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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nation-building – Europe – History

Academic literature on the topic 'Nation-building – Europe – History'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Nation-building – Europe – History"

1

Breuilly, J. "Nation-Building in Central Europe." German History 7, no. 1 (January 1, 1989): 140–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/7.1.140a.

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Rich, Norman, and Hagen Schulze. "Nation-Building in Central Europe." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 794. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873867.

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Scognamiglio, Carlo. "The Idea of Europe in Nation-Building Processes." European Legacy 10, no. 7 (December 2005): 745–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770500335867.

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Plokhy, Serhii. "Between history and nation: Paul Robert Magocsi and the rewriting of Ukrainian history." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 1 (January 2011): 117–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.532780.

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“Getting history wrong is an essential factor in the formation of a nation,” wrote Ernest Renan, basing this observation on his analysis of the nation-building experience in nineteenth-century Europe (qtd. in Eric Hobsbawm,On History.New York: New York Press, 1997: 270; for a different translation of the same sentiment, see Ernest Renan, “What is a Nation,” inNationalism in Europe from 1815 to the Present: A Reader.Ed. Stuart Woolf. London: Routledge, 1996: 50). Many historians today tend to agree with Renan's statement and are doing their best to “get history right” as they search for alternatives to national history. More often than not they face an uphill battle in that regard, both within and outside their profession.

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Greene, Roland. "Nation-Building by Anthology." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 4, no. 1 (March 1995): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.4.1.105.

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In a short space of years, nation and nationality have lost their position as ever-present but unquestioned markers in literary and cultural study. In the play of argument, they have become movable pieces. In particular, a wide array of books and essays has intensively pursued the relations of literature and national identity in the wake of Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities (1983)— most notable among them, the essays collected by Homi Bhabha in Nation and Narration , Doris Sommer’s Foundational Fictions , and the volume Nationalisms and Sexualities , edited by Andrew Parker and others after a Harvard conference of the same name. Among these, Gregory Jusdanis’s Belated Modernity and Aesthetic Culture: Inventing National Literature has received less attention than it deserves. The book’s diminished visibility follows from the same source as its value: it comes to the discussion with a stake neither in western Europe and the Americas nor in what for scholars in the humanities have become the fashionable parts of the developing world, but in a country whose present few of us can see for its past, namely modern Greece. Jusdanis’s subject in this discussion is one that not many seem prepared to take up—the “minor” literature and culture that nonetheless struggles with its own adaptations of those problems of modernity and identity that have been chronicled elsewhere. And yet societies such as Greece can contribute urgently to the discussion because of the density of what might be called the middle stratum of their modernizing experience—the stratum between an adopted paradigm of national identity and a complex, often ambivalent social reality. This middle stratum is the site of a multitude of local interpretations that mediate between the other two layers and produce astonishing concatenations of classical Greek, European, and American cultural forms. With its particular siting and its arguably “minor” urge to measure modern Greece against more internationally prominent countries (an impulse that seldom runs in the opposite direction), Jusdanis’s book is one of the most useful recent additions to the broad field of books that treat the making of nationhood.

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ØSTERGÅRD, UFFE. "The history of Europe seen from the North." European Review 14, no. 2 (April 12, 2006): 281–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798706000263.

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The Nordic or Scandinavian countries represent variations on general European patterns of state and nation-building and political culture. Denmark and Sweden rank among the oldest and most typical of nation-states together with France, Britain and Spain and should be studied with the same questions in mind. Today, however, a sort of trans-state common Nordic identity coexists with independent national identifications among the Scandinavians. Nordic unity is regarded as a viable alternative to European culture and integration by large numbers of the populations. There has never existed a ‘Scandinavian model’ worthy of the name ‘model’. Because of a series of changes in great power politics in the 18th and 19th centuries, the major conflicts in Europe were relocated away from Northern Europe. This resulted in a virtual ‘neutralization’ of the Scandinavian countries north of the Baltic Sea. Today, the much promoted ‘Nordic identity’ reveals itself only through the nation-states. The ‘Association for Nordic Unity’ (Foreningerne Norden) was set up in 1919 only after all five Nordic countries had achieved independent nationhood: Norway in 1905, Finland in 1917, and Iceland in 1918 (the latter only as home rule to be followed by independence in 1944). The very different roads to independent nationhood among the Nordic countries and the idea of a common Nordic identity can be traced back to its beginnings in the 19th century

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Michail, Eugene. "Nation-building and identity in Europe. The dialogics of reciprocity." National Identities 21, no. 2 (January 31, 2018): 213–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2017.1422648.

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Bozdoğan, Sibel. "Architecture, Modernism and Nation-Building in Kemalist Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 10 (1994): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600000832.

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Deeply rooted in “the great transformation” brought about by capitalism, industrialization and urban life, the history of modern architecture in the West is intricately intertwined with the rise of the bourgeoisie. Modernism in architecture, before anything else, is a reaction to the social and environmental ills of the industrial city, and to the bourgeois aesthetic of the 19th century. It emerged first as a series of critical, utopian and radical movements in the first decades of the twentieth century, eventually consolidating itself into an architectural establishment by the 1930s. The dissemination of the so-called “modern movement” outside Europe coincides with the eclipse of the plurality and critical force of early modernist currents and their reduction to a unified, formalist and doctrinaire position.

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Stråth, Bo. "Future of Europe." Journal of Language and Politics 5, no. 3 (December 8, 2006): 427–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.5.3.09str.

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The nineteenth and most of the twentieth century of Europe were dominated by the perspective of the nation-states. At the core of the European nation building was the social question. The (West) European unification project after 1950 was a rescue operation of the Western national welfare states under the conditions of the Cold War. The European rescue operation dealt with the maintenance of the welfare states. These attempts became problematic in the 1970s when the international order established after 1945 collapsed. EEC tried to respond to the experiences of crisis by a transfer of the social commitments to the Community level. The conceptualisation of such a transfer failed, however. The article analyses the failure of three subsequent key concepts in the European unification project: integration, identity and constitution. The analysis emphasises the connection between politics and language.

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Ponomarenko, Liudmyla Viktorivna. "MODERN TRENDS AND CONTRADICTIONS IN THE PROCESSES OF NATION-BUILDING IN UKRAINE AND THE EUROPEAN UNION IN THE MIRROR OF ARCHETYPES." UKRAINIAN ASSEMBLY OF DOCTORS OF SCIENCES IN PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION 1, no. 14 (June 16, 2018): 244–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i14.116.

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The article is an attempt to study the nation-building processes in Ukraine and in the countries of the European Union. The similarities and differences are accentuated for Ukraine, which was able to restore its independence after a long national liberation struggle, and the countries of the European Union, most of which can be called the states with sustainable democracy. In order to study the peculiarities of the nation-building processes, universal features common for any nation are investigated: history, territory, language, culture and national self-consciousness. The peculiarities of the nation-building in the newly and post-imperialist states are determined, as well as the influence of history on the formation of the archetypes of the nations. The reasons for the activation of the nation-building processes and their interrelation with the strengthening of separatist sentiments are investigated. The urgency of the separatism issue on the agenda of not only Ukraine but also of the countries of Europe is mentioned. The influence of nation-building processes on the interpretation of historical facts and events, attempts to “rewrite” historical facts or to silence them is considered. The role of the language issue in the nation-building and the duality of its interpretation are studied. Particular attention is drawn to the disagreements that have emerged in the nation-building process in Ukraine and the Member States of the European Union. The contradictions in the interpretation of various social, political and cultural phenomena in Ukraine and the countries of the European Union are considered. The historical lessons of the European Union, which are worth learning in Ukraine for the further painless nation-building, and valuable European experience, which should be studied or taken into account in practice, are analysed. The main challenges facing Ukraine and the European Union countries regarding the future of the nation-building, peaceful coexistence and productive cooperation are highlighted.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nation-building – Europe – History"

1

McCune, Mary. "Charity work as nation-building : American Jewish Women and the crises in Europe and Palestine, 1914-1930 /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488194825666022.

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Tvordi, Jessica Lynn. "Deviant bodies and the reordering of desire: Heterosexuality and nation-building in early modern England." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/279980.

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Deviant Bodies explores how post-Reformation anxieties about institutional politics, civic morality, and national boundaries inform--and are informed by--early modern discourses on sexual deviance. Focusing on works by John Bale, John Lyly, Edmund Spenser, James I, Thomas Carew, Andrew Marvell, and John Milton, my study argues that the disruptive presence of queer desire plays an integral role in shaping the emerging, interrelated discourses of heterosexuality and nationalism in early modern culture. Looking at heterosexuality as a complex structure organizing political and sexual relations, my project analyzes the production, circulation, and eradication of deviant sexuality in polemical and literary works that imagine the nation within the context of Protestant political reform. Through its analysis of the textual roots of early English nationalism, Deviant Bodies reveals the extent to which cultural representations of the nation are constituted through sexual deviance. Rather than focusing on the recovery of an essentialist or constructed notion of a "queer" early modern self, however, my study examines the mechanisms of the early modern state--the monarchy, the church, the judiciary, and the parliament--that imagine the existence of sexually deviant individuals or groups. To that end, my study focuses not simply on the historical and literary representation of same-gender sexual desires, acts, or relationships, but rather on the complex relationship of such representations to the institutions that first produce and later obliterate them. Deviant Bodies examines the relationship of sexual aberrance to other categories of cultural deviance with which it is frequently conflated: gender insubordination, religious transgression, and the abuses of political authority most frequently associated with kingship. Through its exploration of the cultural deviance associated with women, papists, and kings in early modern England, this study considers the ways that the nation depends on a complex ideology of deviance in order to constructs its own seemingly immutable borders.

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Lanzillotti, Ian Thomas. "Land, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1408624340.

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SCHOLZ, Luca. "The enclosure of movement : safe-conduct and the politics of mobility in the Holy Roman Empire." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/43279.

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Defence date: 13 September 2016
Examining Board: Professor Jorge Flores, European University Institute; Professor Christophe Duhamelle, École des hautes études en sciences sociales; Professor Luca Molà, European University Institute; Professor Angelo Torre, Università del Piemonte Orientale.
"The Enclosure of Movement" explores the historical relationship between early modern state-building and the channelling of inter-polity mobility. Few historical settings offer a more illuminating prospect on this problem than the Holy Roman Empire, a variably integrated array of more than three-hundred quasi-sovereign polities between the Alps and the North Sea. The movements of goods and people through this fragmented political landscape engendered countless conflict-fraught encounters between travellers, local communities and the deputies of several hundred rulers. In the Old Reich, the politics of mobility were frequently framed in terms of 'safe-conduct', the quasi-sovereign right to escort travellers and to levy customs duties on passing goods and people. Based on manuscript, printed and visual sources from the late sixteenth to the early eighteenth centuries, collected in more than twenty archives, I survey interactions between state deputies, mobile populations and other stakeholders, reconstructing how passage and obstruction were negotiated at ground level. Detailed studies explore contentious processions, boundary disputes, techniques to channel mobility, self-serving orders of movement resting on ambiguous forms of protection, as well as seminal ideological debates around freedom of movement and its restriction. The study contributes to a better understanding of the politics of mobility in the Holy Roman Empire and broader accounts of state-building in at least three ways. First, I show that borders were not a privileged site for controlling inter-polity mobility, which challenges conventional conceptions and visualisation of pre-modern statehood. Second, I unearth debates around freedom of movement and its restriction that gave rise to concepts and arguments still in circulation today. Third, I propose a new way of historicizing the politics of mobility and offer a more complex, agency-oriented and open-ended account of how modern statehood gave rise to a contentious regime of movement.

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Dunlap, Tanya Keller. "A union in disarray: Romanian nation building under Astra in late-nineteenth-century rural Transylvania and Hungary." Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1911/18076.

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Scholarly studies of the nation as a socially constructed community, while accurate, do not explain how individuals in a predominantly agricultural society build and mobilize a national community outside of traditional political arenas and without the resources of a bureaucratic nation-state. This investigation of late-nineteenth-century Romanian nation building under the Transylvanian Association for Romanian Literature and the Culture of the Romanian People, or Astra, examines the educational and cultural activities Astra used to communicate nationalist messages to Romanian villagers and the responses of those villagers who funded and participated in Astra's movement. I argue that thousands of villagers participated in Astra events because Astra created a forum that addressed their needs and interests and raised their social status. Villagers never achieved equality with their social superiors in Astra, but villagers became more equal to them as Romanians than they had been as mere villagers. It was not easy to incorporate villagers into the association. As this dissertation shows, nation building is a contentious undertaking subject to diverse social pressures and full of internal conflicts and contradictions. Astra leaders hoped to build a unified and prosperous national community, but their initial attempts to transform peasants into rational and efficient farmers with academic programs mostly appealed to Romanian intellectuals. In order to retain their educated members and to attract peasants to the association, Astra leaders legitimized two competing images of the Romanian national community, one based on the values of educated Romanian professionals and one based on traditional peasant culture. The dual representations of the nation both created the impression that a unified national community existed and underscored the divisions in the community, making it possible to think of the nation as a homogeneous community while simultaneously contesting its boundaries. Resulting contestation, I argue, enabled rural Romanians to challenge Astra's professionals for more influence over the national movement and forced intellectuals to address rural interests. Although this study examines the specifics of Astra's national movement, it also offers a potentially fruitful approach for understanding nation building among other marginal groups in search of greater power and autonomy over their own lives.

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Books on the topic "Nation-building – Europe – History"

1

Hagen, Schulze, ed. Nation-building in Central Europe. Leamington Spa, UK: Berg, 1987.

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Mungiu, Alina. Ottomans into Europeans: State and institution building in South-East Europe. New York: Columbia University Press, 2010.

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Nation-building and identity in Europe: The dialogics of reciprocity. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

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Henriette, Riegler, and Österreichisches Institut für Internationale Politik., eds. Beyond the territory within the nation: Diasporic nation building in South Eastern Europe. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2005.

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Constructing the Middle Ages: Historiography, collective memory and nation-building in Luxembourg. Leiden: Brill, 2011.

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Commemorating writers in nineteenth-century Europe: Nation-building and centenary fever. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire [England]: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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Hulle, Dirk van, and Joseph Th Leerssen. Editing the nation's memory: Textual scholarship and nation-building in ninteenth-century Europe. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2008.

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Die junge Nation: Deutschlands neue Rolle in Europa. Hamburg: Murmann Publishers, 2014.

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Alina, Mungiu, and Meurs Wim P. van, eds. Ottomans into Europeans: State and institution building in South-East Europe. New York: Columbia University Press, 2010.

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Das Söldnerwesen: Militärisches Unternehmertum in der Genese des internationalen Systems. Wiesbaden: VS, Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nation-building – Europe – History"

1

Rowe, Michael. "Borders, War, and Nation-Building in Napoleon’s Europe." In Borderlands in World History, 1700–1914, 143–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137320582_8.

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Glatzer, Wolfgang. "Long-Term State- and Nation-Building in Europe." In History and Politics of Well-Being in Europe, 29–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05048-1_6.

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de Leonardis, Massimo. "The Historical Roots of the Atlantic Alliance Between Values and Interests." In NATO in the Post-Cold War Era, 23–44. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-06063-2_2.

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AbstractWhile certainly the Atlantic Alliance was a product of the Cold War, its historical and cultural foundations were much older. This chapter considers both the short-term path which in the early Cold War years brought to the Atlantic Pact and the long-term history of the relations between Europe and the United States, focusing in particular on the Anglo-American special relationship. The chapter also re-examines isolationism, arguing that since its origins the American nation envisaged for itself a future of world domination. After the Second World War, a marriage of convenience took place between the United States and most countries of Western Europe. The Preamble and art. 2 of the Atlantic Treaty of 1949 expressed the aspiration to building something more than a mere military alliance, but as a matter of fact, these provisions were never put into practice. Considering the values, these were never identical and the differences widened after the Cold War. However, from this point of view Europe and North America remain the geopolitical area in the world with the closest interests and affinities.

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Berkes, Tamás. "František Palacký, the Father Figure of Czech Historiography and Nation Building." In Comparative History of Literatures in European Languages, 193–210. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/chlel.xxv.18ber.

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Marjanen, Jani. "National Sentiment: Nation Building and Emotional Language in Nineteenth-Century Finland." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Experience, 61–83. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69882-9_3.

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AbstractDuring the course of the late eighteenth century and the early nineteenth century, the term “national sentiment” was coined and subsequently established in several European languages. The emergence of the term in several different languages at roughly the same time is indicative of changes both in the experiences of nationhood and of emotion. This chapter explores the development of the term “national sentiment” in Finnish public discourse and argues that it was transformed during the course of the nineteenth century. Early in the century, it denoted an individualistic feeling that romantic intellectuals hoped people would turn to, whereas it later became a description of a collective emotion. It was used to describe the atmosphere among one of the nationalities in Finland in particular, or the Russian empire in general. In this process, the term became more restrictive and lost its links to performing emotions relating to the nation.

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Porciani, Ilaria. "History Museums and the Making of Citizens and Communities." In National Museums and Nation-Building in Europe 1750–2010, 119–41. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315737133-8.

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Berman, Sheri. "Lessons from Europe." In Democracy and Dictatorship in Europe, 376–408. Oxford University PressNew York, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197539347.003.0018.

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Abstract Chapter 18 summarizes the book's findings and discusses the implications of the European experience for contemporary debates about democratization and consolidation. In particular, it lays out several crucial lessons European history provides about the development of democracy and dictatorship, focusing on the interaction among state-, nation- and democracy-building, and reiterates the contributions a historical perspective on political development can provide to those struggling to understand the challenges facing democracy in Europe and many other parts of the world today.

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Halász, Iván. "National and Ethnic Minorities' Legal Position in East Central Europe Between 1789 and 1989." In Lectures on East Central European Legal History, 271–90. Central European Academic Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54171/2022.ps.loecelh_11.

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This chapter provides a short history of the legal protection of national minorities in East Central Europe. The region has a relatively long history of legal protection of national and ethnic minorities. This history is connected to the complicated ethnic and social structure across the region because parallel nation- and state-building have been typical for East Central Europe in the last two centuries. The chapter distinguishes three main periods in modern history regarding the issue of minorities. The first legal norms were created in the 19 th century. The multilateral international protection of minority rights was established in the interwar period, during the existence of the League of Nations, which played an important role in the realization of this protection. Many countries realized restrictive anti-minority policies during and after the Second World War (mainly in the 1945–1948 years). The introduction of the communist minority policy inspired by the Soviet (Leninist) model in East Central Europe meant an element of stabilization in the sphere of minority issues and the legal protection of minorities. A very important specific feature of the position of East Central European minorities is the dependence on the international politics and position of the great powers. This fact sometimes moderated the minority situation in the region. Despite similar circumstances, conditions, and international challenges, the internal development of the legal protection of minorities underwent a different dynamic process. These differences mainly depended on the internal development of certain states and their societies. The post-war nationalistic repressions were, for example, the most radical in Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia, which improved the relatively generous minority policy several years later. The post-war situation was more moderate and tolerant in Romania, which implemented a radical anti-minority policy only in the 1970s, when Romania was (relatively) the most independent from pressure from Moscow. A nationstate’s greater independence in international relations (without strong international legal guarantees) was not always good news for the national and ethnic minorities in the East Central European region.

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Greble, Emily. "Conclusion." In Muslims and the Making of Modern Europe, 255–62. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197538807.003.0011.

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If Muslims were always part of European history, why are they still so often depicted as outsiders to it: foreigners, migrants, interlopers, or vestiges of the Ottoman past? The answer lies in orientalist misrepresentations, both within European societies as they developed over the course of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and within the writing of history. From the Enlightenment’s construct of the “East” to colonial civilizing missions that justified the subjugation of Muslims to European rule, Muslims were framed by a wide range of (non-Muslim) Europeans as anti-modern religious zealots who base their laws on seventh-century morals and are thus incompatible with European laws, societies, and ethics. This belief structure contributed to the evolution of distinct legal structures for Muslims, as well as the development of Islamic institutions that operated in parallel to or in opposition to other European legal structures. The conclusion calls attention to how and why Muslims have been erased from European histories and historiographies, and proposes a different way of thinking about Muslims’ place in European history. It also challenges existing paradigms for thinking about the relationship between European secularism, liberalism, and nation-building.

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Applegate, Celia. "Musical Itinerancy in a World of Nations." In Cultures in Motion. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159096.003.0003.

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This chapter examines the world of the traveling musicians who produced European musical culture and haunted its literary imagination. Focusing on the history of musical itinerancy and travel, mainly in German-speaking Europe, it explores the ways in which Germans shaped and expressed their collective identity. The chapter investigates how traveling performers, often disparaged as rootless musical peddlers, carted new musical styles, forms, and techniques between local musical settings. It looks at the role of choral societies in nation building in the nineteenth century and large choral festivals that gave rise to new fields of rivalry and new forms of identity. It also discusses the lineaments of a new German cultural nationalism that were forged by the travels of musicians on the European landscape. Finally, it considers the literary products of musician writers that shed light on the question of how musicians fit in to an emergent national culture in Germany.

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