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Journal articles on the topic 'Nation-building – Europe – History'
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Breuilly, J. "Nation-Building in Central Europe." German History 7, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/7.1.140a.
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Rich, Norman, and Hagen Schulze. "Nation-Building in Central Europe." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 794. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873867.
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Scognamiglio, Carlo. "The Idea of Europe in Nation-Building Processes." European Legacy 10, no. 7 (December 2005): 745–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770500335867.
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Plokhy, Serhii. "Between history and nation: Paul Robert Magocsi and the rewriting of Ukrainian history." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 1 (January 2011): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.532780.
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“Getting history wrong is an essential factor in the formation of a nation,” wrote Ernest Renan, basing this observation on his analysis of the nation-building experience in nineteenth-century Europe (qtd. in Eric Hobsbawm,On History.New York: New York Press, 1997: 270; for a different translation of the same sentiment, see Ernest Renan, “What is a Nation,” inNationalism in Europe from 1815 to the Present: A Reader.Ed. Stuart Woolf. London: Routledge, 1996: 50). Many historians today tend to agree with Renan's statement and are doing their best to “get history right” as they search for alternatives to national history. More often than not they face an uphill battle in that regard, both within and outside their profession.
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Greene, Roland. "Nation-Building by Anthology." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.105.
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In a short space of years, nation and nationality have lost their position as ever-present but unquestioned markers in literary and cultural study. In the play of argument, they have become movable pieces. In particular, a wide array of books and essays has intensively pursued the relations of literature and national identity in the wake of Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities (1983)— most notable among them, the essays collected by Homi Bhabha in Nation and Narration , Doris Sommer’s Foundational Fictions , and the volume Nationalisms and Sexualities , edited by Andrew Parker and others after a Harvard conference of the same name. Among these, Gregory Jusdanis’s Belated Modernity and Aesthetic Culture: Inventing National Literature has received less attention than it deserves. The book’s diminished visibility follows from the same source as its value: it comes to the discussion with a stake neither in western Europe and the Americas nor in what for scholars in the humanities have become the fashionable parts of the developing world, but in a country whose present few of us can see for its past, namely modern Greece. Jusdanis’s subject in this discussion is one that not many seem prepared to take up—the “minor” literature and culture that nonetheless struggles with its own adaptations of those problems of modernity and identity that have been chronicled elsewhere. And yet societies such as Greece can contribute urgently to the discussion because of the density of what might be called the middle stratum of their modernizing experience—the stratum between an adopted paradigm of national identity and a complex, often ambivalent social reality. This middle stratum is the site of a multitude of local interpretations that mediate between the other two layers and produce astonishing concatenations of classical Greek, European, and American cultural forms. With its particular siting and its arguably “minor” urge to measure modern Greece against more internationally prominent countries (an impulse that seldom runs in the opposite direction), Jusdanis’s book is one of the most useful recent additions to the broad field of books that treat the making of nationhood.
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ØSTERGÅRD, UFFE. "The history of Europe seen from the North." European Review 14, no. 2 (April 12, 2006): 281–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000263.
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The Nordic or Scandinavian countries represent variations on general European patterns of state and nation-building and political culture. Denmark and Sweden rank among the oldest and most typical of nation-states together with France, Britain and Spain and should be studied with the same questions in mind. Today, however, a sort of trans-state common Nordic identity coexists with independent national identifications among the Scandinavians. Nordic unity is regarded as a viable alternative to European culture and integration by large numbers of the populations. There has never existed a ‘Scandinavian model’ worthy of the name ‘model’. Because of a series of changes in great power politics in the 18th and 19th centuries, the major conflicts in Europe were relocated away from Northern Europe. This resulted in a virtual ‘neutralization’ of the Scandinavian countries north of the Baltic Sea. Today, the much promoted ‘Nordic identity’ reveals itself only through the nation-states. The ‘Association for Nordic Unity’ (Foreningerne Norden) was set up in 1919 only after all five Nordic countries had achieved independent nationhood: Norway in 1905, Finland in 1917, and Iceland in 1918 (the latter only as home rule to be followed by independence in 1944). The very different roads to independent nationhood among the Nordic countries and the idea of a common Nordic identity can be traced back to its beginnings in the 19th century
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Michail, Eugene. "Nation-building and identity in Europe. The dialogics of reciprocity." National Identities 21, no. 2 (January 31, 2018): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2017.1422648.
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Bozdoğan, Sibel. "Architecture, Modernism and Nation-Building in Kemalist Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 10 (1994): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600000832.
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Deeply rooted in “the great transformation” brought about by capitalism, industrialization and urban life, the history of modern architecture in the West is intricately intertwined with the rise of the bourgeoisie. Modernism in architecture, before anything else, is a reaction to the social and environmental ills of the industrial city, and to the bourgeois aesthetic of the 19th century. It emerged first as a series of critical, utopian and radical movements in the first decades of the twentieth century, eventually consolidating itself into an architectural establishment by the 1930s. The dissemination of the so-called “modern movement” outside Europe coincides with the eclipse of the plurality and critical force of early modernist currents and their reduction to a unified, formalist and doctrinaire position.
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Stråth, Bo. "Future of Europe." Journal of Language and Politics 5, no. 3 (December 8, 2006): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.5.3.09str.
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The nineteenth and most of the twentieth century of Europe were dominated by the perspective of the nation-states. At the core of the European nation building was the social question. The (West) European unification project after 1950 was a rescue operation of the Western national welfare states under the conditions of the Cold War. The European rescue operation dealt with the maintenance of the welfare states. These attempts became problematic in the 1970s when the international order established after 1945 collapsed. EEC tried to respond to the experiences of crisis by a transfer of the social commitments to the Community level. The conceptualisation of such a transfer failed, however. The article analyses the failure of three subsequent key concepts in the European unification project: integration, identity and constitution. The analysis emphasises the connection between politics and language.
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Ponomarenko, Liudmyla Viktorivna. "MODERN TRENDS AND CONTRADICTIONS IN THE PROCESSES OF NATION-BUILDING IN UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE MIRROR OF ARCHETYPES." UKRAINIAN ASSEMBLY OF DOCTORS OF SCIENCES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 1, no. 14 (June 16, 2018): 244–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i14.116.
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The article is an attempt to study the nation-building processes in Ukraine and in the countries of the European Union. The similarities and differences are accentuated for Ukraine, which was able to restore its independence after a long national liberation struggle, and the countries of the European Union, most of which can be called the states with sustainable democracy. In order to study the peculiarities of the nation-building processes, universal features common for any nation are investigated: history, territory, language, culture and national self-consciousness. The peculiarities of the nation-building in the newly and post-imperialist states are determined, as well as the influence of history on the formation of the archetypes of the nations. The reasons for the activation of the nation-building processes and their interrelation with the strengthening of separatist sentiments are investigated. The urgency of the separatism issue on the agenda of not only Ukraine but also of the countries of Europe is mentioned. The influence of nation-building processes on the interpretation of historical facts and events, attempts to “rewrite” historical facts or to silence them is considered. The role of the language issue in the nation-building and the duality of its interpretation are studied. Particular attention is drawn to the disagreements that have emerged in the nation-building process in Ukraine and the Member States of the European Union. The contradictions in the interpretation of various social, political and cultural phenomena in Ukraine and the countries of the European Union are considered. The historical lessons of the European Union, which are worth learning in Ukraine for the further painless nation-building, and valuable European experience, which should be studied or taken into account in practice, are analysed. The main challenges facing Ukraine and the European Union countries regarding the future of the nation-building, peaceful coexistence and productive cooperation are highlighted.
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Bekus, Nelly. "Nationalism and socialism: “Phase D” in the Belarusian nation-building." Nationalities Papers 38, no. 6 (November 2010): 829–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.515973.
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This article presents the history of Belarusian national development in the light of Miroslav Hroch's theory and demonstrates how the initial process of national awakening typical for small nations in eastern and central Europe in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century described by M. Hroch continued under Soviet rule after the Bolshevik revolution. Changes which were brought to Belarusian society together with socialist modernization in the Soviet state constituted “Phase D” (a term coined by Terry Martin) in Belarusian nation-building. As the history of Belarusian nation-formation illustrates, Hroch's scheme of three phases of national movements within small nations ignored a specific mode of small nations’ development in a multiethnic state and within the socialist formation. At the same time, the question about the status of the Soviet era's achievements in Belarusian national development appears to be an important issue for understanding the current political development in the country.
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Ilacqua, Talitha. "Tourism, Nation Building, and Regional Identities in the French Basque Country, 1830–1870." French Historical Studies 45, no. 4 (October 1, 2022): 657–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9933007.
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Abstract The arrival of tourism in Biarritz and on the French Basque coast in the mid-nineteenth century accentuated the national sentiment of the area and its distinctive Basque cultural attributes alike. This article analyzes such dualism, emphasizing both transformations that turned Biarritz into a resort popular across France and Europe and modifications to local culture that made it a key feature of the tourist experience in the Basque Country. The contribution of the local population to the folklorization of its culture was key to its survival, underscoring the importance of regional folklore for the touristic success of France as a whole. Mid-nineteenth-century governments' support of local cultural initiatives, in turn, was necessary for their accomplishment, as well as for the maturing of an idea of France as unitary yet culturally diverse that came to define the early Third Republic after 1870. Le début de l'expérience touristique à Biarritz et sur la côte basque française au milieu du dix-neuvième siècle a accentué le sentiment national de la région et les particularités culturelles basques. Cet article analyse ce dualisme et souligne deux aspects : les changements qui ont transformé Biarritz en une station touristique célèbre en France et en Europe, et les transformations de la culture locale qui était une partie importante de l'expérience touristique au Pays basque. La participation de la population à la création d'une culture folklorique fut fondamentale pour son existence et pour le succès touristique de la France entière. Le soutien des gouvernements du milieu du siècle aux initiatives culturelles locales fut nécessaire aussi pour l'achèvement et la maturation d'une idée de la France comme unitaire mais culturellement différenciée qui définit le début de la Troisième République.
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Balcer, Adam. "The Emergence of New States in Eastern Europe in 1918—Lessons for All of Europe." TalTech Journal of European Studies 11, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2021-0001.
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Abstract The year of 1918 was a crucial point in the history of Europe. Its importance does not only stem from the end of World War I, but also from the establishment of new states. Eastern Europe was particularly an arena where many new states emerged after the dissolution of tsarist Russia. The abovementioned process was correlated with the outcome of World War I (the defeat of the Central Powers on the Western Front and their victory on the Eastern Front against the tsarist Russia resulting in imposing their protectorate over Eastern Europe) but simultaneously it was influenced by the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution originating from a structural crisis of Russia. The legacy of nation-building processes, taking place in the period of 1917–1921 in the European part of the tsarist Russia— even when some of the states did not manage to survive— occupies a key role in the historical memories of those countries. The importance of this legacy originates from the fact that these states often constituted the most progressive nation-building efforts in the world. The wider context of these developments and the important interlinkages existing between them are very often unfamiliar to many Europeans today. Despite that, the state-building attempts, undertaken in Eastern Europe between 1917 and 1921, had a huge impact on the trajectory of European history. Contextualising this particular academic enquiry with the events of 1918 and benefiting from methodological advantages of process tracing, our project represents an attempt to restore (or, if necessary, build from scratch) a communicational system for sending a historical message to a wider Europe. A century after, while celebrating the Finnish, Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian and Polish truly big anniversaries in 2017–2018, Europeans have already forgotten how interconnected and interlinked the 1918-bound events had been and by how much those events had affected the entire European continent as well as the international system.
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Tesser, Lynn M. "Identity, Contingency, and Interaction: Historical Research and Social Science Analysis of Nation-State Proliferation." Nationalities Papers 47, no. 3 (May 2019): 412–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.33.
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AbstractScholars of nation-building and secession tend to prioritize elite or broader nationalist activism when explaining the proliferation of nation-states. Yet, recent historical research reveals a major finding: the influence of great powers tended to eclipse nationalist mobilization for new states in Latin America, the Balkans, Anatolia, and Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on recent trends in historical research largely unknown in other fields, this article examines context, timing, and event sequencing to provide a new approach to multi-case research on nation-state proliferation. Major power recognition of new states in the Balkans also emerges as transformational for the post-World War I replacement of dynastic empires with nation-states in Europe. These findings suggest a shift of focus to the interplay of nationalist activism and great power policy for explaining the spread of nation-states.
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JAMES, HAROLD. "Visions of Europe: European Integration as Redemption from the Past and as a Monetary Transaction." Contemporary European History 26, no. 2 (May 2017): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777317000145.
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Visions of Europe belong to a particular time. They carry with them the hallmark, the dominant patterns of thought, of their birth. But there also exist substantial continuities between three of these crucial moments: 1848, 1945 and 1989. At these times the process of building nation states also reached a peculiar moment of crisis – or a turning point. The idea of Europe, reformulated at these times of political collapse, existential angst and an explosion of the imagination, stands in an intricate relationship – Hegelians might like to call it a dialectic – with the conception of national cultures and national politics.
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Swanson, John C. "Minority Building in the German Diaspora: The Hungarian-Germans." Austrian History Yearbook 36 (January 2005): 148–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800004872.
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Issues concerning the status and rights of ethnic minorities in Central and Eastern Europe have become significant in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. A focus on co-nations in neighboring states, “others” in so-called nation-states, and questions of immigration dominate the media in many areas in Europe. Even though ethnic minorities and ethnic identity are part of modern conversation, the subject of ethnic minorities needs to receive serious scholarly attention to demonstrate its nuanced sense of meaning. Like nations, ethnic minorities are not static entities; they are not primordial. They are constructed or imagined in the same way nations are, even though there has been little scholarly attention devoted to minority building. In order to understand the complex meaning of an ethnic minority, one needs to view the creation of a minority—minority building—on different levels, and understand it as members of the minority understand it and as others perceive it.
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Diesen, Glenn. "Europe as the Western Peninsula of Greater Eurasia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2021): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366521998240.
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Will increased economic connectivity on the Eurasian supercontinent convert Europe into the western peninsula of Greater Eurasia? US geoeconomic primacy has relied on organizing the two other major economic regions of the world, Europe and Asia, into the US-led trans-Atlantic region and Indo-Pacific region. Greater Eurasia is a geoeconomic initiative by Russia and China to integrate Europe and Asia to construct a new region. Greater Eurasia is constructed by first establishing a Russian-Chinese regional partnership that decouples from US primacy, and second to integrate Europe into the new Eurasian region. The geoeconomic architecture for region-building, much like the economics of nation-building, consists of developing connectivity and dependencies with strategic industries, transportation corridors, and financial instruments.
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Goikoetxea, Jule. "Nation and democracy building in contemporary Europe: the reproduction of the Basque demos." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (January 2014): 145–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.830600.
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The article analyzes the material or objectified reproduction of the Basque demos since democracy was established in Spain in 1980. Spain holds within its territory diverse regions and political communities and the Basque case is a highly illustrative example of how the development of regional state institutions is fundamental for the reproduction of distinct democratic demoi not merely in their political but also socio-economic dimension. This paper argues that, in our current European context, political distinctions cannot become effectively objectified and instituted power structures without state institutions being able to uphold a differentiated system of stratification.
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Sorescu, Andrei Dan. "National History as a History of Compacts." East Central Europe 45, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 63–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04501004.
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This article aims to show that concepts originating in the vocabulary of international relations were crucial to the rhetoric of nation-building in mid-nineteenth-century Europe. A close examination of the Romanian context elucidates in a more general way historical actors’ reflections and critiques of this conceptual vocabulary as well as the permeable nature of the (inter)national in the given historical context. The article explores two conceptual pairs: jus Gentium versus jus publicum Europaeum, and sovereignty versus suzerainty. In the process, it shows how Romanian nation- and state-builders became scholars of international relations. This they did in an effort to demonstrate the historically grounded sovereignty of the Romanian Principalities, in a manner compatible with the prevailing norms of the law of nations. The emphasis on a contractual relationship with the Ottoman Empire allowed for the assertion of national agency, both in the past and in the present. Increasingly focused on the imperfect translatability of concepts forged by the Western historical experience, pamphleteers of all stripes ultimately came to jettison the supposedly feudal, anachronistic vocabulary of suzerainty, militating for the inclusion of the Principalities as full parties in European public law. Thus, the article elucidates some significant conceptual tensions in the development of mid-nineteenth-century nationalism, simultaneously contributing to a growing body of scholarship on the intellectual history of international relations.
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Cattaruzza, Marina. "Endstation Vertreibung: Minderheitenfrage und Zwangs - migrationen in Ostmitteleuropa, 1919–1949." Journal of Modern European History 6, no. 1 (March 2008): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2008_1_5.
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Final Destination: The Question of Minorities: Expulsion and Enforced Migration in Central and East Europe, 1919–1949 This article seeks to give a bird's-eye view of the phenomenon of large-scale enforced migration, expulsion, or mass deportation, in eastern Europe at different moments in time, by linking it to the ‹nationalities› question from the start of the twentieth century and to the ‹minorities› question of the inter-war period. It argues that the collective expulsion of ethnic minorities from the former ‹master nations› (Lewis B. Namier's phrase) cannot be understood merely as the product of nationstatism. Instead it portrays mass migrations as the result of factors that trans - cended the nation-state question, such as the defeat of the ‹revisionist› states in the First World War, the perception of minorities as ‹trouble-makers›, and the Soviet Union's strategy of expansion in East Central Europe. Particular attention is paid to the special circumstances of nation-creation in the territories of the Habsburg Empire, Tsarist Russia and the eastern border regions of imperial Germany. It was there that the political mobilisation of significant parts of the population led to militant nationalism among certain sections of society. The foundation of the Habsburg Empire's successor states brought radical changes among the political elites. This led, on the one hand, to revanchist sentiments among the dispossessed groups; and on the other, to the displacement of supranational elites as part of the ‹nation building› process in the new states that followed in the wake of societal modernisation and the expansion of political participation.
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Janmaat, Jan Germen. "Nation Building, Democratization and Globalization as Competing Priorities in Ukraine's Education System*." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 1 (March 2008): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701848317.
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One of the greatest challenges currently facing the new states in Central and Eastern Europe is educational reform. After obtaining independence in the early 1990s, these states were confronted with the immense task of transforming an outdated centralized education system, which was aimed at delivering a loyal communist workforce, into a modern system that would be much more responsive to consumer demands and would recognize and further individual talent. The immensity of the undertaking lies in the fact that three discourses make simultaneous demands on the education system: nation building, democratization and globalization.
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Zimmermann, Tanja. "Spirit of Place and Nation Building: Kosovo and Bosnia from Imperial to Post-Communist Times." Entangled Religions 9 (April 30, 2019): 79–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/er.v9.2019.79-107.
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During the period of nation building, the spirit of place (genius loci), attributing uniqueness to specific locations and ascribing to them close attachment to the nation, became a central vehicle for defending and appropriating territories and even for establishing a diaspora in exile. It was evoked through discursive practices reminiscent of religious rhetoric and around monumental works of art, thereby staging history as mythical sacred theatre. The process of establishing imagined national geographies during the long period of nation building from the nineteenth century to the post-communist period is analysed in comparative perspective in two multi-religious and multi-ethnical regions in southeast Europe—Kosovo and Bosnia. The leading question I will try to answer is why the Field of Blackbirds in Kosovo was successfully established as a national holy place in the collective memory of the Serbs, whereas similar efforts in Bosnia did not result in inscribing mythic places into national memory.
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VILALLONGA, BORJA. "THE THEORETICAL ORIGINS OF CATHOLIC NATIONALISM IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY EUROPE." Modern Intellectual History 11, no. 2 (June 26, 2014): 307–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000031.
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Catholicism's contribution to the development of nationalist ideology, and more generally to the process of European nation building in the nineteenth century, has been neglected. Most previous work has concentrated instead on varieties of liberal nationalism. In fact, Catholic intellectuals forged a whole nationalist discourse, but from traditional-conservative and orthodox doctrine. This essay charts a transnational path through Latin European countries, whose thinkers pioneered the theoretical development of Catholic nationalism. The Latin countries–France, Italy, and Spain, especially–were the homeland of Catholicism and theological, philosophical, historical, and political theories originating in it had a tremendous impact on the general formation of Western nationalism. This essay examines the formation, evolution, and consolidation of Catholic nationalism through “New Catholicism,” showing how the nation-state project and modernity itself were rethought in a new conservative and Catholic form.
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Beneš, Jakub. "The Colour of Hope: The Legacy of the ‘Green Cadres’ and the Problem of Rural Unrest in the First Czechoslovak Republic." Contemporary European History 28, no. 3 (December 27, 2018): 285–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000589.
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This article addresses the divided memory and contested meaning of the Great War in interwar Czechoslovakia. Focusing on the legacy of a loose and short-lived movement of army deserters called ‘Green Cadres’ that appeared in 1918, it suggests that the Czechoslovak nation building project faced challenges not only from sizable ethnic minorities within the fledgling state, but also from the restive Czech peasantry. As elsewhere in East Central Europe, many peasants regarded the Green Cadres as liberators and representatives of a more radical, rural oriented national revolution. These unfulfilled hopes resonated through the interwar period. This article thus sheds light on an important social and cultural fault line that has been neglected in histories of the world wars in Europe.
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Cooper, David L. "Competing Languages of Czech Nation-Building: Jan Kollár and the Melodiousness of Czech." Slavic Review 67, no. 2 (2008): 301–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900023548.
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In the modern era, the institution of literature is being reconceived across Europe as a national institution. But the new paradigm of national literatures requires a remaking of literary discourse, including the transformation of critical terminology, and this results in literary discourse becoming politicized. By analyzing the history of the term libozvučnost (melodiousness) in the Czech national literary revival, David L. Cooper demonstrates how this seemingly innocent literary term became a political lightening rod for friends pursuing the same national program. This strongly suggests that, in the formative era of national literatures, using literary issues to discuss politics is not simply a matter of instrumentalizing literary criticism for covert political activity but that discussing literary values is directly political. The example of libozvučnost also reveals how the “borrowed“ discourses of Romanticism and nationalism were fundamentally remade to respond to the modern Czech situation.
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Iordachi, Constantin. "Citizenship, Nation-and State-Building: The Integration of Northern Dobrogea into Romania, 1878-1913." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1607 (January 1, 2002): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.2002.93.
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Situated in the northeastern extremity of the Balkan Peninsula, between the lower Danube and the Black Sea, the historical province of Dobrogea has a highly individualized geographical character. The arid steppes in the middle of the province are surrounded by an extensive seacoast in the east, the vast Danube delta in the north, the fertile shores of the Danube in the west, and by the Bulgarian mainland in the south, making up a broad ribbon of land, a kind of "irregular oblong with a waist" (see Map I, page ll).This advantageous geopolitical and commercial location accounts for Dobrogea's tumultuous history. From fifteenth century, Dobrogea functioned as a borderland of the Ottoman Empire and one of the most advanced Muslim military bastions in Southeastern Europe.
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Lynch, Katherine A. "Poor Relief, Welfare, and Community Building." International Review of Social History 65, no. 1 (February 11, 2020): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859020000036.
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AbstractThis review introduces the broad themes and methods of Maarten Prak's Citizens without Nations and focuses on the author's portrait of actual practices of citizenship in early modern cities of Europe. It highlights the strengths of Prak's study in formidable archival work and broad comparative reading. It points out the central place of practices of poor relief to the building of urban networks of citizenship, drawing out the importance of women in participating in these informal yet critical practices of citizenship. Taking the relationship between provisioning for the poor and community building seriously, and building on Prak's view of Britain's relatively smooth transition from early modern to modern practices of citizenship, the essay speculates on whether England's unusual nationwide poor law (born in the early modern period and exemplifying ideals of citizenship usually associated with “urban republicanism”) played its own critical role in the rise of an integrated nation there.
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Stebelsky, Ihor. "Putting Ukraine on the map: the contribution of Stepan Rudnyts'kyi to Ukrainian nation-building." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 4 (July 2011): 587–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2011.585147.
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This paper examines the contribution of the founder of modern Ukrainian geography, Stepan Rudnyts'kyi, to Ukrainian nation-building. It demonstrates how Rudnyts'kyi put Ukraine on the mental map of the Ukrainian public before the declaration of Ukraine's independence in 1918. This is done by analyzing his key publications and showing how he formed a vision of Ukraine and delineated its territory to influence the perceptions of the Ukrainian public on the eve of the struggle for Ukraine's independence. Rudnyts'kyi's contribution is also viewed within the context of competition from rival modern nation-building projects in Eastern Europe, most notably Polish and Russian. The developments are also examined within Miroslav Hroch's periodization of national movements. Rudnyts'kyi played an important role in stage B (patriotic agitation) in Ukrainian national revival.
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Capano, Fabio. "The evolution of nationhood in twentieth century Europe: Lessons from the Northern Adriatic borderlands." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 6 (November 2018): 955–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1501670.
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This article is a short introduction for a special edition on Italian nationhood. The articles that comprise the special edition are the following: From a cosmopolitan to a fascist land: Adriatic irredentism in motion; Erecting fascism: nation, identity, and space in Trieste in the first half of the twentieth century; Building Italianità in northern Adriatic: The case of population from Pola.
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Dimova, Rozita, and Ludmila Cojocaru. "Contested Nation-Building within the International “Order of Things”: Performance, Festivals and Legitimization in South-Eastern Europe." History and Anthropology 24, no. 1 (March 2013): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02757206.2012.759113.
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Savoniakaitė, Vida. "Įvadas. Tautos tyrimų ištakos ir antropologija." Lietuvos etnologija / Lithuanian ethnology 19 (28) 2019 (December 19, 2019): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386522-1928002.
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To mark Lithuania’s centenary, this issue is dedicated to the genesis of anthropology, ethnology, ethnography and folklore. This interdisciplinary issue covers the history of ideas, or the science of ideas in the 19th and early 20th centuries and beyond. Lithuanian scientists who graduated from universities in the Russian Empire and Europe developed theoretical concepts of Enlightenment in the humanities and the social sciences. The emerging study of Lithuania integrated and interpreted the concepts of ethnic research that prevailed in Europe and Imperial Russia at that time. Using a comparative approach, the thematic articles reveal the links between the genesis of Lithuanian ethnology and anthropology, and the research into ethnic groups in the Russian Empire, the Other, the study of people and nations in the West, and the ideas of Völkerkunde. The focus is on the following issues: the reception of ethnography and Lithuanian studies, the comparative study of people and nations, and ideas of nationalism. Key words: сultural nationalism, Lithuania, nation-building, nation, science societies.
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Musoni, Francis. "Contested Foreignness: Indian Migrants and the Politics of Exclusion in Early Colonial Zimbabwe, 1890 to 1923." African and Asian Studies 16, no. 4 (October 17, 2017): 312–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341378.
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AbstractThe British South Africa Company’s conquest of Zimbabwe in the 1890s opened the country to settlement by immigrants from Europe, South Africa, India and other regions. Using their position as benefactors of the emerging colony, the British-born settlers deployed various notions of foreignness to marginalize the indigenous populations and other groups. Focusing on thirty-three years of company rule in Zimbabwe, this article examines how Indian immigrants contested the British attempts toforeignizethem in the emerging colony. Rather than presenting Indian migrants as passive victims of discrimination and marginalization, the study emphasizes their creativity and determination to establish their own destiny, against all odds. It also shows that foreignness in colonial Zimbabwe was a key factor in the politics of power, identity formation and nation-state building. In that respect, the article explores the constructed-ness as well as the malleability of foreignness in processes of nation-state formation in Africa.
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Veszprémi, Nóra. "Whose Landscape Is It? Remapping Memory and History in Interwar Central Europe." Austrian History Yearbook 52 (April 7, 2021): 227–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237821000102.
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AbstractAfter the collapse of the Habsburg Empire and the sanctioning of new national borders in 1920, the successor states faced the controversial task of reconceptualizing the idea of national territory. Images of historically significant landscapes played a crucial role in this process. Employing the concept of mental maps, this article explores how such images shaped the connections between place, memory, and landscape in Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Hungarian revisionist publications demonstrate how Hungarian nationalists visualized the organic integrity of “Greater Hungary,” while also implicitly adapting historical memory to the new geopolitical situation. As a counterpoint, images of the Váh region produced in interwar Czechoslovakia reveal how an opposing political agenda gave rise to a different imagery, while drawing on shared cultural traditions from the imperial past. Finally, the case study of Dévény/Devín/Theben shows how the idea of being positioned “between East and West” lived on in overlapping but politically opposed mental maps in the interwar period. By examining the cracks and continuities in the picturesque landscape tradition after 1918, the article offers new insight into the similarities and differences of nation-building processes from the perspective of visual culture.
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Altuntaş, Nezahat. "Religious Nationalism in a New Era: A Perspective from Political Islam." African and Asian Studies 9, no. 4 (2010): 418–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921010x534805.
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Abstract Nationalism is an ideology that has taken different forms in different times, locations, and situations. In the 19th century, classical liberal nationalism depended on the ties between the nation state and its citizenship. That form of nationalism was accompanied by “the state- and nation-building” processes in Europe. In the 20th century, nationalism transformed into ethnic nationalism, depending on ideas of common origin; it arose especially after World War I and II and after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Finally, at the beginning of 21st century, nationalism began to integrate with religion as a result of global political changes. The terrorist attack on the United States, and then the effects that the United States and its allies have created in the widespread Muslim geography, have added new and different dimensions to nationalism. The main aim of this study is to investigate the intersection points between religion and nationalism, especially in the case of political Islam.
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Iglesias, Julien Danero. "Eurovision song contest and identity crisis in Moldova." Nationalities Papers 43, no. 2 (March 2015): 233–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2014.993957.
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The Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) was created for strengthening the development of a European soul. But generally speaking, one can say it has been used as a tool for nation-branding, and as a means for Central and Eastern countries to “return” to Europe, in particular after the fall of their Communist regimes. In the difficult social, economic, political, and historical context of the Republic of Moldova nowadays, the ESC furthermore allows the discursive construction of the nation and the building of a particularself.Accordingly, based on a method inspired by the Critical Discourse Analysis methodology applied to three local newspapers, the research demonstrates how the ESC acts as a sound box when building the Moldovanself.The Moldovan identity that emerges from the articles seems to be an identity in crisis which proves much different from the usual political constructions of the nation. This bottom-up identity put forward by journalists has indeed to be related to the twofold crisis in which Moldova is at the moment: social and economic, on the one hand, and linked to a permanent struggle between a separate Moldovan or an integrated Romanian identity, on the other.
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Jenco, Leigh K., and Jonathan Chappell. "Overlapping Histories, Co-produced Concepts: Imperialism in Chinese Eyes." Journal of Asian Studies 79, no. 3 (July 20, 2020): 685–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911820000066.
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Many historians of China, particularly those based in North America, insist that the Qing dynasty's territorial expansion was imperial and comparable to the imperial expansions of other global empires. Other historians, particularly but not only those based in the People's Republic of China, continue to resist this interpretation. They argue that dynastic expansion in the Ming and Qing periods was simply a form of nation-state building, akin to similar processes in Europe. Rather than rejecting their claims as a product of Chinese nationalism, we argue that the term “empire” should be (re)understood as a global co-production, emerging from multiple intersecting histories and scholarly debates about those histories. Doing so challenges influential definitions of empire that rely on a distinction between empires and nation-states, highlighting their dual presence in both Euro-American and Chinese pasts (and presents). This move demands a rejection of periodizations that suggest that empires ceased to exist following the period of decolonization from 1945 to the 1970s. This opens up new avenues of historical and normative inquiry to acknowledge the modern continuity between empires and nation-states.
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Wood, Nathaniel D. "Becoming a “Great City”: Metropolitan Imaginations and Apprehensions in Cracow's Popular Press, 1900–1914." Austrian History Yearbook 33 (January 2002): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800013837.
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During the second half of the nineteenth century, the rapid urbanization of Europe sparked a set of complex, often contradictory reactions to life in the large modern city. Europe's urban population grew sixfold from 1800 to 1910 as a result of overall population growth and considerable migration to cities, with the greatest expansion occurring in the latter half of this period. Adapting to the needs of industrial capitalism and the development of the nation-state, “central place” cities such as Vienna and Paris began building projects that destroyed old neighborhoods and tore down medieval walls to allow new construction. Growth of this magnitude created the sensation of constant change and instability. For many citizens the big city came to represent modernity itself, characterized by flux and spectacle.
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Zylberman, Patrick. "“Debordering” public health: the changing patterns of health border in modern Europe." História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 27, suppl 1 (September 2020): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702020000300003.
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Abstract According to David Fidler, the governance of infectious diseases evolved from the mid-nineteenth to the twenty-first century as a series of institutional arrangements: the International Sanitary Regulations (non-interference and disease control at borders), the World Health Organization vertical programs (malaria and smallpox eradication campaigns), and a post-Westphalian regime standing beyond state-centrism and national interest. But can international public health be reduced to such a Westphalian image? We scrutinize three strategies that brought health borders into prominence: pre-empting weak states (eastern Mediterranean in the nineteenth century); preventing the spread of disease through nation-building (Macedonian public health system in the 1920s); and debordering the fight against epidemics (1920-1921 Russian-Polish war and the Warsaw 1922 Sanitary Conference).
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Trbovich, Ana. "Nation-building under the Austro-Hungarian sceptre Croat-Serb antagonism and cooperation." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 195–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637195t.
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In the nineteenth century many European nations, including Serbs and Croats became politically conscious of their "nationhood", which became a contributory factor in the crumbling of the two great empires in Central-East Europe - the Habsburg and the Ottoman - at the beginning of the following century. The Serbs had, since medieval times, an awareness of their long history and tradition, great medieval civilization and cultural unity regardless of the fact that they lived under several different adminis?trations. As in the case of Habsburg Serbs, language and literature became building blocks of Croat national consciousness in the nineteenth century. Unlike Serb nationalism centred on people, Croat nationalism was mainly territory-related. Since both Serbs and Croats inhabited the Austro-Hungarian provinces claimed by the Croats as their "historical Right" (absorption in 1097 of the small medieval Croat state by the Hungarians is interpreted, by many Croat historians, as a voluntary act of union), the different conceptions of nationalism resulted in competing claims. Croatian politics became one of opposing any recognition of Serbian institutions and cultural characteristics without Serbs previously accepting the concept that the only "political nation" in the Austro-Hungarian Province of Croatia was Croatian. Nonetheless, Croats compromised when in need of Serb assistance in opposing Hungarian domination. In turn, Serb politics was divided between those supporting cooperation with the Croats in order to achieve greater autonomy from the Hungarians in the Dual Monarchy, and those who supported some cooperation but insisted on forming an entity separate from the Croats in the future and joining with the Kingdom of Serbia, which regained its independence in 1878. The ensuing world and civil wars brought the Croato-Serb conflict to the fore, with the first and the second Yugoslavia failing to accommodate the two nations' opposing aspirations.
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Bondarenko, Dmitri. "Nation-building in Post-colonial Sub-Saharan African states: Tanzania, Zambia, and Uganda compared." Asia and Africa Today, no. 1 (2022): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750018295-6.
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In the form the nation-state is known until now, it formed in Europe and North America in the Early Modern time and flourished in the 19th and 20th centuries, being adequate to realities of the world of industrial capitalism and cultural nationalism. However, other trends, related to super-intensive globalization and post-industrialism, are dominating in the world nowadays. At present, the Western states have to depart from the classical concept of the nation and seek solutions to a completely different problem - of supporting their citizens’ unity at preservation of cultural diversity brought by migrants from all over the world in recent decades. Under the current circumstances, it should not be ruled out that post-colonial states, most of which are multicultural initially due to their unique history of formation, can find themselves in an advantageous position, if they abandon attempts to build nations according to the outdated classical Western pattern. While irreversible globalization is associated with Modernity started in the West half a millennium ago, nation-building in contemporary post-colonial countries shows that globalization is by no means equal to Westernization, and that Modernity as a historically specific type of society and culture, splits into multiple modernities. The theoretical analysis is proved by comparison of the evidence from three post-colonial African states: Tanzania, Zambia, and Uganda. Although today, Tanzania is closer than Zambia and Uganda (as well as most other African countries) to formation of the nation in the classical Western sense, the author admits that the global trend towards multiculturalization of nations may become no less advantageous for countries like Zambia and Uganda. However, it is emphasized in the paper that proper leadership based on an ideology of multicultural nation is a necessary prerequisite for realization of these favorable conditions.
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Grzymala-Busse, Ann. "Why there is (almost) no Christian Democracy in post-communist Europe." Party Politics 19, no. 2 (June 10, 2011): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811407596.
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Compared to its West European counterparts, post-communist Christian Democracy is notable for its lack of success. Even in the most religious of post-communist democracies, no Christian Democratic (CD) party has claimed a plurality of the electorate. At the same time, there is a considerable range in average electoral support from 1990 to 2010, i.e. from 0.7 percent in Estonia to as high as 18.4 percent in Slovakia. The most successful CD parties have arisen in Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Slovenia and Lithuania, and (with qualifications) in Macedonia. The reasons for this success lie not in popular religiosity, state–church conflict or alliances between CD parties and churches. Instead, where parties can point to a history of nation and state-building in the inter-war period, they receive an initial electoral boost from this historical legacy. Yet even these favourable historical reputations have transitory effects: by the second or third elections, the impact of inter-war support rapidly faded.
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LACHENICHT, SUSANNE. "Huguenot Immigrants and the Formation of National IDENTITIES, 1548–1787." Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (May 9, 2007): 309–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006085.
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This article addresses the extent to which Protestant states in Europe and North America depicted the French Protestants who had found refuge in these states, as having contributed to the process of nation building and the formation of national identity. It is shown that the arrival of Huguenots was portrayed positively as the historians of these nations could contend that Huguenots had been absorbed readily into the host society because their virtues of frugality and industry corresponded admirably with the ethic of their hosts. The article demonstrates that, in no case, did this depiction correspond with reality. It shows that within those countries of refuge, Huguenots fostered a distinctive French Protestant identity that enabled them to remain aloof from the culture of their host society. In all cases Huguenots asserted themselves as a self-confident minority, convinced of the superiority of their language and culture who believed themselves to be privileged in this world as in the next. When national histories came to be composed, this dimension to the Huguenot minorities came to be expunged from historical memory as was also the fact that the Huguenots were but one of several minorities whose distinctiveness had contributed largely to the shaping of the state, culture, and society of the emerging nation-states.
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Szaniszló, Orsolya. "Зарождение государственного среднего женского образования в Российской империи и Венгрии." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 49, no. 2-3 (2015): 366–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04902016.
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During the time of enlightened absolutism, the development of education became a state duty. The philosophers of the Enlightenment began to deal with the question of the education of elite women and that played an important role in the nation-building process. Educational reforms initiated by Catherine the Great and Maria Theresa established state educational systems in Russia and in Hungary. The first state-financed higher education institute for women in Europe was opened in Russia. Similar schools in Hungary only appeared a century later. This article compares Russian and Hungarian boarding-schools for noble maidens, focusing on the beginning of these elite institutes and the secondary-level education ensured by them. This essay is dedicated to the memory of L.N. Semenova.
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Pereira, Hugo Silveira. "Appropriation, Integration, and Nation Building: Portuguese Railways in the Second Half of the Nineteenth and Early Years of the Twentieth Century." Social Science History 45, no. 2 (2021): 391–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2021.4.
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AbstractIn 1850, after three decades of political turmoil, Portugal started investing in major public works, particularly, in the construction of a national railway network. This strategy followed closely the suggestions of the Saint-Simonian technocrats with whom Portuguese engineers had been engaging since the 1820s. Additionally, it came in response to the longtime neglect suffered by the Portuguese transportation system, which hindered communications and trade between different areas of the kingdom and with neighboring Spain. The main goal of the investment was to modernize the national transport system, attract to Portuguese harbors a large portion of the traffic between Europe, Africa, and America, and, in general terms, put the nation on the path of progress. By the end of the nineteenth century, total mileage of the Portuguese rail network exceeded 2,300 km. This article analyzes the role of railways in the improvement of communications between the Portuguese provinces, their appropriation in a unified nation-state, the degree of integration of the Portuguese economy with the Spanish and European economies, and the construction/reinvention of Portugal as a modern and technological nation. To achieve these goals, I will use three key concepts: territorial appropriation, circulation, and globalization. Sources include statistics of railway operation and previous works analyzing the impact of railways on the Portuguese transport system and economy, the outcomes of operating transnational lines, and the importance of technology for the reinvention of Portugal during the second half of the nineteenth century.
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Khudoiar, Lesia. "The principle of equality as the basis of Ukrainian nationbuilding and state-building of the end of the XVI – to the 70s of the XVII century." Yearly journal of scientific articles “Pravova derzhava”, no. 33 (September 2022): 236–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/1563-3349-2022-33-236-246.
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From the perspective of historical and legal research, an objective reproduction of historical and legal reality, an understanding of the political history of Eastern Europe and the process of the formation of Ukrainian statehood and the nation of this era requires the use of new methodological paradigms. The article examines the role of the principle of equality in the process of the formation of the Ukrainian nation and the creation of a state from the standpoint of a totallogical analysis on the basis of an analysis of the Ukrainian transitional society of the late 16th – up to the 70s. XVII century The factors that determined the fundamental role of the principle of equality in the integration of Ukrainian society into a nation and an independent state are determined. At the end of the 16th – until the 70s of the 17th century. formation of the principle of equality in the legal life of Ukrainian society has become the main driving force of the process of Ukrainian nation-building and state-building. Factors that determined the fundamental role of the principle of equality in the integration of Ukrainian society into a nation and an independent state in the late sixteenth – to the 70’s of the seventeenth century: violation of the principle of equality of the Polish and Russian peoples as a result of the Lublin Union; formation of a separate Cossack state and mass Cossacks of the Ukrainian population during the revolutionary events of 1648-1676; intensive formation of the capitalist system on the basis of the abolition of the estates and the granting of equal economic and social rights to the population; formation of the Ukrainian national idea and development of the concept of the Ukrainian Cossack republic on the basis of the principle of equality according to the ideology prevailing at that time; support for the idea of creating an independent national Ukrainian state by the Ukrainian Orthodox clergy; the spread of literacy among a large part of the Ukrainian population and the high level of education of the Ukrainian nobility and clergy, which led to an appropriate level of general and legal culture; spiritual kinship of Ukrainian society on the basis of Orthodox faith and common moral values. Key words: principle of equality, Ukrainian Hetmanate, totallogical analysis, Ukrainian nation-building and state-building of the end of the 16th – to the 70s of the 17th century
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Prokopovych, Markian. "The City and the Museum: Cracow's Collections and Their Publics in the Long Nineteenth Century." Austrian History Yearbook 49 (April 2018): 166–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237818000140.
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It is generally acknowledged that museumswere an essential part of the national project in nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century Europe—and some retain this function even today. Classic works in nationalism studies, such as Eric Hobsbawm's, have highlighted the role they played in the birth of modern nations. Subsequent studies that focused on specific national contexts help us better understand the mechanisms by which museums contributed to the invention of national traditions as well as to the formation of historical consciousness, historical memory, and the functioning of modern states. As these and other scholars of museum history also demonstrate, museum founders, directors, curators, and the broader public were driven by agendas and aspirations other than nation-building within these larger processes. Analyzing how these agendas mixed with the aims of the national project in a specific locality in the making of museums can generate new insights into the formation of modern subjectivities in this period.
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Pereira, Hugo S., and Bruno J. Navarro. "The implementation and development of narrow-gauge railways in Portugal as a case of knowledge transfer (c. 1850–c. 1910)." Journal of Transport History 39, no. 3 (August 8, 2018): 355–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526618791726.
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When Portugal began building railways in its mainland territory in the 1850s, the main goal was to connect its harbours (mainly Lisbon) to the border with Spain (and beyond to Central Europe). This strategy left out of the network vast areas of the nation, some of which were perceived as very rugged, poor, and with low economic potential, where the construction of a railway was not cost effective. The same quandaries existed in the colonies, where investment in public works started in the 1870s. To bring railroads to these regions, it was necessary to find a low-cost technical solution. That solution was narrow-gauge railroads. In this paper, we analyse how this technology was transferred from Central Europe to Portugal and its colonies via a travel circuit of learning by Portuguese engineers and how it was developed through a mixture of Portuguese and foreign expertise.
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Jakovļeva, Mārīte. "Ervins Oberlenders. Pētījumi Kurzemes un Zemgales hercogistes vēsturē. Rakstu krājums. Ventspils: Ventspils muzejs, 2021." Latvijas Vēstures Institūta Žurnāls 117, no. 2 (December 2022): 202–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lviz.117.11.
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n the occasion of the 85th birthday of outstanding German historian, professor emeritus at Mainz University Dr., Dr. h. c. Erwin Oberländer, Ventspils Museum issued a special volume containing articles written by Professor Oberländer on the history of the Baltic region, especially that of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia (1561–1795). The publication is primarily addressed to the Latvian readers as the articles have been translated into Latvian. The book contains nine articles, published in various collections and journals in 1994–2008, and a preface written by the author himself. In the preface, Professor Oberländer outlines the tendency of historical research in Europe within the recent decades to broaden the focus from the history of nation-states to that of regional-scale processes, underlining the importance of regional history in building the awareness of their identity in the local populations. Through his articles, presentations and compiled collections of articles, Professor Oberländer has brought the history of the Baltic region to the public attention in Latvia and other countries and made a considerable contribution to the historical science of Latvia. Our cordial congratulations to Erwin Oberländer on his birthday!
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Mushaben, Joyce Marie. "A Search for Identity: The “German Question” in Atlantic Alliance Relations." World Politics 40, no. 3 (April 1988): 395–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010219.
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AbstractMajor changes in the postwar global environment have transformed “the” German question into many German questions that continue to complicate the foreign and domestic policy-making processes in the Federal Republic. Inconsistencies between official policy pronouncements and the accepted political modus operandi are explainable in terms of four “paradoxes”: (1) the nation/state identity paradox; (2) the reunification/integration paradox; (3) the stability/security paradox; and (4) the lessons-of-history/normalcy paradox. West German commitment to the Atlantic Alliance remains unshaken, but the FRG should not be forced to choose between the U.S. and Europe, between integration with the West and further improvement in relations with the GDR. Normalization of those relations will be best served by a mutual adherence to the principles of balance, territorial integrity, confidence building and greater transparency in matters of inter-German decision making.
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Breuilly, J. "Book Reviews : Nation-Building in Central Europe. Edited by Hagen Schulze. 'German Historical Perspectives' III. Leamington Spa, Hamburg, and New York: Berg. 1987. vii + 208 pp. 17.50." German History 7, no. 1 (April 1, 1989): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635548900700122.
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