevel examines state responses to the challenge of dealing with divided historical memory. Both countries embarked on the transition from authoritarian rule divided by the memory of the recent past, but each dealt with this similar challenge very differently. This article discusses Spain's “democratization of memory” policy centered on the state's refusal to define a common historical memory for the society as a whole and on the official recognition of the multiplicity of “personal and family” memories and examines why no comparable policy has emerged in Ukraine so far. Shevel considers the potential applicability of the Spanish solution to Ukraine in light of both social realities and theories of nation building, in particular the debate over whether national unity necessitates a cultural nation and shared collective memory, or whether unity in a democracy can be built on other foundations.
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Boiko, Igor. "The Constitution of Ukraine of 1710 and its place in the centuries-old history of nation-building." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.4.2020.01.
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The article reveals the socio-political preconditions of the Constitution of Ukraine of 1710, analyzes its content and determinesits place in the centuries-old history of nation-building. It is noted that the Ukrainian Constitution of 1710 had an exceptional politicaland legal significance, as it was a regularity of the existence of the Ukrainian Cossack state and testified to the statehood of the Ukrai -nian nation. The Constitution of 1710 was a kind of social contract, the primary purpose of which is to ensure the rights and free deve -lopment of members of society. It enshrined the principle of separation of state power, established democratic and contractual principlesfor the formation of public authorities, the manner of their organization and interaction, determined their competence and functions.The Constitution of Ukraine of 1710 enshrined other important principles, including equality (Article 6 «equality of the Cossacks inpublic affairs»), the rule of law and the inviolability of natural human rights, which were the basis for preventing usurpation of power,violation of the integrity and sovereignty of the state. The competence of state authorities and officials was delimited and their constitutionalstatus was established. The Ukrainian Constitution of 1710 was focused on the establishment and development of the nationalidea, spiritual and moral values of peace, tolerance, goodness, and justice. During the period of the Ukrainian Cossack state, especiallyat the time of the adoption of its constitution in 1710, the formation of the national idea took place. The Constitution of Ukraine of 1710is important in the history of nation-building. Adopted during the Middle Ages, when predominantly absolutist monarchies ruled, itbecame the most advanced state act in European society at the time, defining Ukraine as a democratic Christian republic with an electedhetmanate. The Constitution of 1710 became the foundation for the further development of Ukrainian statehood. The first Ukrainianconstitution of 1710 was ahead of its time, it was adopted when the French and English educators had just begun to develop those cons -titutional ideas that were already laid down in it. As is typical of constitutions, it defined the state system, the order and principles offunctioning of representative, executive and judicial authorities, the electoral system, the rights and responsibilities of the state, societyand citizens. Given the above-analyzed basic provisions of the Constitution of 1710, it can rightly be considered the first written democraticconstitution in the world. Key words: constitution, state formation, republic, state, nation, Ukraine.
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Kolodnyi, Anatolii M. "National churches in the context of the national revival of Ukraine." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 7 (February 24, 1998): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/1998.7.131.
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Ukraine is now experiencing a demolition of national development. The Ukrainian people Begins to realize themselves as a political nation. There is a process of national state building, forms its own legal system, the national culture revives, our spiritual self-determination takes place in the context of world history. All this suggests that. that the processes taking place in post-socialist Ukraine can not be estimated by analogy with what is happening in Russia, the metropolitan country of the former Soviet empire.
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Fylypovych, Liudmyla O., and Anatolii M. Kolodnyi. "Religion in the context of the spiritual revival of Ukraine." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 2 (September 27, 1996): 4–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/1996.2.32.
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Ukraine for the third time in its history is experiencing a process of national revival, which not only intensified the activities of different faiths, but also raised the question of the place of religion in the life of the nation in general. That rehabilitation of religion, which took place in public opinion during the years of Ukraine's independence, changes in social assessments of its role in spiritual and national revival, Ukrainian state building, as we are, is more likely to be a response to propagation of religious spirituality by the mass media, a kind of illusion of the desired, rather than a reflection of the real processes in church and religious life.
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Yurii, Shemshuchenko, and Skrypniuk Oleksandr. "Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine: Historical Significance and Challenges for the Present (to the 30th Anniversary of the Declaration)." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 31 (2020): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/0869-2491-2020-31-3-14.
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Introduction. 30 years after the adoption of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine, its relevance and socio-political interest have not diminished. The potential of its importance and the impact on state-building processes in Ukraine are not fully understood and used to build a modern, modern independent state in Ukraine. All this encourages scientists to re-analyze one of the main acts of our country. Of particular importance for the further progress and development of Ukraine is the analysis of the ascending legal principles that laid the foundations for the revival of national sovereign statehood in Ukraine. The purpose of the study is to understand the basic principles of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine, their importance for the development of modern state-making process, its deepening, which will contribute to building a European democratic, legal, social state in Ukraine, solving problems of securing state sovereignty of Ukraine in modern conditions violating its territoriality . The aim of the article. The article raises the problem of conceptual essence of the main provisions of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of Ukraine, the problems of their realization in the legal, political, economic spheres, national security and protection of statehood, implementation of foreign policy and European orientation of Ukraine, and their influence on the development of the state-making process and the sovereignty of Ukraine. Results. The factors of acceptance of the Declaration on the Proclamation of Ukraine's Sovereignty, the doctrinal principles of state sovereignty and their implementation in the state-making practice of Ukraine in the main spheres of state and public life before the proclamation of independence on August 24, 1991 are revealed in the article. The generator of ideas of sovereignty and the driving force behind the adoption of the Declaration were national-democratic forces. The declaration was adopted by more than a constitutional majority, which confirmed the nationwide support for the ideas of Ukraine's sovereignty. Conclusions. The Declaration became a fundamental act, which had the meaning of a constitutional act. It was a revolutionary document that declared a radical change in worldviews and values for society and defined the ways of its development and strategic directions of building a sovereign state in Ukraine. The Declaration laid the legal foundations of statehood: the rule of the Constitution and laws of Ukraine, its right to its own Armed Forces, security bodies, inviolability of its territory, right to its own citizenship, right to free national and spiritual development of the nation, independently determine the economic status and pursue foreign policy, etc. It marked the birth of modern constitutionalism in Ukraine and became the basis for the development and adoption of a new democratic Constitution. It was a strategic document that embodied the conceptual foundations of state-building, the construction of civil society and their purpose.
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Vovkanych, Stepan. "Ideological foundations of exclusive development of the National State of Ukraine." Regional Economy, no. 4(94) (2019): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.36818/1562-0905-2019-4-1.
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Сurrent article, probably for the first time, analyzes the model of state-building, where the nation is considered to be conscious of its national idea of the future development. It argues that based on this Idea, the stratagems for building a nation-state of indigenous people with all the proper attributes are being developed. The title nation living in this state has an exclusive (exceptional) natural, cultural, religious and historical right to self-determination and protection. The paper notes that in a process of elimination of imperial assimilation barriers, these stratagems perform three fundamental and at the same time interrelated functions of spiritual revival: consolidation of the nation, its identification and integration into a civilized world. Everything impeding the realization of these core functions for national progress is stressed to be a remnant of the hostile neighbourhood of the past, which contemporaries must not keep for the future generation to attain a better future. In this context, an integrated approach to the National Idea is proposed as a set of integral stratagems of national progress, which made it possible to highlight the corresponding priorities of building a national state in each block of stratagems. For example, in the unity bloc - to return the peace and integrity of the country; in the defense of “ukrainianness” – not only to adopt, but also actually implement the law on the Ukrainian language, speed up de-communization, strengthen security in particularly in the national information space. As for the “dignity” bloc, one should not only “not embrace”, but also adhere to the vector of civilizational development, achieve admission to NATO, the EU, achieve high socio-economic living standards of people of developed countries, indicators of their well-being and recreation, protect their health; and at the same time - develop their own strength and resources. The achievement of the planned indicators before Ukraine admittance to NATO and EU, which constitute its homework, affects not only the named blocks of stratagems, but also the structure of global and regional factors, exclusive barriers that still lie in the field of Ukrainian studies of virgin land. In the paper the conclusion is made that in the conditions of an aggressive external environment and continued imperial support of the “fifth columns” in Ukraine - this poses a great danger to state sovereignty, national identity and European-NATO integration. Moreover, further disregard for them is deadly as a continuation of any war and imperial assimilation. In the circumstances of the hybrid war of Russia against Ukraine, it is vital for a person individually, existentially for a nation as a social community of people and globally dangerous for the development of the cultural diversity of humanity as a whole. Comprehensive account of these, triple-connected processes, is of great importance for developing an effective road map for the ultimate exit of Kyiv from the orbit of Moscow’s imperial claims, enhancing the self-exclusive subjectivity of Ukraine, and accelerating its accession to the number of free countries of the world.
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Repeta, I. V. "REVOLUTION OF 1917-1921 IN THE HISTORICAL MEMORY OF UKRAINE: REGIONAL DIMENSION." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Idea, no. 6(50) (December 28, 2018): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7410-2018-6(50)-124-132.
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At the present stage of Ukraine's development, one of the decisive factors that significantly influences the processes of state-building of the Ukrainian nation is historical memory, which is an important component of the self-identification of the population. This article covers the factors that influenced the formation of historical memory in the regions of the country, one of which is the revolutionary events of 1917-1921.
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Shulman, Stephen. "Cultural comparisons and their consequences for nationhood in Ukraine." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 39, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 247–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2006.03.007.
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Several theories of nationalism argue that ethnic and regional cultural heterogeneity are a source of conflict and alienation in a state, and therefore impede nation-building. This article tests this assertion with respect to ethnic and regional differences in Ukraine. Using a 2001 mass public opinion survey developed by the author, the article engages in bi-variate and multivariate statistical analysis of the relationship between perceived ethnic and ethno-regional diversity in Ukraine and various measures of national identity and national unity. The results of this analysis suggest that subjective cultural differences in Ukraine do not substantially undermine national identity, but they do weaken national unity.
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VAVILOV, A. N. "POLICY OF NATIONAL CONSOLIDATION IN UKRAINE: THEORY AND PRACTICE." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 16, no. 2 (2021): 164–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2021-16-2-164-179.
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The practical implementation of the policy of national consolidation was strongly influenced by such factors as the absence of a common Ukrainian identity formed and rooted in the mass consciousness, the presence of deep and diverse regional differences, as well as the socio-cultural proximity of Ukrainians and Russians, which is especially characteristic of the southeastern regions of the country. The purpose of this article is to study the theoretical and practical aspects of the formation of a political nation in Ukraine after gaining sovereignty in 1991. The article considers the "ethnic" and "political" approaches to the interpretation of the concept of "nation", as well as some theoretical models of the formation of a political nation in Ukraine. Research methodology - consisted in a systematic analysis of the facts and phenomena contributing to the consolidation of Ukraine, as well as in the study of political factors influencing this process. As a result of the study, it was revealed that the task of national consolidation began to act as a priority of the policy of state-building and took the form of Ukrainianization of various spheres of society. The example of politics in the language sphere shows that this strategy was implemented at an accelerated pace and was based on the practice of administrative pressure and prohibitions, which did not contribute to the harmonization of social relations and the strengthening of the unity of Ukrainian society.
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Dembinska, Magdalena. "Adapting to Changing Contexts of Choice: The Nation-Building Strategies of Unrecognized Silesians and Rusyns." Canadian Journal of Political Science 41, no. 4 (December 2008): 915–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423908081080.
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Abstract. The article explores the relationship between institutional constraints and nation-building. Non-recognized Rusyns in Ukraine and Silesians in Poland respond instrumentally to state definitions of “minority.” Moreover, both groups adjust their strategies to European structures and discourses which provide new ways to frame their identity claims. Institutions determine the constraints and incentives of group action. Identity is not only constructed, but is reconstructed in a rational way. Contrary, however, to the rational choice instrumental perspective which would predict an assimilation process, state policies encourage the Rusyns and Silesians to re-imagine and reinforce their distinctiveness.Résumé. L'article examine le lien qui existe entre les contraintes institutionnelles et l'édification de la nation. Non reconnus, les Ruthènes en Ukraine et les Silésiens en Pologne réagissent instrumentalement aux définitions du terme «minorité» établies par ces États. De plus, les deux groupes adaptent leurs stratégies aux structures et aux discours de l'Europe, qui leur permet de formuler leurs revendications identitaires d'une nouvelle manière. Les institutions établissent les contraintes et les incitatifs à l'action collective. L'identité n'est pas seulement construite, elle est reconstruite de façon rationnelle. Contrairement, toutefois, à la perspective instrumentale du choix rationnel qui aurait prédit un processus d'assimilation, les politiques étatiques incitent les Ruthènes et les Silésiens à ré-imaginer et à renforcer leur identité distincte.
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Malanchuk-Rybak, Oksana. "Periodization of the history of Ukrainian culture of the nineteenth century: basic models." Bulletin of Lviv National Academy of Arts, no. 40 (July 1, 2019): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37131/2524-0943-2019-40-1.
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The article explores the historiographical developments concerning the periodization of the history of Ukrainian culture of the 19th century. The first model is the periodization of cultural and national revival in 19th century Ukraine. Main periods: academic (the time of collecting cultural and historical heritage); organizational (the time of creation of national cultural and educational organizations); political (the time of creation of parties and other organizations that enable the nation to participate in political processes). The basic idea of this periodization is to show the processes of building of the nation and building of the country in the nineteenth century through the emergence and development of new phenomena in culture. The second model is the Pan-European cultural and historical periodization, which identifies such major periods of the nineteenth-century cultural history like Romanticism and Positivism.
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Biletska, Oksana. "CULTURE AS A NATION BRANDING TOOL WITHIN THE INTERNATIONAL INTERACTION SYSTEM." CULTURE AND ARTS IN THE MODERN WORLD, no. 22 (June 30, 2021): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31866/2410-1915.22.2021.235887.
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The purpose of the study is to clarify the role of culture as a tool for nation branding development, as well as national brand’s building and promoting within the global context of the national discourse. To reach the aim of the research, there was carried out the systematisation of the “nation branding” and “nation brand” concepts, as well as the analysis of theoretical and practical aspects of both nation and cultural brand and image of the country in the context of international cooperation. The research methodology consists in using general methods of empirical and theoretical research based on analysis, synthesis and concretisation. It is to analyse and summarise the results to reveal the “culture” factor’s importance in the nation branding development as an externally oriented phenomenon, in the context of international interaction providing information about what the country is. The scientific novelty of the study is to clarify the cultural constituent’s role in the process of the nation branding development in the context of the “State policy in the field of nation branding”; with the carrying out the analysis of the “culture and heritage” component as a criterion influencing the “Nation Brands” world reputation indexing; looked into the strategies for the Ukrainian culture development as an axis of building a nation brand and international image of Ukraine in the context of cultural diplomacy and intercultural dialogue; with paying attention to the content of the “Study of Ukraine’s perception abroad” results as an indicator of the world awareness of Ukrainian culture in the nation branding context. The conclusions point out that today in the system of international cooperation, culture: cultural heritage, cultural diversity and cultural potential of the country — is gaining importance as a tool for building a national brand and is the most effective means of creating a country/state’s positive international image in the long run. A successful nation branding allows increasing the level of the state’s political influence in the international arena and strengthening international ties, etc.
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KRASIVSKYI, Orest, and Vasyl PASICHNYK. "DYNAMICS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY FORMATION IN INDEPENDENT UKRAINE." Contemporary era 8 (2020): 134–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2020-8-134-149.
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The dynamics of national identity formation in independent Ukraine has been studied. Based on the analysis of the results of sociological research, the state, problems, and prospects of Ukrainian national identity formation have been revealed. At the time of the declaration of independence, Ukraine was characterized by a blurred national identity, where regional identities predominated when the West of Ukraine focused on the European Union, and its East and South parts focused on Russia. The sociological research results revealed positive dynamics in the formation of Ukrainian national identity in the conditions of independent Ukraine, as it is a civic identity that has become a priority for the citizens of Ukraine over other group identities. At the same time, the shortcomings of the liberal approach to the formation of national identity, which emphasizes human rights, ignoring the problems of blurred Ukrainian national identity, incomplete nation-building processes in Ukraine, and the collective rights of Ukrainians as the titular nation, are proved. This led to the deepening of divisions and fragmentation of Ukrainian society, the alienation of property and power by the broad masses of people. Russia took advantage of this by unleashing a "hybrid war" against Ukraine and annexing Crimea and part of the Donbas. However, the modern political elite has not drawn proper conclusions, and as the results of recent sociological studies show, it continues to pursue politics, ignoring the Ukrainian national interests and expectations of its own people. The priority of national integration and ensuring the national unity of Ukraine has been justified while maintaining the priority of European integration concerning other areas of foreign policy orientation and international integration. It is proved that the conceptual basis for consolidating the people of Ukraine can be primarily the Ukrainian national idea. Keywords: national identity, Ukraine, consolidation of society, Ukrainian national ide
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von Hagen, MarK. "The Entangled Eastern Front and the Making of the Ukrainian State: a Forgotten Peace – a Forgotten War and Nation-Building." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 45–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-2.
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In his article the author reproduced a picture of the Ukrainian state formation and described the stages of the independence movement deployment. Despite all the efforts — conscious or unconscious — of the numerous “authors” of Ukrainian statehood, there were always powerful forces who opposed the idea of Ukraine’s independence. The Bolsheviks and Whites showed the most hostile attitude towards the idea of the Ukrainian state and nation. This was confirmed by the devastating actions of the White Army and the Polish Republic in the western lands of Ukraine. A first war between Soviet Russia and Ukraine poisoned the relations of the two revolutionary governments and ruined the peace among the Ukrainian Bolsheviks. However, because of their state weakness and the urgent need for food for the starving Petrograd and other parts of Russia, Bolsheviks were supposed to pretend that they take their slogans of national self-determination seriously. Even recognizing the Ukrainian People’s Republic and at the same time putting ultimatums on it and threatening war, unless the UNR surrenders its armed forces and statehood to the subject of the Bolsheviks. The author explored the process of German-Austrian occupation of Ukraine, noting that the occupation in wartime is characterized by the features of colonial regimes of exploitation and subordination, which vividly and at the same time sadly demonstrates the presence of the Central Powers in Ukraine in 1918. By strengthening the Ukrainian government they had contracted with and promised military and political support, the Germans were simultaneously weakening and undermining it because of their inflated demands. The article also analyzes the limited sovereignty of the Ukrainian state, describes the attitude to the idea of the Ukrainian state and the nation of other peoples. Keywords: Ukrainian state, independence, sovereignty, occupation, Bolsheviks, Soviet Russia, Central states.
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Ougrin, Dennis, Semyon Gluzman, and Luiz Dratcu. "Psychiatry in post-communist Ukraine: dismantling the past, paving the way for the future." Psychiatric Bulletin 30, no. 12 (December 2006): 456–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.30.12.456.
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Ukraine, a nation of 48 million, became independent in 1991 following the collapse of the USSR. Ukraine still lags far behind many European countries in absolute income per capita and indices of transparency and corruption in public life, but its economy, grounded on robust industrial and agricultural resources, has grown 10% annually in the past 4 years. The extraordinary developments associated with the 2004 presidential elections and the Orange Revolution mean that democracy is now at the core of the state-building process and that Ukrainians are ready for radical changes. These changes are bound to include the principles and methods that have long prevailed in Ukrainian psychiatry.
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Zyla, Roman. "Book Review: Taras Kuzio, Ukraine: State and Nation Building (London: Routledge, 1998, 298 pp., £50.00 hbk.)." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 27, no. 2 (June 1998): 395–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298980270020215.
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Pasichnyk, Vasyl. "The process of national identity formation in independent Ukraine." Публічне управління: концепції, парадигма, розвиток, удосконалення, no. 1 (March 18, 2022): 102–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31470/2786-6246-2022-1-102-133.
Full textAbstract:
The process of national identity formation in independent Ukraine has been studied. Based on the analysis of the results of sociological research, the state, problems and prospects of the formation of Ukrainian national identity have been revealed. It has been found that at the time of the declaration of independence, Ukraine was characterized by a blurred national identity, where regional identities predominated, when the West of Ukraine focused on the European Union, and its East and South parts focused on Russia. The results of the sociological research revealed positive dynamics in the formation of Ukrainian national identity in the conditions of independent Ukraine, as it is civic identity that has become a priority for the citizens of Ukraine over other group identities. At the same time, the shortcomings of the liberal approach to the formation of national identity, which emphasizes human rights, ignoring the problems of blurred Ukrainian national identity, incomplete nation-building processes in Ukraine and the collective rights of Ukrainians as the titular nation, are proved. This led to the deepening of divisions and fragmentation of Ukrainian society, the alienation of property and power by the broad masses of people. Russia took advantage of this by unleashing a "hybrid war" against Ukraine and annexing Crimea and part of the Donbas. However, the modern political elite has not drawn proper conclusions, and as the results of recent sociological studies show, it continues to pursue politics, ignoring the Ukrainian national interests and expectations of its own people. The priority of national integration and ensuring the national unity of Ukraine has been justified, while maintaining the priority of European integration in relation to other areas of foreign policy orientation and international integration. It is proved that the conceptual basis for consolidating the people of Ukraine can be primarily the Ukrainian national idea.
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S., Storozhuk. "Socio-cultural and political sources of ethnocultural split in Ukraine." HUMANITARIAN STUDIOS: PEDAGOGICS, PSYCHOLOGY, PHILOSOPHY 12, no. 4 (December 2021): 124–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31548/hspedagog2021.04.124.
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The article examines the socio-cultural and political sources of the modern ethnocultural division of Ukraine and shows that the historically formed cultural division of Ukrainian society due to geographical and political factors was significantly leveled in the Soviet assimilation policy, but was not completely overcome due to slight industrialization of Ukrainian villages and west. As a result, the Ukrainian population was divided into several separate strips, which contributed to the deepening of the cultural divide with other, industrially developed, but de-ethnicized Ukrainian regions. The lack of ethnic unity of Ukrainians and the active position of national minorities in regions with a large number of ethnically related groups, in the absence of a balanced national policy, have become the main causes of ethnocultural division in Ukraine. Overcoming the latter is possible in the process of gradual introduction of general civilizational principles of civil society and the formation of economic, social and spiritual conditions for the development of both the individual and the community. Only when the permanent economic crisis is overcome and science, education and culture broadcast by the national language are raised to the level of state values, without marginalizing the nation-building significance of the languages of interethnic communication, Ukrainian society will become a nation.
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Coulson, Jaquelin. "The Holodomor in Collective Memory." General Assembly Review 2, no. 1 (January 19, 2021): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/tgar.v2i1.10421.
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This paper concerns the role of genocide in collective memory and its function for national identity-building in post-Soviet Ukraine. Known as the Holodomor, Ukraine’s famine of 1932-33 has become an important part of the country’s national history. Upon gaining independence in 1991, the Ukrainian government set out to build and affirm a national identity distinct from Russia, grounded in Ukraine’s unique history and national myths. The claim to have undergone genocide as a nation in the Holodomor comprised part of this state-building project, though whether this claim is appropriate under international law has long been disputed. This paper examines the ways in which the Holodomor-as-genocide thesis was embedded in Ukrainian national identity, particularly under the administration of Viktor Yushchenko. Through the creation of new institutions, campaigns, and laws, the Ukrainian government sought to have the Holodomor recognized as genocide at the international and domestic levels, and to make its sacred commemoration a cornerstone of Ukrainian society. This narrative was deployed to unite the nation under a shared history of suffering that effaced politically inexpedient realities, such as cases of complicity in the Holodomor and the Shoah by Ukrainian elites. Narratives assigning blame to Ukrainian Jews and Russians alike delineated a narrow conception of the true Ukrainian nation to the exclusion of the alleged perpetrators. Further, it served to distance Ukraine from Russia by emphasizing the consequences of Soviet colonialism and the importance of Ukrainian collective memory as a matter of political sovereignty and cultural emancipation.