Journal articles on the topic 'Nation-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina'

Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicThe review of the latest book by Xavier Bougarel focuses on the main concepts of the work: the notion of empire as a methodological and theoretical framework, the relation between Islam and the national idea, and the process of Bosniak nation-building. Recenzja książki: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicRecenzja najnowszej książki Xaviera Bougarela koncentruje się na najważniejszych kwestiach, takich jak: pojęcie imperium, będące ramą ideologiczną i teoretyczną dla interpretacji autora, relacja między Islamem a ideą narodową, oraz proces definiowania narodu boszniackiego.

After the Congress of Berlin in 1878, in Bosnia and Hercegovina we saw big changes. The Austrian government was building roads, and railroad tracks. In the Austro-Hungarian period, also they changed their architectural style; from the prevailing ottoman one to more like in Vienna or Prague. This situation was a short time, in live only one generation. These changes affected to life and behavior of Bosnia and Hercegovinas’ citizens. Was changed several people, because after the Austrian arrive, a lot of Muslims Bosniacs, and Turks, were left this part. There were elites in this place. Their positions, how “new elites” take people which they came from different part of the Habsburg Monarchy; Hungarians, Germans, Poles, Czechs, etc. They were taking new ideas, how feminism. The emancipation of women was something new in these places. The first woman, which was proclaiming the slogans, as teachers. On the article we can show two examples; Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska, and Jagoda Truhelka. They were born in Osijek, from giving Bosnian part ideas, that girl needs to will independent and need to have good graduated. These modern ideas, supported, in a way, the government because in the country was a school program for girls. Austro-Hungarian politics was building a school for girls, and take some scholarship went girl studied in University, how Marija Bergman, born in Bosnia, daughter of some Jews officials. However teachers not only modern women, similar roles had women-doctors. Girls who graduated Faculty of Medicine, arrive in Bosnia and Hercegovina and help Muslim women. Poles Teodora Krajewska and Czechs Anna Bayerova also take ideas of feminism, but, most important that she was great respect between patience. Propagating the feministic ideas was thinking which affect all women. Most important was not only slogans but also changes in everyday life normal family in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The other day only men can work on the farmland or work. After the Congress of Berlin situations was changed. On the consequences, women must be going to work, often how a worker in fabric. Work was hard, but women first time have their cash. Automatically her position in society was better. These situations have consequences for the city, as like villages. We sow this situation in the book Vere Ehrlich, which researched this topic in the interwar period. In the article, we went to show, that this changing was things also women, which life to margin, how prostitutes. Naturally, their life was always difficult, but the new government also got assistance. Habsburg's administration knew, that better control of specific profession, because this is the way how deal with the epidemic of syphilis, and something like this. In this work, we use scientific literature and documents from archives, mainly the Archive of Federation Bosnia and Hercegovina, and Historical Archive from city Sarajevo, when was document fo Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska. How method we use case study and analyzing to literature and historical sources.

The article is based on findings from two sociological surveys undertaken in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1996 and 1999. It is shown that the views of Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs on the character of the common state are often highly conflicting and different from the official perceptions of the international community. It is argued that a viable solution to the Bosnian problem cannot neglect the issue of ethnicity and the need for an institutional structure which explicitly recognises the fact this is not an ordinary nation-state. Although there are short-term explanations for the violence in Bosnia, the situation is ultimately the outcome of a complex and delayed process of nation-building. Therefore, Bosnia is today faced with the same dilemma as before the war: how to construct a legitimate state in a situation where a common identity does not exist and no ethnic group constitutes a majority.

This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the Chetniks Movement in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state. The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan "Serbs for Reunion". The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media. Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanović, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanović and Dr. Dragiša Vasić, and Dr. Vasa Čubrilović the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinić, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanović, Dr. Vladimir Čorović, Dr. Vladimir Grčić and Dr. Slobodan Jovanović. The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations. After the Cvetković-Maček agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan "Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia", the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the "vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness". The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailović's national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement. Some of Draža Mihailović's most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of a "Greater and Homogeneous Serbia", which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.

The project: Al-rich industrial residues for mineral binders in the ESEE region-RIS ALiCE in the frame of the European Institute of Innovation and Technology, Raw materials (EIT-Raw Materials) co-financed by Horizon 2020/ Europe started on March 2019 and will end on February 2022. The “RIS-ALiCE” consortium consists of partners experienced in the relevant field from seven countries (SIovenia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, North Macedonia, Serbia, Hungary, Austria and France). Slovenian National Building and Civil Engineering Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia coordinates the project.

Relevant governmental bodies and organizations, non-governmental organizations, international organizations and institutions, especially the media, show increased interest in corruption related to the public procurement. Public procurement is the most frequently cited area in the context of systemic corruption for the simple reason that it directly represents the spending of public money on a large scale, which according to OECD data represents about 7-15% of GDP. One of the possible approaches to prevent corruption in public procurement is the systematic building of the integrity of all entities and institutions involved in the public procurement process. Due to the fact that the internal audit way of organization and work is closest to practical issues of public procurement it has the opportunity to achieve the largest coverage of cases for which public funds are engaged.

A sports result takes on its meaning only when the public reacts to it after attending a sporting event. In order to determine and compare attitudes toward attending such events, students from two different cultural backgrounds were invited to participate in the study: 156 students from the Faculty of Sport in Ljubljana and 82 students from the Pedagogical faculty, Department of Physical Education and Sports in Bihać. They were asked to complete a questionnaire containing 25 variables on the motives for attending sporting events. The respondents rated the importance of the motives with scores from 1 to 5 (1—not the reason at all; 2—not the reason; 3—occasionally true for me; 4—true for me; 5—absolutely true). The obtained results were ranked and compared between the students of different faculties and between genders. The results showed that Bosnian and Slovenian students differed in 11 out of 25 motives. Statistically significant gender differences were found for only two out of 25 motives. Differences between Bosnian and Slovenian students were also found in the ranking of the importance of the motives as well as in their evaluation. The results show that cultural, national, and mentality differences between the two groups are reflected in the motives for following sporting events.

Some interesting findings result from an analysis of the post-1990 publishing and bookselling scene in various Central and East European countries (Albania, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Yugoslavia). The number of small and medium size publishers is growing, as are the number and diversity of titles published. Bookstore networks are disintegrating, state subsidies to publishing have ceased, and many publishers do not submit legal deposit copies to the national library. Electronic publishing is growing slowly but steadily, and there is an increase in expert assistance and financial subsidies from western countries. Whereas librarianship can continue building on its existing infrastructure, the publishing industry has little professional experience. Both have in common a major interest in information and communication technology, especially electronic publishing and long-term preservation of digital material. The fact that these activities are still in a development stage gives CEE countries some advantage compared with developed countries, but practical advance depends on expert knowledge. There are several areas of possible cooperation between librarianship and publishing in Central and Eastern Europe, mainly concerned with research and education.

Literary creation in Bosnia-Herzegovina is very complex. Viewed as a whole and throughout its historical duration, it has not been realized within the framework of one nation or one ethno-national community, nor within only one language or only one alphabet, nor within the framework of only one cultural-civilizational circle. This fact and this kind of literary-historical and cultural-historical reality gives the basis from which it is now possible to talk about a unique, singular literature of Bosnia-Herzegovina, or Bosnian-Herzegovinian literature, and also about parallel, plural literatures of Bosnia-Herzegovina – Bosniak as well as Croat and Serbian literatures in Bosnia-Herzegovina, together with the literary traditions of Bosnian-Herzegovinian minority communities, such as the Jewish community and others. Also, it is possible to speak about a phenomenon that should – given its own, internal historical-developmental dynamics and its literary-developmental principles and relationships in general – probably be named the Bosnian-Herzegovinian interliterary community. That is why, in understanding the phenomenon of literary creativity in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well in defi ning Bosnian literary studies, primarily the theoretical concepts of interliterariness as well as closely related concepts of interculturality occur as potential solutions, as – both of them – have their essential meaning and full realization in the cases of both literary and culturally complex phenomena like literature in Bosnia-Herzegovina in general.

The Berlin Congress in 1878 ended the war between Russia and the Ottoman Empire, but above all the revision of the San Stefano peace treaty in order to prevent the spread of Russian influence in the Balkans. Austria - Hungary has been given the mandate to occupy and manage Bosnia and Herzegovina. The planned peaceful occupation was oppressed by the people, and the Austro-Hungarian army was given fierce resistance. Nevertheless, Bosnia is occupied with a large number of forces, but also civilian casualties. Official reports state that Austro-Hungary fulfilled the conditions that it bargained in Berlin, but the reality after the occupation was different from that which was found on the paper. The new administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina has made deep and radical changes in the socio - political system, but above all in the lives of ordinary people. The transition of a society that was going on very slowly and complicated had far-reaching consequences, especially on demographic trends in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographic changes after 1878 were the result of several factors, primarily the establishment of a new government, a new legal order, a cultural and social transition, and the reorganization of religious life. The centuries-old and, to the greatest extent, the privileged position of Bosnia in the Ottoman Empire was changed to the province of the dual monarchy with the supreme military administrator. The nation was not given the right to participate in the governance of its own country. Every change was pronounced and most often at the expense of the domicile majority Bosniak population. The fact that this period, as in the past, today has a great interest in studying from different points of view, I would like to give a brief review of the demographic changes that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina after its occupation.

The beginning of the 19th and the 20th century marked the period of nations’ constitution in southeastern Europe and greater care for nations’ oases living out of their parent nations. Sometimes that care turned into intended or unintended hegemony over other nations. This phenomenon is actual even today in various nations, especially in the Balkans, so it is interesting how "the care of the people out of their home country" (nowadays people would say "diaspora"), implemented various "actions" that were sometimes politically conducted from the Austro-Hungarian centres of power to the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia, especially in the case of the Hungarian government's pro-government project "Julian Action".So-called Julian Action was not unique at that time, neither it was the only, nor the first or special, but it can be somewhat comparable to the same work methodology in the same regions, for example, with the similar German project Schulvereine, the Italian action by Dante Alighieri, and even to not so significant Slavic action of the Cyril and Methodius societies, as well as to some other less-known "actions" that operated abroad, i.e. mainly outside the home countries, on the territory of Austria-Hungary. The opposite views were mostly manifested in the interpretation of justification, e. g. of Julian Action (which got the prosaic name). For instance, the Hungarian side (similar to German, Italian ... through their associations), justified the action of the association "Julian" by the care of its own people outside the borders of the home state (in order to preserve identity, culture and language). On the contrary, the Croatian (and also Bosnian-Herzegovinian,…) side in the activity of the "Julian" organization recognized a sort of political alienation and Hungarization (or Germanization, Italianization, ...) of the majority of domicile population. The Hungarian Julian campaign was conducted on the basis of: A) Statute of the Julian Society, (voted in 1903), and B) Hungarian, Bosnian-Herzegovinian and Croatian-Slavonic-Dalmatian laws. For example, the Hungarian Julian Schools in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Slavonia could be founded, organized and act not only on the basis of the applicable Hungarian laws, but also on the basis of the school laws of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Slavonia and Dalmatia, which allowed and even encouraged the organization of public and private schools, rural and wilderness schools (e. g. through Hungarian Julian schools), factory schools (e. g. Hungarian state railway schools), confessional schools (e. g. Hungarian reformatory schools), which opened a wide area of the Hungarian Julian Action operation from 1904 in Croatia and Slavonia, and from the 1908 occupation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A vast majority of pupils were of non-German nationality, and they were enrolled there because of better conditions, employment opportunities in enterprises, state and public services, as well as because of future education. Hungarian schools and Hungarian railways, as well as Hungarian churches and societies in Croatia and Slavonia, existed in the second half of the 19th century. They had the purpose of implementing the so-called Hungarian State Thought (Magyar Állami eszme), which had been politically instrumentalized. Since 1904 until the end of the First World War they put the so-called Julian action into their systems and programmes. Almost identical relationship had existed in Bosnia and Herzegovina since 1908. There were constant conflicts between the state of Hungary and Julian campaign with the majority of Slavic population outside of Hungary, for example, in Bosnia and Herzegovina. When the Julian campaign was politically instrumentalized because of “taking care of its people in diaspora", and in some parts crossed the boundaries of "preserving" them, it began with "unintentional" assimilation through schools, railways and cultural societies. So it necessarily had to come into conflict with other nations. From the Hungarian point of view, the so-called "Bosnian Action" and "Slavonic Action" of the Hungarian Government were directed towards the care of Hungarians in the so-called "affiliated" and annexed province, as well as to strengthening and expansion of Hungarian influence in the countries where the majority of population were Muslims-Bosnians, Serbs and Croats. The same action ranged from the accusation of "Hungarianization” to the theory of the Hungarians threatened by assimilation; however, the action did not achieve a long-term goal and did not prove permanent because, after the end of the First World War, a small group of Hungarians in the newly established countries did not have any legal guarantees, and new authorities did not ensure its survival.

This paper presents the Music Collection of the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina, founded in 1951 within the Department of Rare Books and Manuscripts. During 70 years, the Collection's stock building was systematically with a legal deposit from the all over Yugoslavia until 1992, through purchases, gift and exchange. In that way the Bosnian-Herzegovinian national collection was founded, which contributed to the preservation of national and cultural identity. In 1980, it owned 9.500 bibliographic units. Unfortunately, the Collection was destroyed on 25 August, 1992, in a shelling of the Vijećnica (City Hall), where was the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Its restoration is still being. Today, the funds of this Collection contain approximately 5.000 bibliographic units and is organized into three separate parts: the Musicological Book Collection, the Music Collection and the Sound Collection. For the most part of the materials – 3.304 bibliographic units, was processed within the COBISS.BH system (Co-operative Online Bibliographic System and Services), according to international bibliographic standards and the COMARC/B format (Cooperative Machine-Readable Cataloging). All bibliographic records can be searched in the electronic catalog of the Library by several parameters. The Collection has invaluable documentary value, especially for our Bosnian-Herzegovinian national music culture. In the following period, it is necessary to enrich the Collection with new contents and present it with quality on high level by bibliographic processing. The best protection of these collected sound records, in Music Collection, as part of the cultural heritage of Bosnia and Herzegovina, is its digitization at the national level in compliance with the legislation about copyright and related rights.

AbstractThis article analyzes the value and impact of the nation building policy of the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Bosnia). The analysis shows that the nation building effort has failed in the sense that the ethnic nationalist political culture persisted and that a collective Bosnian identity is absent. Bosnian politics continued to be dominated by ethnic nationalist political parties and ethnic group interests. The author argues that this can be explained by the continued securitization of ethnic identity. In other words, each ethnic group regards its vital interests to be existentially threatened by the other ethnic group(s). Therefore, the author concludes that when it comes to inter-ethnic cooperation, achieving good and effective government in Bosnia is not so much about nationbuilding, but about de-securitizing ethnic relations.

It is undeniable that corporate social responsibility (CSR) occupies an important place in managerial practice, but also in academic circles. Due to the strengthening of competition between companies, and the constant need for companies to be sustainable in a market and innovative sense, it becomes clear that it is necessary to integrate social responsibility into the company's business. Corporate social responsibility activities, which will be the subject of analysis, are in theory synthesized in the form of economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic activities. These corporate social responsibility activities should intuitively lead to building a positive reputation for the company. Reputation is an intangible but long-term investment. In the modern economy, where due to the speed of information transfer, it is very difficult to hide something, building a reputation is seen as one of the basic challenges of any company. The research focuses on the connection between the activities of corporate social responsibility and the reputation of large companies in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Therefore, the paper analyzes the perception of managers about the connection of corporate social responsibility activities with the reputation of large and medium companies in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The main goal of this paper is to examine the perception of managers about the relationship between corporate social responsibility activities and the reputation of companies in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The school system represents one of the most important segments for each state and society. For this reason, and for a number of other reasons, the authorities are trying to put schools under their control. Through the education of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political, economic, cultural, national and other goals of the ruling political elites were achieved. The curricula removed contents whose educational goals were in line with the interests of the Austro-Hungarian regime. The ruling elite was spreading the idea of a "three-nation nation", seeking to create a unique political, economic, educational and cultural space. Schools were given the task of developing the idea of a common fold and the idea of '' national and national unity ''. The idea, in the view of the ruling elite, could have been realized by schools, not by the army and officials. Teachers who had to respond to the '' spirit of the times '', as well as curricula and textbooks, played an important role in achieving the goals. Significant changes were made in the group of national subjects (history, geography, Serbian or Croatian language), with an emphasis on the history and geography of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, and works on Serbian, Croatian or Slovenian literature were prescribed for the school textbook. Most of the textbooks were written by authors from Croatia and Serbia, while only a small number were from Bosnia and Herzegovina.

This article explores the emerging national narratives about Muslim national identity in the period of the 1960s and 1970s. After the national recognition of a Bosnian Muslim nation, which was proposed by the members of the Central Committee of Bosnia and Herzegovina, it was the intellectuals’ task to endow the national category with cultural repertoire. Hereby affirmative as well as negating discursive practices on the national status of Muslims entered the debates, which geographically expanded the republican scope of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The author examines internal discussions of the LCY on that issue as well as the intellectuals’ engagement in the public spheres in Socialist Yugoslavia. By integrating the nation-building activities of intellectuals outside Yugoslavia, the author postulates for a trans-national dimension of nation-building processes.

The paper is dedicated to the analysis of the effects from teacher trainings which were developed and applied in Bosnia in Herzegovina (B&H), as a project activity within the larger project titled ''Support for adult education: subsequent acquisition of elementary adult education'', which was implemented during 2012-2013 by the GIZ and the Institute for International Cooperation of German Adult Education Association (DVV International), Office in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The reasons for initiating this training and the analysis of its effects are considered in a specific socio-historical and educational-political context, in order to analyze not only the inherited problems of illiteracy, but also the conditions in which the capacity for their resolution and building of a system of adult education are developing today. The methodological approach and findings of the research are presented, which is based on estimates of the teachers on the effects of the training in which they participated. Bearing in mind the insight into the context and findings of the research, possible directions for improvement in this field are suggested.

Selektivna bibliografija o temi religije i izgradnje mira nastala je u sklopu istraživanja Master programa „Međureligijski studij i izgradnja mira“ koji organiziraju tri teološka fakulteta u Bosni i Hercegovini, Fakultet islamskih nauka Univerziteta u Sarajevu, Katolički bogoslovni fakultet Univerziteta u Sarajevu i Pravoslavni bogoslovni fakultet „Sv. Vasilije Ostroški“ u Foči, ali pri Univerzitetu u Istočnom Sarajevu. Bibliografija se sastoji od knjiga, zbornika, priručnika, naučnih članaka, leksikona, hrestomatija i časopisa na bosanskom, crnogorskom, hrvatskom i srpskom, te na engleskom jeziku. Izvori korišteni pri izradi bibliografije bili su na internetu dostupni katalozi biblioteke Fakulteta islamskih nauka, online katalog Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke, bibliografsko-kataloška baza podataka COBISS, Katalog Knjižnica grada Zagreba i online katalog izdavačke kuće El-Kalem. Na engleskom jeziku pretraživane su online baze http://gen.lib.rus.ec i https://sci-hub.se, te internetski pretraživači. Od naučnih časopisa, najčešće konsultirani bili su: Znakovi vremena, časopis za filozofiju, religiju, znanost, i društvenu praksu,1 Bosna Francisana, časopis franjevačke teologije2 i Vrhbosnensia, časopis za teološka i međureligijska pitanja, Mjesto za drugog u našoj vjeri i životu4 kao i časopise na engleskom jeziku: Journal of Peace and Research,5 The Journal of Philosophy,6 Zygon: Journal of Religion and Science,7 Journal of Conflict Resolution,8 Journal of Islamic Thought9 and Journal ofEcumenical Studies. Ključne teme ovoga istraživanja bile su: religija i izgradnja mira, abrahamske religije i izgradnja mira, pluralizam, tolerancija, praštanje i pomirenje, razrješavanje konflikta.

The school system represents for each country and society one of the most important segments. Because of this, but also a number of other reasons the authorities try to put schools under their control. Through the education of Bosnia and Herzegovina, political, economic, cultural, national and other goals of the ruling political elites were realized. Curricula and curricula eliminated content whose educational goals were in line with the interests of the Austro-Hungarian regime. The ruling elite spread the idea of a "one-tribe nation", striving to create a unique political, economic, educational and cultural space. Teachers who had to respond to the "spirit of time", and curricula and curriculum, had an important place in achieving goals. Significant changes have been made in the group of national subjects (history, geography, Serbian or Croatian language), with emphasis on the history and geography of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians, and works for Serbian school, literature in literature, literature and literature from the Serbian, Croatian or Slovenian literature. The largest number of workbooks were written by authors from Croatia and Serbia, while only a small number were from Bosnia and Herzegovina.

During the period of nation building, the spirit of place (genius loci), attributing uniqueness to specific locations and ascribing to them close attachment to the nation, became a central vehicle for defending and appropriating territories and even for establishing a diaspora in exile. It was evoked through discursive practices reminiscent of religious rhetoric and around monumental works of art, thereby staging history as mythical sacred theatre. The process of establishing imagined national geographies during the long period of nation building from the nineteenth century to the post-communist period is analysed in comparative perspective in two multi-religious and multi-ethnical regions in southeast Europe—Kosovo and Bosnia. The leading question I will try to answer is why the Field of Blackbirds in Kosovo was successfully established as a national holy place in the collective memory of the Serbs, whereas similar efforts in Bosnia did not result in inscribing mythic places into national memory.

Istorijski posmatrano, položaj intelektualaca je uvijek bio težak i nikad sasvim zadovoljavajući. S obzirom da se autentični orijentisani intelektualci nalaze na jednom višem etičkom i vrijednosnom nivou sa kojeg kritički rasuđuju o društvu i svijetu u kojem žive, oni su često žrtve državnog i političkog proganjanja. Kao vještina vladanja, politika nastoji da ukloni intelektualnu kritičku svijest, i da intelektualce potčini i konformira. Ipak, autentični intelektualci se suprostavljaju represivnoj politici. To se moglo vidjeti u totalitarnim državama, kao i bivšoj Socijalističkoj Federativnoj Republici Jugoslaviji, ali to se vidi i danas u tzv. demokratskoj državi Bosni i Hercegovini. Demokratija se urušava represijom i totalitarnim intencijama.

AbstractThis article explores the ambivalent forms of authority and legitimacy articulated by the Office of the High Representative of the international community in postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina. The High Representative exercised quasi-sovereign powers that placed his position at the center of two contradictions: a democratization paradox of “imposing democracy,” that is, promoting democracy through undemocratic means, and a state-building paradox of building an independent state by violating the principle of popular sovereignty. I analyze the Office's use of mass-mediated publicity to show how the High Representative sought to legitimize his actions in ways that both sustained the norms of democracy and statehood he advocated and suspended the contradictions behind how he promoted them. In doing so, he claimed that Bosnia was caught in a temporary state of exception to the normal nation-state order of things. This claim obliged him to show that he was working to end the state of exception. By focusing on one failed attempt by the OHR to orchestrate an enactment of “local ownership” that was aimed at demonstrating that Bosnia no longer required foreign supervision, this article identifies important limits to internationally instigated political transformation. It offers a view of international intervention that is more volatile, open-ended, and unpredictable than either the ordered representations of the technocratic vision or the confident assertions that critique international intervention as a form of (neo)imperial domination. It also demonstrates the analytic importance of publicity for the comparative study of international nation-building and democratization in the post-Cold War era.

Studies examining the reification of nationhood narratives in history textbooks have typically focused on memories rooted in trauma (stories of loss of territory, victimhood, and perpetual enmity with neighbours), although glorification of the nation, ideas of who belongs to the nation, and what constitutes the nation, are also found in joyful memories. In this article, I examine how memories of joy are accounted for in a classical nation-building subject such as history. Which discursive strategies do textbooks use in instilling particular images of the nation in pupils’ heads, and how do they differ from those used in non-joyful events? Relying on content analysis of history textbooks currently used in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia, I examine how ‘joyful’ memories are represented in memories of ‘banal’ and everyday joy (memories of sports events, music, literature, and popular culture), and in memories of ‘hot’ or explicit nationalism (memories of victories in battles, reclaiming territory, etc). I conclude with reflections on the usefulness of studying memories of joy when examining issues of nation-building, national identity, and nationalism.

Formiranjem institucijskih repozitorija unutar bosanskohercegovačkih baštinsko-informacijskih, akademskih, obrazovnih te poslovnih ustanova produkti intelektualnog rada bosanskohercegovač-ke “znanstvenoistraživačke dijaspore” i dalje ostaju dislocirani, nekoherentni, odnosno pohranjeni u institucijskim repozitorijima ustanova diljem svijeta, a samim time za ovdašnje uvjete nedostu-pni. Potaknut ovakvim promjenama, Bošnjački institut – Fondacija Adila Zulfikarpašića, s obzirom na svoje infrastrukturne i izvedbene mogućnosti, doprinosi bosanskohercegovačkoj, kao i široj zajednici na način formiranja institucijskog repozitorija koji, u prvoj svojoj fazi, funkcionira kao prostor pohrane i diseminiranja važnih rezultata znanstvenih radova Bosanaca i Hercegovaca u ino-zemstvu, s posebnom usmjerenošću k radovima koji tematiziraju pitanja od nacionalnog značaja, na ovaj način osiguravajući mjesnu usmjerenost, odnosno centralizirano okupljanje informacijskih izvora koji na bilo koji način i u bilo kojem aspektu tematiziraju pitanja bosanskohercegovačke kulturne i znanstvene baštine. Rad predstavlja institucijski repozitorij koji funkcionira kao prostor digitalne pohrane i korištenja informacijskih izvora – produkata intelektualnog rada istraživača i znanstvenika, ali i kao važna akademsko-znanstvena društvena mreža. Usto, u radu se donose isku-stva u vezi sa strategijama izgradnje i upravljanja institucijskim repozitorijima koji funkcioniraju na principu tzv. samoarhiviranja te otvorenog pristupa. = By forming institutional repositories within a number of Bosnian-Herzegovinian heritage and information institutions, but also within academic, educational and business ones, intellectual work products of Bosnian-Herzegovinian “sci-entific-research diaspora” still remain dislocated and incoherent, or more precisely – stored within a number of in-stitutional repositories throughout the world and, consequently, not directly available in the local context. Inspired by these circumstances and using its infrastructural and performing capacities, The Bosniac Institute – Foundation of Adil Zulfikarpašić contributes Bosnian-Herzegovinian as well as the broader community by forming such a institutional repository wich, in its first phase, functions as a place for storing and disseminating important results of Bosnian-Herzegovinian academic and scientific work, with specific orientation to those works dealing with the issues of national importance. In this way the Institute has assured centralized gathering of information sources concerning different questions of Bosnian-Herzegovinan cultural, academic and scientific heritage. In this connection, the proposed paper aims to represent the idea of institutional repository functioning as a space for digital storing and using of information sources – intellectual work products of scientists and researchers, but also as a very important academic and scientific social network. Besides, the paper brings experiences of strategies of building and management of institutional reposi-tories which function on the principle of self-archiving and open access.

The nineteenth-century processes of “nation-building” and national integration took place in the western regions of southeastern Europe against a distinctive backdrop. The formation of national self-images, the creation of a national self-definition, and indeed the emergence of any clear consensus on who constituted or should constitute a given national community proved daunting tasks for the multi-ethnic and multi-religious populations of southeastern Europe in the provinces of the Habsburg Monarchy and the Ottoman Empire. The essential contention of this inquiry is that religious and national identities are not clearly interrelated in southeastern Europe (much, indeed, as they are not clearly interrelated elsewhere). I offer, as a clear illustration of the untenability of religious identity as an adequate foundation for nation building, an examination of the case of Bosnia and the development of a sense of identity and national belonging among Bosnian Croats and Muslims. Even the case of the emergence of the modern Serbian and Croatian nations, often cited as archetypes of national identities which developed along religious fault lines, is not as clear as it often seems to be in the public mind. It was not the only possibility, but rather was merely one alternative, an alternative that was shaped as much by internal circumstances as by the prevailing foreign political situation: the emergence, meaning, and “content” of the nation can be interpreted as a response to these factors.

The disintegration of the former Yugoslavia posed challenges for the universal concept of the Yugoslav Muslim nation for which several development paths were imaginable under the new circumstances. The concept of Bosniakdom, which was initially developed to address the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina, gradually grew to become a new and coherent national program to include all the Muslims of former Yugoslavia, primarily due to its new pan-Bosniak orientation. The present article traces the conceptual history of the national ideas of Muslimdom versus Bosniakdom within the former Yugoslav states, as well as the conceptual and institutional history of the pan-Bosniak idea and movement during the 1990s and 2000s. It does this by emphasizing the decisive role the Official Muslim Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina played in their development and divulgence. This article claims that, contrary to some expectations, the strategy of internationalization and universalization of the hitherto territorial concept of Bosniakdom toward Muslims in neighboring countries during the second half of 1990s and 2000s was closely linked to the idea of the construction of the Bosniak national state. It also proposes that the evolution of Bosniakdom into pan-Bosniakdom during that time primarily followed concerns related to that goal.

Following the establishment of Roman rule, the eastern Adriatic coast and its hinterland quickly began to accept and employ new methods of construction and production of building materials. Import of stamped bricks from large north italian workshops was first reduced by military units which started the brick production of their own, in figlinae based around military camps. Soon afterwards, first private brick workshops began to emerge starting the development of local brickmaking industry. Their work in interior of province of Dalmatia can be traced primarily through remains of brick kilns (fornaces) and secondarily through finds of stamped bricks which also serve as an indicator of spatial distribution and intensity of brick production. Previous archaeological investigation on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina have led to identifying the remains of 10 Roman brick kilns. Detailed and comparative analysis of their architecture from the aspect of typology hasn’t been the subject of former scholarly discourse. Following the typology suggested by N. Cuomo di Caprio, it is possible to identify several types of brick kilns all belonging to a group of quadrilateral – plan kilns with vertical firing mechanism thus having close analogies in numerous examples of kilns from other Roman provinces.

This research examines the way in which the collective memory of the 1990s conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina has been established and preserved at the memorial to genocide at Srebrenica. Based on extensive fieldwork at the site and in other regions of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the study explores the ways in which gender is represented at Srebrenica in the narratives and texts that commemorate Serbian aggression against Bosnian Muslim populations. Within the structures of memory that Srebrenica represents, the findings reveal the ways in which fathers and sons are recalled as victims of Serbian genocide and the importance of maternal tropes of memory for post-war nation building. Furthermore, the study reveals the absence of a rape discourse in the memorialization of war and genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the challenges of commemorating sexual atrocities in the aftermath of mass trauma. The work that is presented here contributes to the emerging literature on gender and collective memory and the ways in which women’s experiences are represented in structures of memorialization.

The professional exam in a teacher's school had a special weight and significance. At the professional exam, young teachers had to show maturity, solid knowledge and skills, and apply it in practice. The evaluation criteria were very strict, to such an extent that only a number of candidates out of the total number of applicants passed the exam in the first exam period. There is an urgent need and task of every teacher in the search for new knowledge, creative application of knowledge in given conditions and constant effort to work better and more successfully. To that end, the importance of working on developing teachers' responsibility for their own professional development is very important. The function of professional development should include a request for reconsideration in terms of building teachers' openness to change, suppressing resistance to the previously acquired knowledge is constantly emphasized and considered sufficient, which for various reasons was quite emphasized by teachers at that time is, it may be said, still present today. This theoretical study aims to analyze and present one of the forms (forms) of professional development of teachers in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the second half of the 20th century, and that is the professional teacher exam after graduating from teacher's school. So, this is a historical research based on the analysis of available, relevant documentation.

Ethnic conflict is not—because there are no ethnic groups in conflict. This is the main conclusion of a comparison of so-called “ethnic conflicts” in the Balkans and in colonial India. A comparison of Muslim nation building in these two regions provides several valuable insights that go far beyond the specific cases. Thus far, there have been many hints in the literature on similarities between Bosnia and Pakistan or the Balkans and the Indian subcontinent as a whole. But there have been no systematic comparisons, though many parallels emerge when we look more closely.

The processes of peace-building and democratization in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) were instituted on 14 December 1995 by the Dayton Accords, which brought an end to the Bosnian War. While claiming their objectives to be reconciliation, democracy, and ethnic pluralism, the accords inscribed in law the ethnic partition between Bosnian Serbs, Croats, and Muslims by granting rights to “people” based on their identification as “ethnic collectivities.” This powerful tension at the heart of “democratization” efforts has been central to what has transpired over the past 16 years. My account uses ethnographic methods and anthropological analysis to document how the ethnic emphasis of the local nationalist projects and international integration policies is working in practice to flatten the multilayered discourses of nationhood in BiH. As a result of these processes, long-standing notions of trans-ethnic nationhood in BiH lost their political visibility and potency. In this article I explore how trans-ethnicnarodor nation(hood) — as a space of popular politics, cultural interconnectedness, morality, political critique, and economic victimhood — still lingers in the memories and practices of ordinary Bosnians and Herzegovinians, thus powerfully informing their political subjectivities.

Abstract From the perspective of Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) today, the legacy of the Dayton Peace Agreement (DPA) remains mixed. The dominant view is that the DPA is the origin of its political impasse, economic stagnation, and failed nation-building. Yet, it is indisputable that DPA has been successful in preventing the recurrence of a major violent ethnic conflict in BiH. More recently, the failures of Syrian peace talks to yield a durable settlement have evoked the lessons from the DPA. However, most analyses have concluded the parallels with the Bosnian war and its resolution are misplaced given the complexity and severity of the war in Syria. This article argues for a more nuanced approach to distilling the Dayton legacy, particularly when it is employed as a historical analogy. It highlights the usefulness of the DPA as an analogy for successful conflict termination, while offering lessons about the pitfalls of externally imposed consociational arrangements.

The choice between modern nation-building and integration into supranational European and Euro-Atlantic structures remains a strategic challenge for the Balkan countries. Success in solving this problem of predominantly mono-ethnic Croatia and Slovenia has not yet become a model to follow. Serbian and Albanian national issues cannot be resolved. Serbia's defeat in the Balkan wars of 1991–1999 over the creation of a "Greater Serbia" led to the country's territorial fragmentation. Two Albanian national states emerged in the Balkans. Attempts to create a union of Kosovo and Albania could turn the region into a whirlpool of ultra-nationalist contradictions. The European Union has started accession negotiations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Northern Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. The success of these negotiations depends on the readiness of the EU and the ability of these Balkan states to adopt European norms and rules. The accession of all Balkan nation-states to the European Union must finally close the "Balkan window" of the vulnerability of the united Europe. Nation-building in the Balkans on the basis of ethnic nationalism sharply contradicts the purpose and current values of the European integration process. For more than three decades, the EU has been pursuing a policy of human rights, the rule of law, democracy and economic development in the Balkans. The region remains vulnerable to the influences of non-European geopolitical powers: the United States, Russia, Turkey, and China. The further scenario of the great Balkan geopolitical game mainly depends on the pro-European national consolidation of the Balkan peoples and the effectiveness of the European Union's strategy in the Balkans.

In this paper, the authors, inspired by the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, analyse public holidays in states where multiculturalism has an impact on the complex state structure and on the form of political order. A particular focus is on holidays that are in function of nation-building through the commemoration of the events that are important for the founding of the state and / or the respective political-territorial unit and / or are of the historic importance to the majority, specifically the main ethnic group in the state and / or in the relevant political-territorial unit and on the issues of non-discrimination and the protection of group rights and multiculturalism. The conclusion is that such holidays, even when they have a completely opposite historical connotation, are not considered to be discriminatory.

This paper presents a political analysis of school-based management reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). School-based management (SBM), based on the principle of school autonomy and community participation, is a school governance system introduced in many parts of the world, including post-conflict nations. Such a phenomenon seems to follow the pattern predicted by the theories of institutional isomorphism. According to the institutionalists in comparative education, a country adopts global education reforms so as to enhance nation-building and nation-state legitimacy within the international community (Meyer, Boli, Thomas, & Ramirez, 1997; Ramirez & Boli, 1987). However, a closer look at the SBM reform adoption process in BiH reveals that, after legislating the global reform, policy leaders appear to have willfully derailed its implementation. Careful analysis of their legitimacy contexts suggests that BiH leaders may have adopted the internationally-driven reform policy primarily for the purpose of enhancing their precarious domestic legitimacy. Such behavior can be explained by Weiler’s (1983; 1990) political utility theory, which has not yet been sufficiently incorporated into the analysis of educa­tional reform transfer. The study posits that policy leaders i­n reform-borrowing countries still play a crucial role in shaping education systems, even in the globalized world that is arguably driving these systems to converge. It is then important for comparative and international education scholars, as well as international donors, to critically assess the intent, practices and behaviors of the political leaders who accept global reforms.

This paper is about national reproduction relations and the ways they affected women’s bodies in context of women’s accessibility to public and political space in the late 19th century Serbia, Bosnia and Croatia. The end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century embark events and processes of national emancipation for the Balkan peoples. The examples taken here are set in the different states of ‘nationalizing’ and ‘nation-building,’ as well as in different iterations of modernity, with the intention to trace possible patterns and typologies in the relation of national reproduction, in its ethno-cultural dimension, and the opening of new political spaces for women from these different national entities and territories through education, autonomous organizing, charity and anonymous domestic labor. I find the interest and vindication of my intention in the historical events after 1918, when the mentioned territories and nationalities became part of new state – the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Kingdom of Yugoslavia. With that, the state strategies of national reproduction towards women gained new qualities with centralization and ideological unification of the ideal ‘Yugoslav’ woman as its final edifice. Article received: December 15, 2018; Article accepted: January 23, 2019; Published online: April 15, 2019; Original scholarly paperHow to cite this article: Hadjievska, Ivana: "National Reproduction with (Un)Disciplined Bodies: Women Moving to the Politically Possible in pre-Yugoslavian Societies (Examples from Serbia, Bosnia and Croatia)." AM Journal of Art and Media Studies 18 (2019): 17–31. doi: 10.25038/am.v0i18.298

Researchers have increasingly begun to critically assess local engagements with globalizing notions of civil society that have been introduced via Western-based supranational political, economic, financial, and cultural programmes (Fischer 1997; Okongwu and Mencher 2000; Yúdice 2003). Following the notion of thinking globally and acting locally, such programmes are usually set up by transnational structures such as the World Bank, UNESCO, the European Union, or global foundations such as the Open Society Institute, and put into practice by local actors, among them non-governmental organizations. This article positions music within intra-national discourses that work hand-in-hand with the political and cultural economics of Western cultural initiatives and aim to promote an understanding of pluralism in countries throughout Eastern and South Eastern Europe. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted by Nino Tsitsishvili, Erica Haskell, and myself in Georgia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Ukraine, respectively, this study juxtaposes the perspectives of policy makers and grant givers in Western Europe and the United States with the views of people in post-socialist conflict zones for whom such initiatives are intended. It analyses the political and cultural implications of UNESCO's declaration of Georgian polyphony as a masterpiece of intangible cultural heritage of humanity, the local effects of internationally sponsored music projects in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the role of national minority music festivals sponsored by Western philanthropic organizations in nation-building processes in Ukraine.

The paper explores forms of sociability and partner relationships among pious young Muslims in Sarajevo with a focus on the emic concepts of Islamic cafés (hospitality establishments perceived to operate according to Islamic moral principles) and Sharia dating (premarital relationships perceived to be sanctioned by Sharia). It draws on 10 months of ethnographic fieldwork conducted in different spaces of Islamic worship, learning, and sociability. This paper places the renewed interest in Islam within the context of a post-Dayton Bosnia characterized by complex and impractical government structures, lingering post-war grievances, and a brutal transition to a neoliberal capitalist economy. Although it acknowledges the continuing relevance of Islam as a resource for Bosniak nation building, it suggests treating the Muslim faith community as overlapping but distinct from the Bosniak community. By focusing on gendered interaction and partner-seeking strategies, this paper explores how young members of this faith community contextually negotiate their Islamic beliefs with mainstream local expectations of conventional behavior. The paper argues that believers’ varying responses to this predicament can be observed as an example of the localization of Islam, but they do not constitute a return to local, traditional gender roles and marriage practices, nor are they an introduction of foreign cultural patterns.

The current article explores how political changes in the past 130 years have shaped and reshaped three major museums in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The overall aim is to describe structural processes of national museum building in BiH and the ways the museological representation of history is connected to state and nation making and to political transitions and crises. The analysed museums are the National Museum of BiH, the History Museum of BiH, and the Museum of the Republic of Srpska. The source material analysed consists of the directories and the titles of exhibitions; secondary material, which describes previous exhibitions; and virtual museum tours. The article illustrates that during the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, which established the National Museum in 1888, the museum played an important part in the representation of Bosnian identity (bosnjastvo). After World War II, in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, all three analysed museums were summoned to interpret the past in accordance with the guidelines of the communist regime. Since the 1990s, a highly ethnicized process of identity building and of the musealization of heritage, and history permeates all three museums analysed here. When it comes to the central exhibition-themes following the 1990s war, one could conclude that whereas the National Museum and the History Museum highlight the recent creation of an independent BiH and ostracize BIH-Serbs, the Museum of the Republic of Srpska asserts the ostensible distinctiveness of the Republic of Srpska and excludes the narratives about BiH as a unified and independent nation-state. If an agreement about the future of BiH and its history is to be reached, a step towards multi-vocal historical narratives has to be made from both sides.

The Church of St. Stephan, in this paper, belonged to a medieval residential complex above the confluence of the River Piva and the River Tara, in the extreme northeast of the present-day Republic of Montenegro. The central part of the complex consisted of Soko-grad, a castle with the court of the prominent, aristocratic, Kosaca family, which, at the end of the 14th century, right until the Turkish conquests in the sixties and seventies of the 15th century, ruled the regions later known as Hercegovina. At the foot of the castle, on Scepan polje, is the suburb with the Church of St. Stephan the endowment of the grand duke, Sandalj Hranic (+1345). At the foot of the northern slope, beneath the castle, in the area of Zagradja, is another church erected by the grand duke's successor, Herzeg Stefan Vukcic Kosaca (+1465). After the Turkish conquest, the complex of the Soko castle with its suburb was destroyed and the churches became deserted and were never renewed. The ruins of St. Stephan were discovered, investigated and then conserved from 1971-973, however, the results of this research have not been published until now. In reviewing the results obtained in the course of the archaeological excavations, it is possible, in a considerable measure, to comprehend the position and former appearance of the Church of St. Stephan and establish roughly, the time when it came into being. This was the largest church erected in the regions governed by the powerful, Kosaca noble family, during the 15th century. The total length of the church exceeded 25 metres and its width was approximately ten metres. In the preserved body of the construction, of which the remaining walls rise to a height of four metres one may see three basic stages of building. A narthex was later erected beside the church, and subsequently a small parakklesion was added, on the northern side. The original church had a single nave, a cruciform base and a gently, horseshoe-shaped apsis, facing east, flanked by rectangular choirs. The interior of the church, with two pairs of small pilasters, was articulated in three bays of almost equal dimensions. The altar, encompassing the apsis and the eastern bay, was separated from the naos by a constructed altar partition-wall, the essential appearance of which can be assumed on the basis of whatever was found. The entire surface of the constructed iconostasis was covered with frescoes. The floor of the naos was a step lower than the floor of the altar. Flooring made of mortar, like in the altar area also existed in the choirs. As opposed to these spaces, in the central and western bays, the floor was made of large, hewn stone slabs. The finds discovered in the debris, offered an abundance of data about the upper, now collapsed, structures of the church, and about the stonemasonry that decorated this building. The church did not have a dome but all three bays were topped by a single vault of carved calcareous stone, reinforced by two arches, resting on the pilasters. We may assume that the roof structure was of the Gothic type, and ribbed at the base. Above the choirs were lower semi-spherical vaults, perpendicular in relation to the longitudinal axis of the church. They were covered by gabled roofs that ended in triangular frontons on the northern and southern fa?ade, like the main vault on the eastern side above the altar apsis. The roof of the church was made of lead. A belfry, of unique construction, existed on the western side of the original church. It stood about one meter in front of the western wall and was linked by a vaulted passage to the main body of the building. All these parts were structurally inter-connected, indicating that they were built at the same time. The position and appearance of the original church windows can almost certainly be determined according to the preserved traces on the remaining sections of the walls, and the finds of the relevant stonemasonry. In the interior of the naos, along the southern wall of the western bay was the grave of the donor of the church of St. Stephan, Grand Duke Sandalj Hranic. This was the traditional position where the donor was buried, according to the custom or rather, the rule that had been practiced for centuries in the countries of the Byzantine Orthodox Christian world, and particularly in the Serbian lands. The duke's grave, marked by a stele in the form of a massive low coffin on a pedestal, was prepared while the church was being built given that it would have been impossible to install this large monolith that weighed approximately 2.5 tons in the church, later. Generally speaking, the donor's grave in the church of St. Stephan, is eloquent testimony of the donor's aspirations and beliefs. Besides the undoubtedly local feature of a funerary monument in the form of a stele, all its other characteristics emulate earlier models from the region of the Serbian lands. In front of the original church, at a later stage, which apparently followed soon after, a spacious narthex with a rectangular base was added on. Pylons of the belfry substructure were fitted into its eastern wall, which seems to have made that wall much thicker than the other walls of the narthex. This later erected narthex was not vaulted, which we concluded after analysing the preserved walls and the finds in the debris. Apparently, it had a flat ceiling construction, supported by massive beams that rested on consoles along the length of the northern and southern walls. The side entrances when the narthex was built were of the same dimensions as its western portal. However later, before installing the stone doorposts, both these entrances were narrowed down on their western, lateral sides, while the southern portal, in a later phase, was completely walled up. In the course of exploration, no reliable data was discovered regarding the position of the windows in the narthex. One can only assume that monophoric windows existed on the lateral walls, one or two on each side, similar to the monophores in the western bay. Apart from the narthex, another, later construction was observed next to the original church. On its northern side, along the western bay and the lateral side of the choir, a parakklesion, that is, a small funerary chapel was added on, in the middle of which a large stele once stood, of which now only fragments exist. The entire interior of the church of St. Stephan was deco-rated with frescoes. Rather small fragments of the wall painting were discovered in the debris, not only of the original church but also of the narthex, as well as of the northern funerary chapel. It was observed that they were all of the same quality, painted on mortar of a uniform texture which suggests that all the painting was done as soon as the additional buildings were finished. On the discovered fragments, one can recognise the dark blue back-ground of the former compositions, and the borders painted in cynober. On several fragments, there were preserved sections of or whole letters from Serbian Cyrillic texts. On several fragments that may have originated from the aureoles or parts of robes, traces of gold leaf were visible, which would indicate the splendour and representativeness of the frescoes that decorated the endowment of the grand duke, Sandalj Hranic. With the shape of the foundation of a single-nave church, divided into three bays and with rectangular choir spaces, the church of St. Stephan continued the tradition of the early Rascia school of Serbian architecture (13th beginning of 14th century), which represented a significant novelty at the time when it appeared. In Serbia, in the last decades of the 14th and the beginning of the 15th century, the predominant plan of the churches, the triconche, was based on the Holy Mount models. The decision by the donor, the grand duke Sandalj, to give his endowment the features of the earlier, Rascia heritage, in the times when the Serbian territories had been broken up and were exposed to pressure from external enemies, undoubtedly had a deeper significance. By relying on the earlier tradition, which is also reflected in the dedication of the church to St. Stephan, the patron saint of the state and of the Nemanjic dynasty, the donor expressed the aspiration to consolidate his authority more firmly in the regions that had previously formed part of the Serbian state. By erecting an endowment, and a funerary church that he wished to be his eternal resting-place, Sandalj was also demonstrating that he ranked among his predecessors, the Serbian rulers and nobility. One can see this from the choice of the traditional burial position, along the southern wall of the western bay, as well as from the tomb he had prepared for himself during his lifetime. Apart from the basic idea and plan of the church based on the Rascia tradition, the features of its architecture also exhibit other influences. Of crucial importance here was the choice of builders, who undoubtedly came from the coastal area, which is reflected both in the structural solutions, as well as in the decorative stonework. However, local master-craftsman undoubtedly took part in this achievement. One can see this particularly when observing the stonework which, besides some admittedly rather rare, better-carved pieces, consists of a great deal of carving by less experienced artisans. The assumptions about the origin of the architecture and the builders are substantiated by observing the preserved traces of the frescoes, which show that the decoration of St. Stephan's and the adjacent narthex was also entrusted to one of the coastal painters. Perhaps it was the well-known Dubrovnik painter Dzivan Ugrinovic, who is known to have been commissioned by the grand duke Sandalj in 1429. There is no direct or reliable record of the date when the endowment of the grand duke Sandalj Hranic or its later annexes were built. The stylistic analysis of the stonework makes it possible only roughly to attribute it to the first half of the 15th century. The year 1435 provides a slightly narrower span of time, which is the time of Sandalj's funeral, when it would appear that the church of St. Stephan was already finished. The data mentioned earlier regarding the engagement of builders from Dubrovnik and the possible later decoration, enables us to date it more exactly. Therefore, we may assume that the church itself was erected before the end of the second decade of the 15Lj century. The additional construction of the narthex may have followed soon after the completion of the church itself, as indicated by the stylistically uniform stonework. If we accept the possibility that the church was decorated at the end of the third decade of the 15S century, and that this was finished both in the church and the narthex at the same time the year 1429 would be the terminus ante quem for the completion of the additional construction. The Kosaca endowment, erected beside the Soko castle, offers new evidence about this prominent, noble or ruling family, and particularly about their religious affiliation. Historians, almost as a rule consider the Kosaca family to have been Bogumils, or people whose religious convictions were not particularly firm. Such views were based on the fact that Sandalj Hranic, the grand duke of Rusaga Bosanskog (of the Bosnian kingdom) and his successor, the duke and subsequently the herzeg, Stefan Vukcic, were tolerant towards the Bogumils and were often surrounded by people who upheld such religious beliefs, which was the political reality of the times in which they lived and functioned. On the other hand, the enemies of the Kosaca family made use of this to depict them to the Western and Eastern Christians as heretics, which was not without consequences. The distorted view of their religious conviction not only accompanied them during their lifetime but persists even today, not only in historiography but in present-day politics, as well, particularly after the recent wars in ex-Yugoslavia. The origin of the Kosaca family is connected with the region of the Upper Drina, that is to say, the region that had always been a part of the Nemanjic state, where there were no Bogumils, nor could there be. As owners of part of what had always been the Serbian lands, which went to Bosnia after the tragic division between Ban Tvrtko and Prince Lazar, the consequences of which are still felt today, the Kosaca very soon became independent rulers of this territory, forming a specific territory that later came to be known as Herzegovina. Another element that also bears weight in this respect is the fact that, in contrast to central Bosnia where the Bogumil heresy was influential, the population in the Kosaca lands was Orthodox Christian, with a certain number of Catholics in the western parts. The fact that the regions they ruled were nominally within the Bosnian kingdom, where the ruling class were predominantly Bogumils for a long time did not have any fundamental bearing on their religious affiliation. Significant records have been preserved of their unconcealed Orthodox Christian orientation. Without going into the details of this complex circle of problems, which requires a separate study, especially after the more recent discoveries and facts that have come to light, we shall dwell only on some facts. During the rule of Grand Duke Sandalj and his successor, Herzeg Stefan, which lasted almost seventy years, a whole series of Orthodox Christian churches were erected. During the first half of the 15th century, a kind of renaissance of the Rascia school of architecture came about in this area. In the words of V.J. Djuric, the endowments of the Kosaca family 'are different from the average buildings of their time by virtue of their size sometimes the unusual solutions, and the great beauty of form and proportions'. The wealth of the family and the continual relations with aitists from the southern Adriatic coastal cities imbued their architecture with buoyancy and significance. The western stylistic features of the churches of the Kosaca, and the Gothic language of the stonemasons, reveal the centres where these master craftsmen had learned their trade. With the erection of the endowment in the 'ruling seat' beneath Mt. Soko and the churches intended as their final resting-places, the Kosaca distinguished themselves as the last continuers of the Nemanjic tradition of earlier centuries, in the time that preceded the final Turkish conquest of the Serbian lands. The memory of their work is preserved in the church of St. Stephan and the nearby church at Zagradja, as well as in the rains of the Soko castle, which still lies waiting to be researched.

Na Medicinski fakulteti, ki je bila ustanovljena z odlokom o preoblikovanju Univerze v Mariboru, ki ga je 2. oktobra 2002 soglasno sprejel Državni zbor Republike Slovenije, bomo kmalu dobili prve diplomante. 3. decembra 2003 je Svet za visoko šolstvo potrdil univerzitetni študijski program Splošna medicina in z razpisom objavil tudi 80 vpisnih mest. Prva generacija študentov medicine se je vpisala v študijskem letu 2004/2005, v študijskem letu 2009/2010 pa smo vpisali prvo generacijo študentov po prenovljenem in z bolonjsko deklaracijo usklajenem programu enovitega magistrskega študija Splošna medicina, potrjenem na Svetu za visoko šolstvo Republike Slovenije 5. maja 2008. Medicinska fakulteta je članica Univerze v Mariboru s sedežem na Slomškovem trgu 15 v Mariboru. Na ozemlju Univerzitetnega kliničnega centra Maribor se nahajata Inštitut za anatomijo, histologijo in embriologjio in Inštitut za fiziologijo, v neposredni bližini pa tudi sodoben laboratorijski center. Novembra smo odprli simulacijski center, ki je zanesljivo najsodobnejši v tem delu Evrope in v katerem bodo študentje medicine nabirali izkušnje v simuliranem okolju pred stikom z realnim bolnišničnim okoljem. Mednarodno primerljiv študijski program enovitega magistrskega študija Splošna medicina ponuja študentom pod vodstvom in ob nadzoru učiteljev obilo praktičnega dela ob bolniku in omogoča mednarodno izmenjavo študentov in profesorjev z medicinskimi fakultetami znotraj Evropske unije pa tudi izven nje. Študentom zagotavljamo ustrezna bazična in klinična znanja ter veščine in jih vzgajamo v smislu visoke etičnosti in za bodočega zdravnika primernega vedenja. Naš temeljni cilj je pripraviti študente za samostojno delo zdravnika. Enovit magistrski študij Splošna medicina traja 6 let oziroma 12 semestrov, obsega 5775 ur teoretičnega in praktičnega študija in je ovrednoten s 360 ECTS točkami. Študentje lahko ob 52 obveznih predmetih izbirajo tudi med 35 izbirnimi predmeti, pri katerih lahko poglobljeno razvijajo svoje znanje in sposobnosti. Poglavitna značilnost enovitega magistrskega študijskega programa Splošna medicina je tesna prepletenost predmetov znotraj posameznih letnikov (horizontalno) in med letniki (vertikalno). Vlogo povezovalca imajo PBL-moduli (Problem Based Learning), ki jih v slovenskem prostoru izvajamo edino na naši fakulteti. Na osnovi središčnih problemov v obliki spirale pokrivajo vsa področja medicine od poznavanja temeljev teorije in prakse, usposabljanja v kliničnem okolju in postopnega doseganja samostojnosti, ki študente vodi v samostojno poklicno pot zdravnika. V šestih letnikih je v tem študijskem letu vpisanih 514 študentov, med njimi so tudi tujci iz Brazilije, Hrvaške, Makedonije in Nemčije. Poudariti moramo tudi razgibano mednarodno dejavnost naše mlade fakultete: v tem študijskem letu študira 20 študentov en ali dva semestra na fakultetah po Evropi, s katerimi imamo podpisane sporazume o sodelovanju. V okviru programov izmenjav študentov in učiteljev Erasmus in Tempus imamo podpisane pogodbe z medicinskimi fakultetami in medicinskimi univerzami iz Bologne in Trsta v Italiji, Aachna, Göttingena, Tübingena, Leipziga, Würzburga, Hamburga, Mainza in Greißwalda v Nemčiji, Gradca, Innsbrucka in Dunaja v Avstriji, Oula iz Finske, Debrecena in Pecza iz Madžarske, Prage iz Češke, Plevna iz Bolgarije, Cluj Napoca iz Romunije, Porta in Lisbone iz Portugalske, Barcelone in Malage iz Španije, Tel Aviva in Jeruzalema iz Izraela, Bruslja in Ghenta iz Belgije, Krakowa iz Poljske, nadalje z medicinskimi fakultetami v Zagrebu na Hrvaškem, Sarajevu v Bosni in Hercegovini ter Beogradu in Nišu v Srbiji. Načrtujemo podpis sporazumov še z drugimi uglednimi fakultetami. Povedati je treba, da tudi naša fakulteta iz leta v leto gosti več tujih študentov, predvsem v kliničnem delu študija. Na Medicinski fakulteti Univerze v Mariboru od leta 2005 poteka tudi podiplomski študij Biomedicinska tehnologija, ki je edini takšne vrste v slovenskem prostoru, saj ponuja številne vsebine s širšega interdisciplinarnega znanstvenega in raziskovalnega področja. Individualna naravnanost študija pa podiplomskim študentom omogoča sestavo programa, ki kar najbolj zadovolji strokovne in raziskovalne interese posameznika. V juniju 2010 zaključuje študij Splošne medicine prva generacija študentov. Skupaj smo prehodili dolgo, včasih tudi naporno pot. Našim študentom za popotnico v poklic dajemo znanje, na srce pa polagamo topel človeški odnos do bolnikov. Pred nami so še številni izzivi, ki jih bomo lahko uresničili v novi zgradbi Medicinske fakultete, ta bo stala v neposredni bližini Univerzitetnega kliničnega centra Maribor, kar bo pomembno prispevalo k našemu še boljšemu delu. Z gradnjo nameravamo začeti še to leto in predvidevamo selitev v letu 2012. Prof. dr. Ivan Krajnc,Dekan Medicinske fakulteteUniverze v Mariboru

Man is continuously exposed to ionizing radiation because of the presence of naturally occurring radioactive materials (NORM) in the environment. Various technological processes of processing and using of materials that contain natural radionuclides generate materials of enhanced natural radioactivity (TENORM). The largest contribution to irradiance with natural sources of ionizing radiation is the exposure of the population to indoor radon. This gas originates from the radioactive decay of 226Ra and 224Ra that are present in the soil under houses and building materials. Depending on the type of building materials, indoor exposure to radon at dwellings and workplaces can be over a thousand times greater than in outdoor space. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, no valid and comprehensive radiological studies on the building materials have been performed that would guarantee for their dosimetric safety use for installation in residential and industrial buildings, highways, as well as their application for other purposes. The quantification of the radon levels that comes from building materials is a necessary and very important part of the global protection of the population from ionizing radiation. This paper presents the first results of a study on the radon activity concentrations in building materials used in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Measurements were performedwith a professional Alpha GUARD system. The mean values of the activity concentration of the exhaled radon of investigated building materials varied from 10 Bqm-3 to 101 Bqm-3, radon exhalation rate values ranged from 77.0 mBqm-2h-1 to 777.7 mBqm-2h-1. Gamma dose rate was in the range 57–112 nSv h−1.