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Journal articles on the topic 'Nation-building – Spain'
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1
Nagel, Klaus-Jürgen. "Catalan ‘nation-building’ and the Transition to Democracy in Spain." Scottish Affairs 37 (First Serie, no. 2 (November 2001): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2001.0072.
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Irigoin, Alejandra, and Regina Grafe. "Bargaining for Absolutism: A Spanish Path to Nation-State and Empire Building." Hispanic American Historical Review 88, no. 2 (May 1, 2008): 173–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2007-117.
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Abstract Social scientists use the history of Spain and her empire as a standard against which they establish the relatively superior efficiency of Anglo-Saxon institutions. This historical “experiment” underpins the core argument of new institutional economic history. This essay argues that such comparisons are based on a misleading characterization of Spanish rule in the metropolis and overseas. For some time, historians of Spain and colonial Spanish America have emphasized that the Spanish system of governance was highly negotiated rather than absolutist. This essay confirms this view by analyzing the workings of the peninsular and colonial fiscal systems. Revenues were not extracted to Madrid but instead were widely redistributed across regions. Contrary to received wisdom, there was a great degree of local autonomy in managing and allocating these intraregional transfers of revenues. The crown barely controlled the system; yet it acted as the ultimate arbiter of a very flexible arrangement that effected the distribution of the fiscal burden across colonial regions and economic sectors. This setup explains the lack of serious challenges from within during three hundred years of imperial rule. Napoleon’s invasion of Spain in 1808 and the abduction of the king caused a major shock to this system of redistribution. The implosion of Spanish rule led to conflict over revenues and resources among constituent parts of the empire. The ensuing search for a legitimate replacement ruler consumed the following century in postcolonial Spanish America. A comparable pattern of constitutional failure, political instability, and poor economic performance was replicated in Spain throughout the nineteenth century.
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García-Mejuto, Diego. "Theorizing nation-building through high-speed rail development: Hegemony and space in the Basque Country, Spain." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 54, no. 3 (December 6, 2021): 554–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x211061747.
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Despite a variegated body of academic work on nation-building and rail infrastructures, attention to the relationship between nation-building and wider processes of economic and political restructuring and an explicit and theoretically robust consideration of space have been largely missing. This paper seeks to address both limitations by advancing a spatially sensitive conceptualization of how rail infrastructures may be used as a tool for nation-building in contemporary capitalist societies. Particularly, I draw on Jessop's strategic-relational approach to the state and on theoretical contributions on the spatiality of social relations to propose the synthetic notion of ‘spatial hegemonic vision’ to explain the legitimacy and substantive coherence of state action, argue for the inherent spatiality of nation-building projects, and facilitate a theoretically robust and nuanced understanding of such spatiality. I further distinguish between political economic and cultural dimensions in nation-building and discuss the materialization and imagining of specific configurations of territories, places, scales and networks involved in spatial hegemonic visions. This conceptualization is then applied to the development of a high-speed rail line in the Spanish region of the Basque Country. This line has been mobilized to advance two competing yet partially compatible spatial hegemonic visions, whilst becoming itself a site where they came into conflict. The paper concludes by examining the validity of the proposed conceptualization and discussing its applicability to other contemporary cases of nation-building through transport infrastructures.
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San Narciso, David. "Being a nation through the crown. Banal monarchism and nation-building in Spain, 1833–68." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 27, no. 4 (November 7, 2019): 474–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2019.1683517.
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Ryan, Paul, and Alina Danet Danet. "Nationalising Women’s Bodies: Discourse and Politics of Prostitution in Ireland and Spain." Clepsydra. Revista de Estudios de Género y Teoría Feminista, no. 24 (2023): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.clepsydra.2023.24.02.
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This article explores how women’s sexuality has played a central role in building and reproducing the collective identity of the nation in two countries, Ireland and Spain. It argues how a nationalisation of women’s bodies created a symbolic and idealised version of womanhood, reinforced by a complex infrastructure of criminal code, places of rehabilitation and a system of surveillance operating through government, medical and religious institutions. We explore these processes through an analysis of the discourses governing prostitution in leading newspapers between 1939 and 1975, corresponding to the public nation-building projects to Catholic nationalism through the idealisation of family, motherhood and domestic life. Three key discourses from the newspaper coverage have been identified around prostitution: protecting the national body, the exile of women in prostitution and ordinary women as a threat, to trace the process of renewed nation building that occurred in both countries from the 1940s onwards.
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Goikoetxea, Jule. "Nation and democracy building in contemporary Europe: the reproduction of the Basque demos." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (January 2014): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.830600.
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The article analyzes the material or objectified reproduction of the Basque demos since democracy was established in Spain in 1980. Spain holds within its territory diverse regions and political communities and the Basque case is a highly illustrative example of how the development of regional state institutions is fundamental for the reproduction of distinct democratic demoi not merely in their political but also socio-economic dimension. This paper argues that, in our current European context, political distinctions cannot become effectively objectified and instituted power structures without state institutions being able to uphold a differentiated system of stratification.
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Cáceres-Delpiano, Julio, Antoni-Italo De Moragas, Gabriel Facchini, and Ignacio González. "Intergroup contact and nation building: Evidence from military service in Spain." Journal of Public Economics 201 (September 2021): 104477. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jpubeco.2021.104477.
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Schmidt-Nowara, Christopher. "‘La EspaÒa Ultramarina’: Colonialism and Nation-Building in Nineteenth-Century Spain." European History Quarterly 34, no. 2 (April 2004): 191–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691404042507.
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Villa, Laura. "Official orthographies, spelling debates and nation-building projects after the fall of the Spanish Empire." Written Language and Literacy 18, no. 2 (August 31, 2015): 228–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/wll.18.2.03vil.
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The collapse of the Spanish Empire in the first half of the nineteenth century prompted a need to reorganize the former colonial space in independent countries by creating territorial, political and identity boundaries in Spanish-speaking America. The imposition of a national language – the officialization of grammatical and orthographic norms and their promotion through emerging public education systems – was a key instrument in the nation-building processes developed in Spain and the newly independent American republics. In this socio-political context resistance to official norms and their implementation was frequent. This article studies three language ideological debates over Spanish orthography, occurring in the central decades of the century: the resistance to the officialization of the Royal Spanish Academy’s orthography in Spain (1844), the opposition to Sarmiento’s simplification proposal in Chile (1844) and the reception of the Chilean orthography in Spain (1846). The significance of spelling as an identity marker and a political tool is emphasized.
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García, César. "Using Strategic Communication for Nation-Building in Contemporary Spain: The Basque Case." International Journal of Strategic Communication 6, no. 3 (July 2012): 212–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1553118x.2012.678523.
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Knoope, Peter, and Saré Knoope. "The Breakdown of State-building: From the Nation to Radicalisation." Security and Human Rights 28, no. 1-4 (April 1, 2018): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02801001.
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This article attempts to explore the nexus between exclusionary state-building practices, inter-ethnic relations and Violent Extremism and Radicalisation that Lead to Terrorism (verlt). The current focus on individual trajectories has left the social context in which individuals radicalise underexplored. By taking a birds-eye view, this article aims to untangle the ways in which particular historic conditions and perceptions of discrimination and marginalisation following state-building practices feed specifically into the radicalisation of minority communities. Following a comparison between state-building practices in Turkey, China and Spain and the impact on Kurdish, Uyghur and Basque identity construction respectively, the authors argue that the failure to include minority groups into the identity of the state is one of the key reasons for the politicisation of minority identities. This implies the need for inclusionary policies as a response to verlt. It is exactly through the promotion, facilitation and execution of inclusive policies that the osce can make an important contribution.
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Mendizabal, Nagore Calvo. "Germà Bel, Infrastructure and the Political Economy of Nation-Building in Spain 1720–2010." European History Quarterly 45, no. 1 (December 18, 2014): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691414561177b.
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García, César. "Strategic communication applied to nation building in Spain: The experience of the Catalan Region." Public Relations Review 39, no. 5 (December 2013): 558–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2013.07.006.
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Jiménez García, Mercedes, José Ruiz Chico, and Antonio Rafael Peña Sánchez. "Competitividad y especialización: Un análisis regional de la evolución de la ocupación en España desde una óptica espacial." Studies of Applied Economics 32, no. 2 (March 4, 2020): 737. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/eea.v32i2.3230.
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The importance of the current economic crisis and its effects on employment in Spain in sectors such as building, motivate the subject of analysis in this article, with the aim of studying the evolution of employment in the different Spanish regions before (2001-2006) and during the current crisis (2007-2012) in relation to the whole nation and neighboring regions. We will use, for this purpose, a shift-share analysis spatially modified. The results show the decrease of the weight of building sector in different regions during the crisis, supporting agriculture and services sectors. In general, Castilla-La Mancha highlights as the Community whose building employment has grown faster than the national average, having a greater relevance than its neighboring regions as well.
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Prokhorenko, I. "NATIONAL IDENTITY IN THE CONDITIONS OF REGIONAL INTEGRATION: CASE OF SPAIN." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2016): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2016-1-49-55.
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The processes of regional integration transform the model of traditional territorial nation-state, create favourable conditions for building- up of new macropolitical (macroregional) identity, and change the existing multiple identity of individual and collective state and non-state political actors. National (or national-state) identity as self-identification of the citizens as collective members of national-state community turns out especially vulnerable in the issue of regionalization. European integration with its unique decentralized multilevel system of governance has given new areas of transnational political interaction for subnational actors, in the first place for regional authorities. Seeking to increase their own actorness at national and supernational levels, regional authorities of the EU member- states use including various instruments of mobilizing of the territorial consciousness and of politicization of the ethnicity, aggregating the interests of the territory. The Spanish case is interesting due que the political system of the country is localized, and the model of governance is multi-level. Spain as one of the oldest European state is an example of unaccomplished nation-building by virtue of territorial diversity and significant influence of regional nationalisms. The factor of European integration proves itself visually in relation to Spain, affecting in a variety of ways, directly and/ or mediately upon directions and dynamics of political processes of different levels in the country, mechanisms and instruments of interethnic relations and of immigration of different culture background, construction of new national-state identity during the post-Francoist period, rise of regional nationalism and particularism, specific character of postimperial identity.
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Clement, Wallace. "The Territorial Politics of Welfare." Canadian Journal of Political Science 39, no. 2 (June 2006): 435–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423906289984.
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The Territorial Politics of Welfare, Nicola McEwen and Luis Moreno, eds., Routledge/ECPR Studies in European Political Science; New York: Routledge, 2005, pp. xxv, 252.Canada is the only non-European Union country included in this original collection about welfare regimes and nation building, sub-central states and supranational influences on solidarity. Individual chapters are also dedicated to the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Belgium and the Nordic region. Included are two chapters on European influences on national practices.
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Moreno-Almendral, Raúl. "Independence and Constitution: The Spanish Nationalization of Personal Experience During the Peninsular War and its Aftermath." European History Quarterly 52, no. 4 (September 28, 2022): 699–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221120150.
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The deconstruction of the ‘War of Independence’ (1808–1814) as a Spanish nationalist myth was a necessary step in advancing our knowledge of the history of the Age of Revolutions in Spain and of Spanish nation-building itself. However, it set aside those who had in fact experienced those events through a genuine Spanish nationalized lens. Using a corpus of autobiographical sources written between the 1780s and the 1830s, this paper argues that political concepts of Spanish nationhood were already available before the liberal revolution unleashed by the French invasion, that anti-liberals used the language of nationhood in their ego-documents too, and that ideas of independence and constitution pervaded social cleavages and ideological divides. Arguably, then, the War of Independence had both mythical and real dimensions in terms of the history of national identities. Therefore, the great issue in nineteenth-century Spanish nation-building would have not been a congenital ‘lack’ or ‘weakness’ of nationhood but an intense cultural war for its definition along political lines.
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Zamora, Andrés. "Spain, Made in Catalonia: Mechanics of Spanish Nation-Building in the Television Series 50 años de." Hispanic Review 89, no. 1 (2021): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hir.2021.0004.
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Bel, Germà. "Infrastructure and nation building: The regulation and financing of network transportation infrastructures in Spain (1720–2010)." Business History 53, no. 5 (August 2011): 688–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00076791.2011.599591.
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Rosales, Manuel, Chrysanthi Efthymiou, Nikolaos Barmparesos, Panagiotis Tasios, José Manuel Salmerón Lissén, and Margarita Niki Assimakopoulos. "Identification of Reference Buildings in Mediterranean Countries: The HAPPEN Project Approach." Applied Sciences 12, no. 11 (June 1, 2022): 5638. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app12115638.
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This study’s scope is to collect and analyze all the needed information related to the residential building stocks in Mediterranean countries, especially those that participated in the framework of the HAPPEN project (Greece, Croatia, Cyprus, Italy, Slovenia, Spain, and France). A specific procedure was followed in order to conduct a coordinated evaluation of the residential building stock. The most important variables for a statistical examination of the building stock are outlined, as well as an approach for establishing reference buildings. National data for the seven participating nations were collected and evaluated using the prescribed methodology. The research findings identify six distinct reference buildings in each nation. More specifically, the most representative buildings were distinguished through a cross-country comparison of the obtained data, after classifying the buildings into different classes to which the same approach for deep renovation/refurbishment can be applied.
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VILALLONGA, BORJA. "THE THEORETICAL ORIGINS OF CATHOLIC NATIONALISM IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 2 (June 26, 2014): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000031.
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Catholicism's contribution to the development of nationalist ideology, and more generally to the process of European nation building in the nineteenth century, has been neglected. Most previous work has concentrated instead on varieties of liberal nationalism. In fact, Catholic intellectuals forged a whole nationalist discourse, but from traditional-conservative and orthodox doctrine. This essay charts a transnational path through Latin European countries, whose thinkers pioneered the theoretical development of Catholic nationalism. The Latin countries–France, Italy, and Spain, especially–were the homeland of Catholicism and theological, philosophical, historical, and political theories originating in it had a tremendous impact on the general formation of Western nationalism. This essay examines the formation, evolution, and consolidation of Catholic nationalism through “New Catholicism,” showing how the nation-state project and modernity itself were rethought in a new conservative and Catholic form.
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Shevel, Oxana. "The Politics of Memory in a Divided Society: A Comparison of Post-Franco Spain and Post-Soviet Ukraine." Slavic Review 70, no. 1 (2011): 137–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.70.1.0137.
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Through a comparison of post-Franco Spain and post-Soviet Ukraine, Oxana Shevel examines state responses to the challenge of dealing with divided historical memory. Both countries embarked on the transition from authoritarian rule divided by the memory of the recent past, but each dealt with this similar challenge very differently. This article discusses Spain's “democratization of memory” policy centered on the state's refusal to define a common historical memory for the society as a whole and on the official recognition of the multiplicity of “personal and family” memories and examines why no comparable policy has emerged in Ukraine so far. Shevel considers the potential applicability of the Spanish solution to Ukraine in light of both social realities and theories of nation building, in particular the debate over whether national unity necessitates a cultural nation and shared collective memory, or whether unity in a democracy can be built on other foundations.
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Schammah Gesser, Silvina. "Virtually Sephardic? The Marketing and Reception of the New Iberian Laws of Nationality in Israel." Lusotopie 18, no. 2 (February 10, 2020): 192–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17683084-12341743.
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Abstract The relations between Iberia and its Sephardic diasporas have undergone innumerable reversals and revivals as Spain and Portugal experienced processes of nation-state building. These relations reached a climax with the 2015 New Nationality Laws for Sephardic Jews, that allow them to become Portuguese or Spanish citizens. Given an unexcepted worldwide interest, the governments provided different redefinitions of the criteria of the process. Initially seen as a symbolic act, the attribution of nationality to Sephardic Jews raises questions not just about culture and collective memory, but, above all, about economy, diplomacy and realpolitik in the Iberian countries as much as in the Israeli society itself.
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Blasco Herranz, Inmaculada. "Gendering Catholicism in Late Modern Spanish History (1854–1923): Research Lines and Debates for a European Dialogue." European History Quarterly 53, no. 2 (April 2023): 233–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914231163093.
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The aim of this paper is to bridge the gap between Spanish and European historiography specializing in gender and Christianity studies, in order to enrich general observations and contribute to ongoing debates beyond Spain. To this end, I will map the most salient problems and interpretations that have emerged from Spanish historiography addressing the relationship between gender and Catholicism between 1854 and 1923, in light of Spain's dynamic gender and revitalized religious studies. I will then approach inner controversies connected to broader debates on the feminization of Spanish Catholicism throughout the late nineteenth century, the changes in the gender discourse of Catholicism and its interactions with liberalism and modernity, the re-masculinization of Catholicism (or the Catholicization of masculinity), the gendered Catholic mobilization and the controversy on Catholic feminism. Throughout this article, this line of research will, in turn, contribute new insights into the phenomena and discourses shaping the contemporary history of Spain, such as secularization, modernization and nation-building processes.
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Martínez-Herrera, Enric. "From nation-building to building identification with political communities: Consequences of political decentralisation in Spain, the Basque Country, Catalonia and Galicia, 1978-2001." European Journal of Political Research 41, no. 4 (June 2002): 421–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00018.
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Astor, Avi. "Nationalist Mobilization, Ethno-Religious Contention, and Legal Innovation in a Stateless Nation: Explaining Catalonia’s 2009 “Law on Centers of Worship”." Religions 12, no. 5 (April 22, 2021): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12050295.
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This article analyzes the development and framing of Catalonia’s “Law on Centers of Worship”, an innovative law dedicated exclusively to the regulation of religious temples that was passed by the regional Parliament in 2009. The law was a legal novelty in Spain, as well as in Europe, where regulations pertaining to places of worship are typically folded into regional or municipal laws and ordinances dealing with zoning and construction. My analysis highlights how the law aimed not only to address the challenges generated by the proliferation of places of worship serving religious minorities, but also to legally reinforce and symbolically affirm Catalonia’s political autonomy and cultural distinctiveness vis-à-vis Spain. I place particular emphasis on how the temporal confluence of heightened nationalist mobilization, on the one hand, and tensions surrounding ethno-religious diversification, on the other, contributed to the development of a legal innovation that integrated the governance of religious diversity within the broader nation-building project. This article’s findings illustrate the role of historical timing and conjunctural causality in shaping the dynamic nexus between religion, law, and politics.
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Bant, Willem. "NEDERLAND DOOR COLOMBIAANSE OGEN." De Moderne Tijd 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/dmt2019.1.004.bant.
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THE NETHERLANDS THROUGH COLOMBIAN EYES The novel ‘Una holandesa en América’ (1888) by Soledad Acosta de Samper In 1888, Soledad Acosta de Samper, a well-known writer and journalist in Colombia’s capital Bogotá, published the novel Una holandesa en América. This article presents an imagological analysis of how the Dutch and the Netherlands are represented in her novel, and discusses Acosta’s possible intentions in writing this book as well as her reasons for choosing a Dutch protagonist. It argues that the images of the Dutch were meant to serve as examples for Acosta’s Colombian audience in a period in which the country was still engaged in nation building after gaining independence from Spain in 1819.
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ØSTERGÅRD, UFFE. "The history of Europe seen from the North." European Review 14, no. 2 (April 12, 2006): 281–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000263.
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The Nordic or Scandinavian countries represent variations on general European patterns of state and nation-building and political culture. Denmark and Sweden rank among the oldest and most typical of nation-states together with France, Britain and Spain and should be studied with the same questions in mind. Today, however, a sort of trans-state common Nordic identity coexists with independent national identifications among the Scandinavians. Nordic unity is regarded as a viable alternative to European culture and integration by large numbers of the populations. There has never existed a ‘Scandinavian model’ worthy of the name ‘model’. Because of a series of changes in great power politics in the 18th and 19th centuries, the major conflicts in Europe were relocated away from Northern Europe. This resulted in a virtual ‘neutralization’ of the Scandinavian countries north of the Baltic Sea. Today, the much promoted ‘Nordic identity’ reveals itself only through the nation-states. The ‘Association for Nordic Unity’ (Foreningerne Norden) was set up in 1919 only after all five Nordic countries had achieved independent nationhood: Norway in 1905, Finland in 1917, and Iceland in 1918 (the latter only as home rule to be followed by independence in 1944). The very different roads to independent nationhood among the Nordic countries and the idea of a common Nordic identity can be traced back to its beginnings in the 19th century
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Pereira, Hugo Silveira. "Appropriation, Integration, and Nation Building: Portuguese Railways in the Second Half of the Nineteenth and Early Years of the Twentieth Century." Social Science History 45, no. 2 (2021): 391–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.4.
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AbstractIn 1850, after three decades of political turmoil, Portugal started investing in major public works, particularly, in the construction of a national railway network. This strategy followed closely the suggestions of the Saint-Simonian technocrats with whom Portuguese engineers had been engaging since the 1820s. Additionally, it came in response to the longtime neglect suffered by the Portuguese transportation system, which hindered communications and trade between different areas of the kingdom and with neighboring Spain. The main goal of the investment was to modernize the national transport system, attract to Portuguese harbors a large portion of the traffic between Europe, Africa, and America, and, in general terms, put the nation on the path of progress. By the end of the nineteenth century, total mileage of the Portuguese rail network exceeded 2,300 km. This article analyzes the role of railways in the improvement of communications between the Portuguese provinces, their appropriation in a unified nation-state, the degree of integration of the Portuguese economy with the Spanish and European economies, and the construction/reinvention of Portugal as a modern and technological nation. To achieve these goals, I will use three key concepts: territorial appropriation, circulation, and globalization. Sources include statistics of railway operation and previous works analyzing the impact of railways on the Portuguese transport system and economy, the outcomes of operating transnational lines, and the importance of technology for the reinvention of Portugal during the second half of the nineteenth century.
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Bergenmar, Jenny. "The North seen from the South in the Spanish reception of Selma Lagerlöf." European Journal of Scandinavian Studies 48, no. 2 (October 25, 2018): 170–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ejss-2018-0015.
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Abstract When Selma Lagerlöf became a Nobel laureate in 1909, her works were translated into new languages and introduced to countries, including Spain, where she had previously been unknown. This article traces the image of Sweden and Scandinavia reflected in Selma Lagerlöf’s reception in Spanish newspapers and periodicals around 1910. The idea of a distinctive Nordic or Scandinavian identity is discernible in the critics’ characterizations of Lagerlöf’s works; however, there is tension between their presentations of Lagerlöf as a representative of the region of Scandinavia or the North in general versus just one nation (Sweden) or province (Värmland). Building on research in imagology and literary transfer, this article investigates how and which regional, national, and provincial identities, geographies, and stereotypes of North and South were activated in support of a particular idea of the author.
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Storm, Eric. "When Did Nationalism Become Banal? The Nationalization of the Domestic Sphere in Spain." European History Quarterly 50, no. 2 (April 2020): 204–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420910948.
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Inspired by Michael Billig’s Banal Nationalism, social scientists have begun to study the impact of nationalism on everyday life. However, Billig’s concept is far from clear. Actually, banal can refer to ‘mundane’ expressions of nationalism, to their ‘unconscious’ consumption or their ‘cold’ temperature. Moreover, on many occasions Billig referred to the state instead of the nation, thus in fact analysing ‘banal statism’. For historians it is often difficult to ascertain whether people consciously perceived certain expressions of nationalism or not. However, we can analyze when certain mundane forms of nationalism were invented, while looking for clues as to how they cooled down and slowly became taken for granted. In this article, I will analyze how the nationalization of the domestic sphere manifested itself in Spain. In fact, this transnational trend has been largely ignored by architectural historians and scholars dealing with gender, food, design and animal–human relations, because they primarily focused on processes of modernization. In this way, the intensification of the nation-building process, which now also actively implies housewives, has remained largely invisible. Using evidence from a broad array of books, lectures and magazines, I will show that during the belle époque – when Spanish nationalism was quite hot – all kinds of spaces, objects and practices associated with the private sphere and the home were consciously nationalized by writers, architects and cooks. The focus will be on the nationalization of domestic architecture, food and dishes, but I will also pay attention to the nationalization of furniture, pets, gardening and cleaning. There are clear indications that over time many new national forms, objects and spaces slowly became banal stereotypes, thus further naturalizing existing national identities.
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Baranov, A. V. "The Catalan crisis 2012-2017: political, institutional and ethnopolitical aspects." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 1 (March 28, 2019): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-1-7-12.
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The relevance of the study: attempts to secede of Catalonia from Spain in 2012–2017 are a characteristic manifestation of the crisis of the national states in the context of globalization. The objective of the study is to determine the politicalinstitutional and ethno-political parameters of the Catalan crisis of 2012–2017 in the context of the interactions of the Spanish state of autonomies and their autonomous communities. The research materials are normative juridical acts of the Kingdom of Spain and the Autonomous Community of Catalonia, resolutions of political parties, statements of political leaders, results of opinion polls, statistical data of population censuses. Research methods: neoinstitutionalism, constructivist paradigm in ethnopolitology. The results of the investigation. The Catalan crisis of 2012–2017 confirmed the decrease in confidence in the state of autonomy and the party system of the country, caused by a deficit of democracy. The main factors in the fragmentation of the state are: the unfinished nation-building; weak national identity compared to regional and ethnic identity; import of secession institutes and technologies. The conflict is not resolved and requires a radical reform of Spain’s political system based on dialogue and constitutional reform.
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del Valle, José. "La historificación de la lingüística histórica." Historiographia Linguistica 24, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1997): 175–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.24.1-2.12val.
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Summary The main tenet of this article is that Spanish philologist Ramón Menéndez Pidal’s (1869–1968) theoretical approach to the history of the language, as developed in his Manual de gramática histórica española (1904) and in Orígenes del español (1926), was a result not only of a highly original interpretation of the linguistic theories available to him and a need to improve their explanatory power, but also from an interplay between this theory and the ideological context from which it emerged. This ideological context, which I maintain is critical for the understanding of the full implications of Menéndez Pidal’s linguistic approach, has been assumed by traditional historiography to be outside the scope of linguistics. It is claimed here that the Spanish philologist’s scholarly accomplishments, justly praised by his disciples and hispanists in general, did not occur in a social vacuum, but were instead well entrenched in a specific intellectual, social, and historical context. Menéndez Pidal lived and worked in a period in which Spain, like other 19th-century liberal democracies, was building its identity as a nation-state. In this period, the construction of the Spanish nation was threatened by centrifugal forces (e.g., the articulation of Basque, Catalan, and Galician nationalisms) that challenged Spain’s unitary political and cultural identity. It is precisely against the backdrop of this socio-political landscape that Menéndez Pidal’s use of the neogrammarian model of convergence in the Manual, his scrupulous philological examination of old documents in Orígenes is interpreted – which, for him, offered proof of Castile’s destiny as the leading force in the history of Spain, including his integrative reworking of the phonetic law converting it into a means by which to perceive the unity underlying dialectal variation.
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Lewicki, Zbigniew. "USTANAWIANIE AMERYKAŃSKIEJ WŁADZY KOLONIALNEJ NA FILIPINACH." Zeszyty Prawnicze 15, no. 3 (December 2, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2015.15.3.03.
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Establishing American Colonial Government in thePhilippinesSummaryThe Philippines was the only American colony and its establishmentcaused a fierce debate in the United States on whether this complied withthe principles of American civil society. It was decided that returning thearchipelago to Spain or simply abandoning it was out of the question,and that the USA would retain its sovereignty over the islands whilepreparing the country for independence.This is in fact what happened. After the period of military strugglewith the forces of Emilio Aguinaldo, Americans began what would todaybe described as a nation-building process. Its most important components were the health system and education, along with the training ofadministrative staff, who assumed more and more responsibility. Thiswas in stark contrast with the behaviour of traditional colonial powers.While the process was somewhat slower than expected, and wasinterrupted by the outbreak of World War 2, the Philippines becameindependent soon after the war and the process of transition was conducted in an orderly fashion.The article, the first on the topic in Poland, analyses the successivephases in the building up of American colonial control of the Philippinesand its subsequent withdrawal.
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Pereira, Hugo S., and Bruno J. Navarro. "The implementation and development of narrow-gauge railways in Portugal as a case of knowledge transfer (c. 1850–c. 1910)." Journal of Transport History 39, no. 3 (August 8, 2018): 355–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526618791726.
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When Portugal began building railways in its mainland territory in the 1850s, the main goal was to connect its harbours (mainly Lisbon) to the border with Spain (and beyond to Central Europe). This strategy left out of the network vast areas of the nation, some of which were perceived as very rugged, poor, and with low economic potential, where the construction of a railway was not cost effective. The same quandaries existed in the colonies, where investment in public works started in the 1870s. To bring railroads to these regions, it was necessary to find a low-cost technical solution. That solution was narrow-gauge railroads. In this paper, we analyse how this technology was transferred from Central Europe to Portugal and its colonies via a travel circuit of learning by Portuguese engineers and how it was developed through a mixture of Portuguese and foreign expertise.
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Shannon, Jonathan H. "THERE AND BACK AGAIN: RHETORICS OF AL-ANDALUS IN MODERN SYRIAN POPULAR CULTURE." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 1 (January 14, 2016): 5–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815001440.
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AbstractThis article explores the rhetorical function of al-Andalus (medieval Spain) in modern Syrian popular culture, with a focus on music. The rhetoric of al-Andalus in Syria is intimately related to the project of nation building. The nostalgic performance of links between modern Syria and medieval al-Andalus assumed great rhetorical force in the 1960s as a result of ideologies of pan-Arabism, the loss of Palestine, the rise of Islamist threats at home, and the emergence of petrodollar regimes in the Arabian Gulf. As a result, the rhetoric of al-Andalus became “good to think” for wide audiences of Syrians. Musical genres linked to al-Andalus play an important role as potent vehicles for constructing Syrian memory cultures. Drawing on heavily mythologized and nostalgic visions of an Andalusian golden age, musical performance in Syria sonically reinforces forms of nostalgic remembrance and enacts claims on Syrian pasts, presents, and futures.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The “memory wars” in divided societies: the case of Spain." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 3 (April 3, 2022): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-3-67-78.
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The author, using the identity approach and discourse analysis explores a serious political conflict in today’s Spain about historical memory, threatening solidarity and civilian identity of the Spaniards and also political stability in the society, divided on a variety of characteristics – economic, social, territorial, cultural, value, ethnic, linguistic, etc., which have acquired or are acquiring a political dimension. The alternative politics of memory, which are declared and carried out by different competing actors of political process at the country level, first of all being government and opposition parties, are analyzed in the article. The expression of authorities’ discourse of the present left coalition government on the issues of Spanish past in the country’s mediasphere is considered to understand the extent and depth of public and political debate on key problems of Spanish history and memory. The author uses a historical metaphor of conflict of the “two Spains” to assess “memory wars” in Spanish society, multicultural and divided on various grounds, identifying short-term (with a view of forthcoming general parliamentary elections, which will take place in 2022) and long-term strategic risks for inclusive nation-building and sustainable development of the country. A conclusion is made that a division based on party ideological principles is axial (dominant) in “memory wars”, despite the remaining sharpness of the vertical conflict between center and some particularist regions (primarily Catalonia); within the frame of this conflict there are attempts to reassess, anonymize, and get a hold of or mythologize various historic events and personas. Nowadays the dispute between “rightists” and “leftists” in assessment of Second Spanish Republic, number of victims on both sides during the civil war, Francoist regime, success of democratic transition in post-Francoist period and other “difficult” questions across Spanish past becomes more emotionally charged, deep and aggressive.
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Moreno-Luzón, Javier. "‘Seeds of Spain’: Scouting, Monarchy and National Construction, 1912–1931." European History Quarterly 50, no. 2 (April 2020): 226–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691420910944.
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The official Spanish branch of the international Boy Scout movement, the Exploradores de España, offers an instructive example of a nationalist association in Spain in the first third of the twentieth century. This article adopts a comparative perspective and studies the Exploradores discourses and practices, the association’s founders and leaders, the scouts’ publications and activities, as well as the organization’s internal conflicts and evolution between 1912 and 1931. As in Britain and many other countries, the movement was endorsed by the royal family and led by military officers and middle-class men – representatives of monarchist civil society. It shared nationalist and regeneracionista (from regenerationism) values, as an agent of nationalization throughout Spanish territory. Like other Boy Scout movements in Europe and the Americas, it pursued the goal of making good patriots, with a knowledge of and ready to defend their fatherland: young hidalgos, the Spanish equivalent of the British gentlemen. Hence this study also explores the gender aspects of Boy Scout ideals. Initially, the Spanish scouts were troubled by an intense religious conflict, which was won by Catholic sectors, so their nationalism became deeply conservative. During the 1920s, the movement was instrumental in the nation-building projects of different governments, especially under the dictatorship of General Primo de Rivera (1923–1930). In short, it can be considered one of the main nationalizing agents during this key period in modern Spanish history, and belies the image of supposed passivity and a lack of interest in national construction among Spain’s ruling elites.
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Schulz, Nils Hinnerk. "Sprache als Werkzeug im <i>nation-building</i>: Die sprachnationalistischen Bewegungen Norwegens und Kataloniens in der zweiten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts." Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 24 (July 1, 2011): 257–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/zfk.2011.257-292.
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Summary: This article describes the origin and development of nationalistic thinking in Norway and Catalonia in the course of the 19th century. It aims at showing that two geographically and culturally quite distant European regions underwent very similar processes almost at the same time. Using a comparative approach, the article discusses the rise of the concepts of nation and culture as a new interest of small groups of intellectuals, based on ideas of thinkers like Herder and Fichte. It aims at showing how these foremost “romantic”, or rather cultural concepts led to political programmes and the cry for independence and liberation of central powers (Spain/Castile and Denmark) in the course of time. The focus lies on the analysis of concepts of language and their (assumed) history as one of the favourite and most powerful justification tools for delimitation and the description of own genuine history and culture in the discourse of Norwegian and Catalan intellectuals. [Keywords: Nationalism; 19th century; history of ideas; intellectuals; Norwegian; Catalan; language history]
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Hussain, Zakir, and Binod Mishra. "Eurocentrism Reconsidered: (Re)writing the History of the ‘Other’ in Tariq Ali’s Shadows of the Pomegranate Tree and The Book of Saladin." Pertanika Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 30, no. 2 (June 15, 2022): 681–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47836/pjssh.30.2.14.
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This article examines the reconstruction of Eurocentric representations of religious minorities of post-Reconquista Spain and Jerusalem through Tariq Ali’s novels, Shadows of the Pomegranate Tree (1992) and The Book of Saladin (1998). These novels suggest that the reconfiguration of history and the analysis of the traumatic experiences of characters such as Zuhayr and Saladin challenge the essentialist notion of Eurocentrism. The paper explores the narrative approaches and procedures employed in the novels to articulate the sufferings caused by the sidelining and elimination of Muslim and Jewish minorities. The study relies on concepts formulated and explicated by postcolonial critics like Fanon, Said, and Spivak in their critical works as its theoretical premise. We argue that the postcolonial outlook has the potential to challenge Eurocentric historical accounts, as it revives the forgotten memories of the “Other” and intertwines these memories to form new compatibility across ethnocultural and religious polarization. This study demonstrates that revealing the brutality implicit in the reasonable practices of nation-building conditions causes a crisis in Eurocentric historiography.
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GOMÓŁKA, Krystyna. "ECONOMIC CONTACTS BETWEEN AZERBAIJAN AND THE EUROPEAN UNION." Historical and social-educational ideas 10, no. 6/2 (February 1, 2019): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2018-10-6/2-53-61.
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After regaining independence in the early 1990s, the Republic of Azerbaijan signed many international agreements. It also established relations with the European Union. Economic contacts between the partners were revived by the partnership and cooperation agreement’s entry into force in 1999. It assumed political dialogue, assistance in building democracy, cooperation in the sphere of economy and investment. In terms of trade in goods and services, the country have granted each other most-favored-nation clauses in the collection of customs duties and charges, transit clearance, composition and transhipment of goods, payment transfers for purchased goods and services. This has led to increased trade between the European Union and Azerbaijan. The most important trade partners of Azerbaijan in the years 2000-2017 were the following members of the European Union: Italy, France and Germany. The exports were dominated by Germany, France, Italy, the United Kingdom and Spain. The opening of the oil and gas sector to foreign companies has contributed to a significant inflow of foreign direct investment. More than 80% of the incoming investment is in the oil sector and the main activities are focused the construction of new gas and oil pipelines. The leading investors in this group in the years 2000-2013 were the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, France and Cyprus.
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Suhrcke-Caballero, Gunther, and Katherine Gondeck-Cepeda. "Las intervenciones en el Palacio de La Moneda de los siglos XIX, XX y XXI. Los proyectos y sus arquitectos." Arquitecturas del Sur 40, no. 62 (July 31, 2022): 40–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.22320/07196466.2022.40.062.03.
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The Palacio de La Moneda, or La Moneda Palace, is the seat of the Presidency and the Executive Power of Chile, the Ministry of the Interior and Public Security, the General Secretariat of the Presidency, and the General Secretariat of the Government. It is one of the main historical and most important buildings in Chile in terms of its current representative function, as the Government Palace. Since its construction, in 1786, it has been the witness and star of the historical-political and social-urban evolution of the nation, of events that have been expressed in its own architectural metamorphosis and the evolution of the urban fabric. Designed by architect Joaquín Toesca, a disciple of Francesco Sabatini, a professional of the court of Carlos III, King of Spain (1759-1788), the Palace is the main example of Neoclassicism in Chile. It was inaugurated in 1805 as the Royal Mint of Santiago, to mint the kingdom's currency. After the independence of Chile, in 1845, the Seat of Government and Presidential Residence moved to the building. It is on this date that it adopts its representative function, and therefore, the moment where the first important modification of its floorplan took place, beginning a process of continuous evolution characterized by the dynamic transformation and permanent adaptation of its architecture, through successive interventions, functional updates, and its reconstruction after the 1973 air raid. The lack of an organized and detailed record of its permanent alterations makes it difficult to understand them from their current state and for possible future interventions. As a result, this article presents the most important and significant changes on the perception of the building, thus becoming the first organized record of contemporary interventions of La Moneda Palace.
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García Mestanza, Josefa, Alfonso Cerezo Medina, and Marco Antonio Cruz Morato. "A Model for Measuring Fair Labour Justice in Hotels: Design for the Spanish Case." Sustainability 11, no. 17 (August 26, 2019): 4639. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11174639.
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There is a growing awareness of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and sustainability as a global movement. The hospitality sector is one of the major industries driving socioeconomic development worldwide (especially in economies such as Spain) and it has responded to this need, in the context of a general worsening of labor conditions in this sector. Evidence of this response is the Fair Hotels Project, which is an international collaborative effort aimed at building new partnerships between fair trade movements and trade unions in order to have a positive effect on the labour market in the hotel sector. This article describes the design of Hoteles Justos Laboralmente Responsables (HJLR), a fair labour justice and socially responsible model for hotels oriented to contribute to sustainability and labour justice within the Spanish hotel sector. The HJLR model was created to meet corporate, labour and local development needs. It includes accurate and objective measures—and homogeneous and comparable indicators—to assess the level of fairness and quality of labour practices of hotels. This model would be of great utility in improving the sustainability and quality of life of people working in this economic sector and could be also used by companies to improve their competitive position. The Spanish Government has shown its support for this project as a part of its 2030 sustainable tourism strategy, aimed to get the United Nation Sustainable Development Goals. Furthermore, this is a relevant line for future research, once the implementation phase is completed and quantitative data is available to measure the situation in depth.
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Khater, Akram, and Jeffrey Culang. "EDITORIAL FOREWORD." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 1 (January 14, 2016): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815001439.
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This issue is focused on the politics of belonging/exclusion at the level of rhetoric and everyday practice. We open with two articles—Jonathan Shannon's “There and Back Again: Rhetorics of al-Andalus in Modern Syrian” and Ellen McLarney's “Freedom, Justice, and the Power of Adab”—both exploring linkages between culture and political ideas. In his article, Shannon analyzes the interweaving of a mythologized al-Andalus (the Arab-Muslim Iberian Peninsula) into Syrian popular culture, particularly music, in order to show how it was critical to the formation of Syrian memory cultures and, by extension, nation building. Yet within past- and future-oriented nationalist discourse, this rhetoric of nostalgia—whose genesis dates to the Pan-Arab halcyon days of the 1960s—posits “not only a lost paradise of past glory, but also a (utopian) vision of a future state of glory in the Arab world itself, a sort of neo-Andalusia.” Financed by petrodollars and fostered by Arab migration to and investment in Spain, literary, cinematic, and musical productions evoking al-Andalus and linking it intimately to Syria continued in the subsequent era of what one of Shannon's interlocutors describes as “political, economic, and cultural decline,” in part as a source of solace. With today's Syria tragically fractured, Shannon concludes by suggesting that “the rhetoric of al-Andalus, so closely tied not only to Arabism but also to a broad understanding of community, may yet again offer a way to reimagine the Syria of tomorrow as a ‘first rate place.’”
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Moreira Pinto, Miguel, and Joana Couto. "The Portuguese internal colonization: the country that could have been, but it was not." SHS Web of Conferences 63 (2019): 02002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20196302002.
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The policies of internal colonization played a fundamental role in the nation-state building process, as well as in the transformation of the rural landscape. In Portugal, the colonization of common lands (baldios) had the objective of increasing agricultural production, to stop the proletarianization of agrarian communities, encouraging small family farming, and land-ownership. Although already proposed at the end of the 19th century, this process of rural colonization was further implemented in the 1940s and 1950s, the period in which a small number of Agricultural Colonies were built. While such process had produced new landscapes that can be regarded today as a cultural and architectural heritage, they remain poorly known and poorly recognized as such. This paper intends to reflect about the models of internal colonization defined in the scope of the political and ideological framework of the Estado Novo fascist regime. Based on different types of sources, it aims to better understand the significance of these rural landscapes as urban and architectural experiments, as well as to contribute to the identification of such settlements as relevant elements of the Portuguese cultural patrimony. Our conclusions do not fail to take into account the modest scale of the colonizing project undertaken by the Portuguese State when compared, for example, to what happened in Spain and Italy. Far below from what was initially planned and conceived, the construction of only 7 Agricultural Colonies can only be seen as trial run for a much larger agrarian reform that never came – the country that could have been, but it was not – taking the rural settlement of Pegões as a model.
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COMAN, Cristiana-Ioana. "EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE OF ROMANIA S COMPETITIVENESS WITH A FOCUS ON EDUCATION AND R&D. EVOLUTION AND RECOMMENDATIONS." Revista Economica 74, no. 3 (October 2, 2022): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56043/reveco-2022-0024.
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Competitiveness reveals a nation economic health. Due to the concept s complexity and precision in building a country s performance, the theory is nowadays a sine-qua-non-objective among policymakers, scientists and businesses. The present paper illustrates Romania s competitiveness performance for the aggregated 2007-2019 period. The results were obtained by adopting a quantitative approach. Data were extracted from the World Bank Database, covering the years 2008-2018, and the IMD World Competitiveness Online Database, covering the 2010-2019 period. Further, based on the obtained results, the author proposes recommendations to stimulate the country s competitiveness level. According to the analysis, Romania recorded a stable increase in competitiveness evolution starting with 2014. In 2017, the country was positioned behind Spain, Italy, Poland and Hungary, and registered a better performance than Croatia. Regarding the total public expenditure on education per student, Romania is placed at the end of the European top, together with Ukraine, Bulgaria, Croatia, and Greece. Moreover, Romania is largening the European gap concerning Research and Development (R&D). On top are countries such as Sweden, Finland, Switzerland, and Austria, while at the opposite pole, there are the following nations: Romania, Cyprus, and Ukraine. Balanced growth is supported by the collaboration of governments, research institutions, universities, and the private sector. Investments must be orientated towards education, R&D, efficiency in production, education, the country s openness, and attractiveness for foreign markets. Considering the circumstances of the worldwide chaos caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, it is vital for Romania s economy to strengthen its competitiveness performance to safeguard sustainable long-run economic growth.
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Huisa Téllez, José Carlos. "La impronta política en la primera lexicografía hispanoamericana: republicanismo y antirrepublicanismo." Lexis 37, no. 2 (December 31, 2013): 269–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/lexis.201302.002.
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ResumenEl estudio de la primera lexicografía hispanoamericana después de la independencia de España ha descuidado hasta hoy la estrecha relación que existe entre los primeros diccionarios, llamados de provincialismos, y el contexto socio-histórico en el que fueron elaborados. Como parte de este, el proceso de formación nacional, especialmente en relación con la creación política de un Estado y su repercusión en las sociedades hispanoamericanas, es un elemento que marca con claridad la naturaleza de las obras encuestión, de tal manera que puede hablarse de una determinante impronta política en ellas. Este artículo propone el estudio renovado de las obras fundacionales de la lexicografía hispanoamericana a partir de esta perspectiva y lo ejemplifica con la lectura y comparación de las dos más representativas, el Diccionario de chilenismos (1875) de Zorobabel Rodríguez y el Diccionario de peruanismos. Ensayo filológico (1883-1884) de Juan de Arona, especialmente en relación con la noción de republicanismo.So far the study of the first Latin American lexicography after it’s independence from Spain has neglected the close relationship between the first dictionaries, referred as “provincialism dictionaries”, and the socio-historical context in which they were elaborated. The process of nation-building, especially in relation to the creation of a state policy and its impact in Latin American societies, is an element that makes clear the nature of the works in question, so that we can talk about a decisive political imprint on them. This paper proposes a renewed study of the foundational works of Spanish American lexicography from this perspective and exemplified with reading and comparison of the two most representative dictionaries, the Zorobabel Rodríguez’s Diccionario de chilenismos (1875) and the Juan de Arona’s Diccionario de peruanismos. Ensayo filológico (1883-1884), especially in relation to the notion of republicanism.
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Torrebadella Flix, Xavier, and Jordi Brasó Rius. "Los preámbulos fundacionales de la educación física escolar en el entorno español. Una mirada de los textos en educación del siglo XVIII = Beginnings of school physical education in Spain. Analysis of texts on education of the 18th century." Materiales para la Historia del Deporte, no. 20 (December 22, 2020): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20868/mhd.2020.20.4387.
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En el reformismo de la Ilustración, la idealización de una educación pública fue la piedra angular para edificar la noción de un Estado-nación libre y soberano. El objetivo de estudio busca distinguir los preámbulos fundacionales de la educación física escolar que, se fundamentan desde la educación confesional del siglo XVII, y pasan a ser integrados en la emergente ideología liberal y a formar parte de los dispositivos de distinción y utilidad social en el siglo XVIII. La metodología se ha basado en un análisis hermenéutico a partir de las fuentes primarias de la época. Estos textos se refuerzan con fuentes secundarias que permiten dibujar este momento social. Los resultados permiten comprobar un uso instrumental de la educación física escolar, en favor del poder-económico-estatal.AbstractIn the reformism of 18th century, the idealization of a public education was the cornerstone for building the notion of a free and sovereign nation-state. The study objective analyzes the foundational beginnings of school physical education, which are based on confessional education (17th century), and become integrated into the emerging liberal ideology and become part of the devices of distinction and social utility (18th century). The methodology has been based on a hermeneutical analysis based on the primary sources of the time. These texts are accompanied by secondary works that allow us to draw this social moment. The results allow to verify an instrumental use of school physical education, in favor of the state-economic power.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2007): 271–341. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002485.
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Sally Price & Richard Price; Romare Bearden: The Caribbean Dimension (J. Michael Dash)J. Lorand Matory; Black Atlantic Religion: Tradition, Transnationalism, and Matriarchy in the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé (Stephan Palmié)Dianne M. Stewart; Three Eyes for the Journey: African Dimensions of the Jamaican Religious Experience (Betty Wood)Toyin Falola & Matt D. Childs (eds.); The Yoruba Diaspora in the Atlantic World (Kim D. Butler)Silvio Torres-Saillant; An Intellectual History of the Caribbean (Anthony P. Maingot)J.H. Elliott; Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America 1492-1830 (Aaron Spencer Fogleman)Elizabeth Mancke & Carole Shammmmas (eds.); The Creation of the British Atlantic World (Peter A. Coclanis)Adam Hochschild; Bury the Chains: Prophets and Rebels in the Fight to Free an Empire’s Slaves (Cassssandra Pybus)Walter Johnson (ed.); The Chattel Principle: Internal Slave Trades in the Americas (Gregory E. O’Malley)P.C. Emmer; The Dutch Slave Trade, 1500-1850 (Victor Enthoven)Philip Beidler & Gary Taylor (eds.); Writing Race Across the Atlantic World, Medieval to Modern (Eric Kimball)Felix Driver & Luciana Martins (eds.); Tropical Visions in an Age of Empire (Peter Redfield)Elizabeth A. Bohls & Ian Duncan (eds.); Travel Writing, 1700-1830: An Anthology (Carl Thompson)Alison Donnell; Twentieth-Century Caribbean Literature: Critical Moments in Anglophone Literary History (Sue N. Greene)Luís Madureira; Cannibal Modernities: Postcoloniality and the Avant-garde in Caribbean and Brazilian Literature (Lúcia Sá)Zilkia Janer; Puerto Rican Nation-Building Literature: Impossible Romance (Jossianna Arroyo)Sherrie L. Baver & Barbara Deutsch Lynch (eds.); Beyond Sun and Sand: Caribbean Environmentalisms (Rivke Jaffe)Joyce Moore Turner, with the assistance of W. Burghardt Turner; Caribbean Crusaders and the Harlem Renaissance (Gert Oostindie)Lisa D. McGill; Constructing Black Selves: Caribbean American Narratives and the Second Generation (Mary Chamberlain)Mark Q. Sawyer; Racial Politics in Post-Revolutionary Cuba (Alejandra Bronfman)Franklin W. Knight & Teresita Martínez-Vergne (eds.); Contemporary Caribbean Cultures and Societies in a Global Context (R. Charles Price)Luis A. Figueroa; Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico (Astrid Cubano Iguina)Rosa E. Carrasquillo; Our Landless Patria: Marginal Citizenship and Race in Caguas, Puerto Rico, 1880-1910 (Ileana M. Rodriguez-Silva) Michael Largey; Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music and Cultural Nationalism (Julian Gerstin)Donna P. Hope; Inna di Dancehall: Popular Culture and the Politics of Identity in Jamaica (Daniel Neely)Gloria Wekker; The Politics of Passion: Women’s Sexual Culture in the Afro-Surinamese Diaspora (W. van Wetering)Claire Lefebvre; Issues in the Study of Pidgin and Creole Languages (Salikoko S. Mufwene)
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2008): 271–341. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002485.
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Sally Price & Richard Price; Romare Bearden: The Caribbean Dimension (J. Michael Dash)J. Lorand Matory; Black Atlantic Religion: Tradition, Transnationalism, and Matriarchy in the Afro-Brazilian Candomblé (Stephan Palmié)Dianne M. Stewart; Three Eyes for the Journey: African Dimensions of the Jamaican Religious Experience (Betty Wood)Toyin Falola & Matt D. Childs (eds.); The Yoruba Diaspora in the Atlantic World (Kim D. Butler)Silvio Torres-Saillant; An Intellectual History of the Caribbean (Anthony P. Maingot)J.H. Elliott; Empires of the Atlantic World: Britain and Spain in America 1492-1830 (Aaron Spencer Fogleman)Elizabeth Mancke & Carole Shammmmas (eds.); The Creation of the British Atlantic World (Peter A. Coclanis)Adam Hochschild; Bury the Chains: Prophets and Rebels in the Fight to Free an Empire’s Slaves (Cassssandra Pybus)Walter Johnson (ed.); The Chattel Principle: Internal Slave Trades in the Americas (Gregory E. O’Malley)P.C. Emmer; The Dutch Slave Trade, 1500-1850 (Victor Enthoven)Philip Beidler & Gary Taylor (eds.); Writing Race Across the Atlantic World, Medieval to Modern (Eric Kimball)Felix Driver & Luciana Martins (eds.); Tropical Visions in an Age of Empire (Peter Redfield)Elizabeth A. Bohls & Ian Duncan (eds.); Travel Writing, 1700-1830: An Anthology (Carl Thompson)Alison Donnell; Twentieth-Century Caribbean Literature: Critical Moments in Anglophone Literary History (Sue N. Greene)Luís Madureira; Cannibal Modernities: Postcoloniality and the Avant-garde in Caribbean and Brazilian Literature (Lúcia Sá)Zilkia Janer; Puerto Rican Nation-Building Literature: Impossible Romance (Jossianna Arroyo)Sherrie L. Baver & Barbara Deutsch Lynch (eds.); Beyond Sun and Sand: Caribbean Environmentalisms (Rivke Jaffe)Joyce Moore Turner, with the assistance of W. Burghardt Turner; Caribbean Crusaders and the Harlem Renaissance (Gert Oostindie)Lisa D. McGill; Constructing Black Selves: Caribbean American Narratives and the Second Generation (Mary Chamberlain)Mark Q. Sawyer; Racial Politics in Post-Revolutionary Cuba (Alejandra Bronfman)Franklin W. Knight & Teresita Martínez-Vergne (eds.); Contemporary Caribbean Cultures and Societies in a Global Context (R. Charles Price)Luis A. Figueroa; Sugar, Slavery, and Freedom in Nineteenth-Century Puerto Rico (Astrid Cubano Iguina)Rosa E. Carrasquillo; Our Landless Patria: Marginal Citizenship and Race in Caguas, Puerto Rico, 1880-1910 (Ileana M. Rodriguez-Silva) Michael Largey; Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music and Cultural Nationalism (Julian Gerstin)Donna P. Hope; Inna di Dancehall: Popular Culture and the Politics of Identity in Jamaica (Daniel Neely)Gloria Wekker; The Politics of Passion: Women’s Sexual Culture in the Afro-Surinamese Diaspora (W. van Wetering)Claire Lefebvre; Issues in the Study of Pidgin and Creole Languages (Salikoko S. Mufwene)