Relevant bibliographies by topics / Nation-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina

Academic literature on the topic 'Nation-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina'

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Published: 10 March 2023
Last updated: 11 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Nation-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Falski, Maciej. "Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). "Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires". London-New York: Bloomsbury Academic." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 8 (November 27, 2019): 383–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2019.022.

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Book Review: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicThe review of the latest book by Xavier Bougarel focuses on the main concepts of the work: the notion of empire as a methodological and theoretical framework, the relation between Islam and the national idea, and the process of Bosniak nation-building. Recenzja książki: Xavier Bougarel (2018). Islam and Nationhood in Bosnia-Hercegovina: Surviving Empires. London-New York: Bloomsbury AcademicRecenzja najnowszej książki Xaviera Bougarela koncentruje się na najważniejszych kwestiach, takich jak: pojęcie imperium, będące ramą ideologiczną i teoretyczną dla interpretacji autora, relacja między Islamem a ideą narodową, oraz proces definiowania narodu boszniackiego.
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Jacek Lis, Tomasz. "Emancipation of Women in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the austro-hungarian administration (1878-1918)." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.70.

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After the Congress of Berlin in 1878, in Bosnia and Hercegovina we saw big changes. The Austrian government was building roads, and railroad tracks. In the Austro-Hungarian period, also they changed their architectural style; from the prevailing ottoman one to more like in Vienna or Prague. This situation was a short time, in live only one generation. These changes affected to life and behavior of Bosnia and Hercegovinas’ citizens. Was changed several people, because after the Austrian arrive, a lot of Muslims Bosniacs, and Turks, were left this part. There were elites in this place. Their positions, how “new elites” take people which they came from different part of the Habsburg Monarchy; Hungarians, Germans, Poles, Czechs, etc. They were taking new ideas, how feminism. The emancipation of women was something new in these places. The first woman, which was proclaiming the slogans, as teachers. On the article we can show two examples; Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska, and Jagoda Truhelka. They were born in Osijek, from giving Bosnian part ideas, that girl needs to will independent and need to have good graduated. These modern ideas, supported, in a way, the government because in the country was a school program for girls. Austro-Hungarian politics was building a school for girls, and take some scholarship went girl studied in University, how Marija Bergman, born in Bosnia, daughter of some Jews officials. However teachers not only modern women, similar roles had women-doctors. Girls who graduated Faculty of Medicine, arrive in Bosnia and Hercegovina and help Muslim women. Poles Teodora Krajewska and Czechs Anna Bayerova also take ideas of feminism, but, most important that she was great respect between patience. Propagating the feministic ideas was thinking which affect all women. Most important was not only slogans but also changes in everyday life normal family in Bosnia and Hercegovina. The other day only men can work on the farmland or work. After the Congress of Berlin situations was changed. On the consequences, women must be going to work, often how a worker in fabric. Work was hard, but women first time have their cash. Automatically her position in society was better. These situations have consequences for the city, as like villages. We sow this situation in the book Vere Ehrlich, which researched this topic in the interwar period. In the article, we went to show, that this changing was things also women, which life to margin, how prostitutes. Naturally, their life was always difficult, but the new government also got assistance. Habsburg's administration knew, that better control of specific profession, because this is the way how deal with the epidemic of syphilis, and something like this. In this work, we use scientific literature and documents from archives, mainly the Archive of Federation Bosnia and Hercegovina, and Historical Archive from city Sarajevo, when was document fo Jelica Belović-Bernadzikowska. How method we use case study and analyzing to literature and historical sources.
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Magnusson, Kjell. "What kind of state?: Views of Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs on the character of Bosnia and Herzegovina." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 7 (2012): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1207037m.

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The article is based on findings from two sociological surveys undertaken in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1996 and 1999. It is shown that the views of Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs on the character of the common state are often highly conflicting and different from the official perceptions of the international community. It is argued that a viable solution to the Bosnian problem cannot neglect the issue of ethnicity and the need for an institutional structure which explicitly recognises the fact this is not an ordinary nation-state. Although there are short-term explanations for the violence in Bosnia, the situation is ultimately the outcome of a complex and delayed process of nation-building. Therefore, Bosnia is today faced with the same dilemma as before the war: how to construct a legitimate state in a situation where a common identity does not exist and no ethnic group constitutes a majority.
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Sušić, Osman. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in Serbian cultural club concepts." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 108–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.108.

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This paper covers the period from 1937 to 1945, the period of the establishment and works of the Serbian Cultural Club. The paper will discuss the political circumstances in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in wich Serbian Cultural Club was founded, as well as the program goals and its activities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Special emphasis will be put on the period of the Second World War in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state and the activities of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War. The work and achievement of the program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club in the Second World War will be presented through the work of the Exile Government in London and the activities of the Chetniks Movement in the Bosnia and Herzegovina and the former common state. The Serbian Cultural Club was formed as a form of political association and activity, which included politicians, public workers, scientists, members of various political organizations, representatives of state and parastate bodies and organizations, under the slogan "Serbs for Reunion". The club acted as a unique and homogeneous organization, regardless of the composition of the membership, with the goal of saving Serbia and Serbs. This most clearly expressed his overall activity, composition and degree of influence on state policy. The most important issues of state or Serbian nationalist policy for the interest of the Government were discussed in the Club, so the club had an extensive network of boards and several media. Professor and Rector of the University of Belgrade, Dr. Slobodan Jovanović, was elected the first president of the Serbian Cultural Club. He was the ideological creator of this organization (and he set out the basic tasks and goals of the Club). The vice presidents were Dr. Nikola Stojanović and Dr. Dragiša Vasić, and Dr. Vasa Čubrilović the secretary. Dr. Stevan Moljevic was the president of the board of the Serbian Cultural Club for the Bosnian Krajina, based in Banja Luka. According to Dinić, the initiative for the formation of the Serbian Cultural Club was given by Bosnian-Herzegovinian Serbs Dr. Nikola Stojanović, Dr. Vladimir Čorović, Dr. Vladimir Grčić and Dr. Slobodan Jovanović. The activities of the Serbian Cultural Club can be divided into two stages. The first from its founding in 1936 until the signing of the Cvetković-Maček agreement, and the second from 1939 to 1941. The program of the Serbian Cultural Club was a sum of Greater Serbia programs of all major political parties that operated in Serbia with the help of state institutions. The goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were mainly: expansionist policy of expanding Serbian rule to neighboring areas, denying the national identity of all other Yugoslav nations and exercising the right to self-determination. The program goals of the Serbian Cultural Club were to propagate Greater Serbian ideology. With its program about Greater Serbia and its activities, the Serbian Cultural Club has become the bearer of the most extreme Serbian nationalist aspirations. After the Cvetković-Maček agreement of August 1939, the Serbian Cultural Club demanded a revision of the agreement, calling for a Serbo-Croatian agreement based on ethnic, historical or economic-geographical principles. The adoption of one of these principles was to apply to the entire area inhabited by Serbs. The subcommittees of the Serbian Cultural Club in Bosnia and Herzegovina had the primary task of working to emphasize its Serbian character, and after the Cvetkovic-Macek agreement to form awareness that the whole of Bosnia and Herzegovina should enter the Serbian territorial unit. With the prominent slogan "Wherever there are Serbs - there is Serbia", the Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina were marked as the "vigilant guardian of the Serbian national consciousness". The leadership and most of the members of the Serbian Cultural Club joined the Chetnik movement as Draža Mihailović's national ideologues. The policy of the militant Greater Serbia program and Serbian nationalism of the Serbian Cultural Club was accepted as the program of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement. Some of Draža Mihailović's most important associates belonged to the Serbian Cultural Club. The main political goals of the Chetnik movement are formulated in several program documents. The starting point in them was the idea of a "Greater and Homogeneous Serbia", which was based on the idea that Serbs should be the leading nation in the Balkans.
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Juzbašić, Dževad. "Bosnia and Herzegovina in Austro-Hungarian policy of railways building towards the East." Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja 42 (2014): 165–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/godisnjak.cbi.anubih-40.29.

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Fidanchevski, Emilija. "RIS ALiCE Project." Macedonian Journal of Chemistry and Chemical Engineering 40, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 357–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20450/mjcce.2021.2445.

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The project: Al-rich industrial residues for mineral binders in the ESEE region-RIS ALiCE in the frame of the European Institute of Innovation and Technology, Raw materials (EIT-Raw Materials) co-financed by Horizon 2020/ Europe started on March 2019 and will end on February 2022. The “RIS-ALiCE” consortium consists of partners experienced in the relevant field from seven countries (SIovenia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, North Macedonia, Serbia, Hungary, Austria and France). Slovenian National Building and Civil Engineering Institute, Ljubljana, Slovenia coordinates the project.
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Rička, Željko, and Anita Šadić. "The role of internal audit in public procurement and the fight against corruption (Bosnia and Herzegovina)." Revizor 24, no. 93 (2021): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/rev2193055r.

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Relevant governmental bodies and organizations, non-governmental organizations, international organizations and institutions, especially the media, show increased interest in corruption related to the public procurement. Public procurement is the most frequently cited area in the context of systemic corruption for the simple reason that it directly represents the spending of public money on a large scale, which according to OECD data represents about 7-15% of GDP. One of the possible approaches to prevent corruption in public procurement is the systematic building of the integrity of all entities and institutions involved in the public procurement process. Due to the fact that the internal audit way of organization and work is closest to practical issues of public procurement it has the opportunity to achieve the largest coverage of cases for which public funds are engaged.
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Aybet, Gülnur, and Florian Bieber. "From Dayton to Brussels: The Impact of EU and NATO Conditionality on State Building in Bosnia & Hercegovina." Europe-Asia Studies 63, no. 10 (November 10, 2011): 1911–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2011.618706.

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Jereb, Blaz, Maja Dolenc, and Tanja Kajtna. "Motives for Following Sports Events among Physical Education Students from Bosnia and Hercegovina and Slovenia." Sustainability 14, no. 17 (September 2, 2022): 10992. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su141710992.

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A sports result takes on its meaning only when the public reacts to it after attending a sporting event. In order to determine and compare attitudes toward attending such events, students from two different cultural backgrounds were invited to participate in the study: 156 students from the Faculty of Sport in Ljubljana and 82 students from the Pedagogical faculty, Department of Physical Education and Sports in Bihać. They were asked to complete a questionnaire containing 25 variables on the motives for attending sporting events. The respondents rated the importance of the motives with scores from 1 to 5 (1—not the reason at all; 2—not the reason; 3—occasionally true for me; 4—true for me; 5—absolutely true). The obtained results were ranked and compared between the students of different faculties and between genders. The results showed that Bosnian and Slovenian students differed in 11 out of 25 motives. Statistically significant gender differences were found for only two out of 25 motives. Differences between Bosnian and Slovenian students were also found in the ranking of the importance of the motives as well as in their evaluation. The results show that cultural, national, and mentality differences between the two groups are reflected in the motives for following sporting events.
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Jelušić, Srećko. "Publishing and Librarianship in Central and Eastern Europe: The Needs to Join Forces." Alexandria: The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 15, no. 1 (April 2003): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095574900301500105.

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Some interesting findings result from an analysis of the post-1990 publishing and bookselling scene in various Central and East European countries (Albania, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, and Yugoslavia). The number of small and medium size publishers is growing, as are the number and diversity of titles published. Bookstore networks are disintegrating, state subsidies to publishing have ceased, and many publishers do not submit legal deposit copies to the national library. Electronic publishing is growing slowly but steadily, and there is an increase in expert assistance and financial subsidies from western countries. Whereas librarianship can continue building on its existing infrastructure, the publishing industry has little professional experience. Both have in common a major interest in information and communication technology, especially electronic publishing and long-term preservation of digital material. The fact that these activities are still in a development stage gives CEE countries some advantage compared with developed countries, but practical advance depends on expert knowledge. There are several areas of possible cooperation between librarianship and publishing in Central and Eastern Europe, mainly concerned with research and education.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Nation-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Tošić, Mladen. "State-building processes in post-1995 Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609479.

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Boyce, Brian M. "Political soldiers and democratic institution-building in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FBoyce.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Richard Hoffman. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 81). Also available in print.
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Jujic, Lejla. "Kampen som fortgår: En studie om våldtäktsoffer i Bosnien Hercegovina : Med fokus på maktförhållanden och tystnad." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-73613.

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The following study seeks to explore the theme of what has become known as a serious security problem within the genderfield as well as the peace and development field, strategic rape as a weapon in war. More specifically, the essay analyses women's experiences of rape in the Bosnian war, in order to explore how big of a space is dedicated for these experiences to be expressed in the aftermath of war and in the process of building a nation. The empirical findings consist of stories told by women who have experienced rape during the war, available for the general public to find. With a theoretical framework consisting of a combination of feminist theories surrounding the gender order, the analysis seeks to focus on what power relations and different types of silences can be found in the stories told by war rape victims. The conclusion states that all of the power relations are based on the unequal relationship between the male and female, which influences the relationship between war rapevictims and war criminals, politicians and the victims surrounding. The silence brought to life by stigma transforms into various forms, the main ones referring to the war rapevictims and witih the politicial sphere.
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Eralp, Ulas Doga. "The effectiveness of the EU as a peace actor in post-conflict Bosnia Herzegovina an evaluative study /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/4577.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2009.
Vita: p. 340. Thesis director: Dennis J.D. Sandole. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Oct. 12, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 327-339). Also issued in print.
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Hodzic, Alma. "Hur sker utvecklingen i Bosnien? : En studie om nationsbyggandet i Bosnien och Hercegovina – utifrån tre perspektiv." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-34945.

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Nation building is vital in post-war states to bring the people that have been at war together. To restore peace in a state, many different actors need to work together to bring stability, safety, and advancement to a new nation. There are several methods of nation building, and this thesis evolves around three of them. This is a qualitative study where three theories on nation building are used to analyze the development of nation building, and the obstacles Bosnia and Herzegovina still has to reach a national identity. Several studies are used in this thesis to show how the development has evolved in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The method consisted of searching in databases for peer-reviewed articles, finding documents from international actors, and statistics. This thesis reveals that Bosnia and Herzegovina still has a long way to go before it becomes an nation where the citizens feel united, no matter which ethnicity they belong to.
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Dragovic, Denis. "Rethinking the role of Roman Catholic and Sunni Islamic institutions in post-conflict state building." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6136.

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This thesis develops a model that can be used to assess the ability of religious institutions to contribute to post-conflict state building. Highlighting the tendency in state building literature to stop short in discussing what seems to be inferred, but unnameable—religion—the research proposes a framework that identifies theoretical mechanisms through which religious institutions can contribute to post-conflict state building. Drawing from the theologies of Roman Catholicism and Sunni Islam the thesis then reflects upon why they would, of their own accord, lend their considerable legitimacy and resources. The thesis diverges from traditional approaches such as rational choice theory that suggest religious institutions act to maximise membership or assets, and instead embraces a teleological view recognizing the importance of belief structures in understanding a religious institution's motivations. It embraces salvation as a hermeneutical key to outline a Roman Catholic theology of state building while drawing upon the concept of justice for Sunni Islam. The thesis concludes by incorporating the particularistic nuances of Bosnia and Herzegovina's unique historically and culturally influenced religious practices, structures and theologies to suggest the ability and willingness of the two religions' institutions to contribute to their country's state building.
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Lindvall, Daniel. "The limits of the European vision in Bosnia and Herzegovina an analysis of the police reform negotiations /." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-31392.

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Ramic, Nedim. "Jämförelse av den demokratiska utvecklingen i Bosnien-Hercegovina och Kroatien." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-27518.

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This essay will try to explain and compare the different development steps which Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina have taken after the war. How could countries with such similar backgrounds develop in such different ways? By analyzing and comparing the two countries the purpose was to examine how these countries which had so much in common could develop in so different ways.  My two questions are:  What similarities and differences are there between the development which Bosnia and Croatia have taken after the war?  Why have Croatia succeeded and not Bosnia? My analysis showed that the main reason to the difference between these countries was that Bosnia is divided; all ethnic groups in Bosnia only consider what's best for their own ethnic group and not what's best for the country. Croatia however has expelled the Serbs which made it easier for them to have a succesfull democratic development.
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Kappler, Stefanie. "'Mysterious in content' : the European Union peacebuilding framework and local spaces of agency in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2536.

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This thesis aims to investigate EU peacebuilding in Bosnia-Herzegovina, focusing on the ways in which EU actors engage with local cultural actors and vice versa. Given that, in the liberal peacebuilding tradition, civil society has been considered a key actor in the public sphere, peacebuilding actors have tended to neglect seemingly more marginal actors and their subtle ways of impacting on the peacebuilding process. However, this thesis contends that processes of interaction are not always direct and visible, but centre on discourse clusters, which I frame as imaginary ‘spaces of agency’. Through the creation of meanings within a space of agency and its translation into other imaginary spaces, actors develop the power to impact upon the peacebuilding process, often in coded ways and therefore invisible in the public sphere, as peacebuilding actors, including the EU, have created it. A typology of the modes of interaction and possible responses between spaces helps understand the complexities and nuances of peacebuilding interaction. The thesis uses this framework to analyse several exemplary spaces of agency of the EU, rooting them in institutional discourses with specific reference to Bosnia-Herzegovina. Based on this, I investigate a number of responses to those spaces on the part of local cultural actors, as well as how the latter contribute to the emergence of alternative localised spaces, where the EU’s spaces fail to connect to the everyday dimensions of peace. I suggest that this represents a way in which local actors try to claim the ownership of peacebuilding back in subtle ways. This also points to the ability of actors that have traditionally been excluded from the peacebuilding project to contextualise abstract and distant processes into what matters locally, as well as their capacity to reject and resist when the EU’s spaces remain irrelevant for local peacebuilding imaginations.
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Muranovic, Azra. "A Straitjacket Peave Agreement : A Study on Nation-Building and Identity in Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-48655.

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This master’s thesis is a result of research conducted during six weeks in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the contribution of the Dayton peace agreement to process of nation building in Bosnia has become counter productive as it contains elements of both nation-state and state-nation foundation. The study strives to understand the question of identity and how people in Bosnia view themselves and Others, and how they view the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina in combination with the Dayton peace agreement. Qualitative methods such as semi-structured and focused interviews as well as participatory and direct observations built the base for the data collection. The hermeneutic method is used as an approach to comprehend and to handle the findings. As my personal background contains pre-understandings of the chosen topic, I have chosen to use them throughout the research instead of ignoring them as the objective of this study is not to come to a final response of this topic, but instead to bring forward an alternative angle of the identified problem. The result of this study indicates that people in Bosnia and Herzegovina tend to identify in terms of ethno-national identity groups primarily where religion and territory have a decisive role in shaping identity, while a common Bosnian identity has fallen behind. It also reveals that the Dayton peace agreement damages the idea of a common Bosnian identity and questions the idea of Bosnia all together. This research suggests that a nation-state bottom-up process in Bosnia is little perceptible, due to the lack of a common Bosnian identity. The results from this study indicate that Bosnia does not fit the state-nation definition, nor the nation-state definition for several reasons while both state-nation and nation-state building are visible on regional levels. The Dayton peace agreement has initiated a very difficult political situation with extremely complex state structures and limited possibilities for change. The ethno-national division of three, and the constitutive tying of particular groups to specific territories, has hampered both the societal and political situation in Bosnia.
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Books on the topic "Nation-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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M, Weller, and Wolff Stefan 1969-, eds. International state-building after violent conflict: Bosnia ten years after Dayton. London: Routledge, 2008.

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Sokolovic, Dzemal. Nation vs. people: Bosnia is just a case. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Press, 2006.

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State-Building and Democratization in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Farnham, Surrey: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2015.

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Empire lite: Nation-building in Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan. Toronto: Penguin Canada, 2003.

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Allison, Frendak-Blume, ed. Reconstruction and peace building in the Balkans: The Brčko experience. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2011.

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Blagovčanin, Srđan. Evropska unija i Bosna i Hercegovina: Građenje države kroz proces evropskih integracija. Sarajevo: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, 2016.

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Innocence and victimhood: Gender, nation, and women's activism in postwar Bosnia-Herzegovina. Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2013.

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Donais, Timothy. The political economy of peacebuilding in post-Dayton Bosnia. London: Routledge, 2005.

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The political economy of peacebuilding in post-Dayton Bosnia. New York, NY: Frank Cass, 2005.

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1958-, Fischer Martina, and Berghof Forschungszentrum für konstruktive Konfliktbearbeitung, eds. Peacebuilding and civil society in Bosnia-Herzegovina: Ten years after Dayton. 2nd ed. Berlin: Lit, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "Nation-building – Bosnia and Hercegovina"

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Hoare, Marko Attila. "The Partisans in Western Bosnia, c. July 1941–October 1942." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0006.

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The Partisan movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina varied in character according to region. In western Bosnia, the region known as ‘Bosanska Krajina’, the Partisans operated autonomously in relation to the Bosnian Partisan command in East-Bosnia. The Partisan movement in Bosanska Krajina went through the same phases as the Partisan movement in the eastern parts of Bosnia-Hercegovina of initial co-operation with Chetnik elements, followed by the breakdown of co-operation, followed by outright war. Yet the very different geographical circumstances of Bosanska Krajina, combined with its stronger and more resilient Communist organization, meant that the Partisan movement there survived and flourished while its counterpart to the east decayed and collapsed. Not only were the Bosanska Krajina Partisans more successful in their confrontation with the Chetniks, but they were more successful in implementing the new Communist policy of building a genuinely multinational guerrilla army that encompassed Croats and Muslims as well as Serbs. Consequently, Bosanska Krajina became not just the heartland of the Bosnian Partisan movement, but the centre of activities of the Yugoslav Partisans as a whole.
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Hasić, Jasmin. "Bosnia And Herzegovina." In Health Politics in Europe, 948–57. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860525.003.0045.

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This chapter offers an in-depth look at health politics and the social health insurance system in the separate entities that make up Bosnia and Herzegovina. It traces the development of the healthcare system in Bosnia and Herzegovina, marked by the introduction of self-managed insurance system during communism. After Bosnia and Herzegovina declared independence in 1992 following the breakup of the SFRY, the health system deteriorated during the devastating Bosnian War, and the nation-building process dominated the political agenda. Since 1996, facilitated by international organizations, health politics has focused on remodeling the socialist self-managed insurance system towards a more standard social insurance system with market elements. While the Republika Srpska entity has a centralized social insurance system, in the Federacija Bosne i Hercegovine entity the social insurance is decentralized, governed independently by ten cantons. As described in the chapter, the main healthcare issues have been the significant portion of uninsured, inequalities in health access both across and within regions, the high cost of private health services, and difficulties with collecting sufficient insurance contributions due to high rates of unemployment and informal employment.
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"The Formation of a ‘Muslim’ Nation in Bosnia-Hercegovina: a Historiographic Discussion." In The Ottomans and the Balkans, 267–304. BRILL, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047400608_010.

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Hoare, Marko Attila. "From Serb Rebellion to Bosnian Revolution, c. December 1941–March 1942." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0004.

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The irretrievable breakdown of Partisan–Chetnik relations in Bosnia-Hercegovina and the beginning of open enmity between the two movements had profound consequences for the practices of both, as each moved away from the centre ground towards their respective political extremes. For the Chetniks, the break with the Partisans involved the progressive abandonment of all pretence at resistance to the occupying powers, the shift to outright alliance with the quisling regime in Serbia on a Great Serb nationalist basis, and the adoption of a more systematically genocidal policy towards the non-Serb population. For the Communists, the break involved the adoption of a more radical left-wing outlook that would have negative short-term consequences for the movement. But it also involved a shift from an essentially military strategy based on leading a predominantly Serb armed struggle against the Ustashas, to a political struggle aimed at building a genuinely multinational movement of Croats, Muslims, and Serbs against the ‘reactionary bourgeoisie’ of all nationalities. This shift would transform the Partisan movement from a Serb rebellion into a Bosnian Revolution: in other words, into a movement for radical political and social change on an all-Bosnian basis. Yet it would be many months before this policy would bear fruit for the Communists.
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"From Dayton to Brussels: The Impact of EU and NATO Conditionality on State Building in Bosnia & Hercegovina." In EU Conditionality in the Western Balkans, 145–72. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203722183-12.

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"American nation-building abroad: Exceptional powers, broken promises and the making of ‘Bosnia’." In Mediation and Liberal Peacebuilding, 38–55. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203084052-9.

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Marko-Stöckl, Edith. "Identity Formation, State- and Nation-building in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo: On Historical Continuities and Discontinuities of Minority Conflicts in South East Europe." In European Integration and its Effects on Minority Protection in South Eastern Europe, 11–53. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co KG, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845210827-11.

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Gilbert, Andrew C. "The Limits of Foreign Authority." In International Intervention and the Problem of Legitimacy, 33–63. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750267.003.0003.

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This chapter shows how foreign officials, like the High Representative and a range of Bosnian political elites, used mass publicity to legitimize and authorize their state-building actions and delegitimize those of their opponents. It investigates how Wolfgang Petritsch used the media to engage domestic politicians in attempts to guide their behavior toward foreign state-building goals, even as they sought to shape his actions to serve their own goals. In doing so, the chapter identifies political innovations as well as important limits to internationally instigated political transformation. In discursively stabilizing the ambivalence of his position, Petritsch relied upon and reproduced an image of postwar Bosnia and Herzegovina as caught in a transitory temporality, a temporary state of exception to the normal nation-state order of things. Operating according to a logic of ambivalence afforded Petritsch a calculated flexibility to tack back and forth between various positions of legitimacy and authority.
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