Academic literature on the topic 'Nation-birth link'

The concept of linguistic nationalism is first recorded for England in the 16th century, when the dominance of English had to be re-established in fields like the law, science and administration. In the centuries that followed, statements underlining the link between national language and nation are few — even on the Celtic fringe. It was the American Revolution which gave birth to a new centre of anglophones proud of their independent standards; a similar development but with increasingly weaker results has affected Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa. Second-language countries like India are trailing even further behind, not to mention the problems of creole communities like those in the Caribbean, West Africa or the Southwest Pacific. My paper looks at these communities for evidence of a correlation between linguistic and political independence, standardization and prestige associated with use of the vernacular, and discusses problems connected with the development of alternatives like the standardization of an indigenous language to serve as a badge of national prestige, and as an expression of democratic intentions.

Over the last decade a number of historical dramas, including Selma (Ava DuVernay, 2014), Twelve Years a Slave (Steve McQueen, 2013), and The Birth of a Nation (Nate Parker, 2016), have been the recipients of numerous accolades, screening at festivals and winning prestigious awards. The films are linked by a focus on the past, particularly the antebellum and Civil Rights eras, and a shared commitment to providing historical narratives from African American perspectives. In many ways, they continue in the tradition of the slave narrative/abolitionist melodrama, with Twelve Years a Slave perhaps the closest embodiment of the genre and Selma, despite its more contemporary setting, a close second. At first glance, the green-lighting of such historical films, particularly those that capitalize on the genre's melodramatic aspects, can be interpreted as signaling the industry's belief that antiblack racism is a thing of the past, or perhaps a conviction that American society is ready to face its “original sin” of slavery. A more generous interpretation might suggest a genuine media interest in African American history. Regardless, the continuing engagement with such narratives raises important questions about the longstanding relationship between cinema and history, and the former's capacity to relate African American stories within a medium that has its own troubled representational past as a birthright, one memorialized in D. W. Griffith's The Birth of a Nation (1915). Films such as Nate Parker's The Birth of a Nation and Selma reflect upon and refract many pasts and presents, prompting considerations of what's changed, and, more importantly, what hasn't. They also raise questions about the feasibility of the historical genre's ability to convey black history, especially when the form is overdetermined by contemporary expectations of historical accuracy. If Hollywood's plantation/Civil Rights formula no longer works, then productive alternatives can be created, either in fiction or nonfiction film, that cannot only relate the past but also link that past to the ongoing effects of antiblack racism in the twenty-first century.

This article attempts to analyze the process of selective history and hegemony-making in Singapore, and makes the following arguments. Firstly, the birth of the nation-state led the political elites to rely on several hegemonic ideologies as founding myths, chief of which is the idea of ‘survival’. Secondly, to create and sustain these ideologies, two things needed to be done concurrently: de-emphasize the Malay-ness of the nation’s past; and accentuate the racial/religious nature of sources to instability. Finally, the article makes the claim that these ideologies have been successfully perpetuated, and outlines the contours of this success. In making these arguments, the article hopes to argue against Singapore ‘exceptionalism’ in studies on democratization, and further contends that the link between ideas, history and authoritarianism needs to be considered more seriously.

Purpose Many low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) are struggling to reduce maternal mortality rates, despite increased efforts by the United Nations through the implementation of their Millennium Development Goals program. Industrialized nations, such as Canada, have a collaborative role to play in raising the global maternal health standards. The purpose of this paper is to propose policy approaches for Canadians and other Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) nations who wish to assist in reducing maternal mortality rates. Design/methodology/approach Ten Canadian health experts with experience in global maternal health were interviewed. Using qualitative analytical methods, the authors coded and themed their responses and paired them with peer-reviewed literature in this area to establish a model for improving global maternal health and survival rates. Findings Findings from this study indicated that maternal health may be improved by establishing a collaborative approach between interdisciplinary teams of health professionals (e.g. midwives, family physicians, OB/GYNs and nurses), literacy teachers, agriculturalists and community development professionals (e.g. humanitarians with diverse linguistic and cultural backgrounds). From this, a conceptual approach was devised for elevating the standard of maternal health. This approach includes specifications by which maternal health may be improved, such as gender justice, women’s literacy, freedom from violence against women, food and water security and healthcare accessibility. This model is based on community health center (CHC) models that integrate upstream changes with downstream services may be utilized by Canada and other OECD nations in efforts to enhance maternal health at home and abroad. Research limitations/implications Maternal mortality may be reduced by the adoption of a CHC model, an approach well suited for all nations regardless of economic status. Establishing such a model in LMICs would ideally establish long-term relationships between countries, such as Canada and the LMICs, where teams from supporting nations would collaborate with local Ministries of Health, non-government organizations as well as traditional birth attendants and healthcare professionals to reduce maternal mortality. Practical implications All OECD Nations ought to donate 0.7 percent of their GDP toward international community development. These funds should break the tradition of “tied aid”, thereby removing profit motives, and genuinely contribute to the wellbeing of people in LMICs, particularly women, children and others who are vulnerable. The power of partnerships between people whose aims are genuinely focused on caring is truly transformative. Social implications Canada is not a driver of global maternal mortality reduction work but has a responsibility to work in partnership with countries or regions in a humble and supportive role. Applying a comprehensive and interdisciplinary approach to reducing maternal mortality in the Global South includes adopting a CHC model: a community development approach to address social determinants of health and integrating various systems of evidence-informed healthcare with a commitment to social justice. Interdisciplinary teams would include literacy professionals, researchers, midwives, nurses, family physicians, OB/GYNs and community development professionals who specialize in anti-poverty work, mediation/dialogue and education campaigns that emphasize the value of all people regardless of their gender, ethnicity, religion and income. Diasporic Canadians are invaluable members of these teams due to their linguistic and cultural knowledge as well as their enthusiasm for working with their countries of origin. Establishment of long-term partnerships of 5–10 years between a Canadian team and a region or nation in the Global South that is dedicated to reducing maternal mortality and improving women’s health are valuable. Canada’s midwifery education programs are rated as world leaders so connecting midwives from Canada with those of the Global South will facilitate essential transfer of knowledge such as using birth plans and other evidence-based practices. Skilled attendants at the birth place will save women’s lives; in most cases, trained midwives are the most appropriate attendants. Video link to a primer about this paper by Dr Farah Shroff: https://maa.med.ubc.ca/videos-and-media/. Originality/value There are virtually no retrievable articles that document why OECD nations ought to work with nations in the LMICs to improve maternal health. This paper outlines the reasons why it is important and explains how to do it well.

Abstract The analytical-interpretative study examines the depiction of literary characters in the lyrical-epic work Detvan written by Andrej Sládkovič. It interprets the ingenious system of relations between the Slovak nation represented by the main character Martin and King Matthias Corvinus. The study notes the shifts in meaning and symbolization of relationships in this work and reveals the influence of national ideology in the creation of characters and their relations. It proves that the relationship between the king and the main character is a poetic expression of the national program, and that the story line is determined by the Slovak autostereotype of a peaceful nation. The article was written on the occasion of the 200th anniversary of Andrej Sládkovič’s birth.

In February 1915, upon viewing The Birth of a Nation at a special White House screening, President Woodrow Wilson reportedly remarked, “It's like writing history with lightning. My only regret is that it is all so terribly true.” This line has appeared in numerous books and articles over the past seventy years. This article examines the history of this alleged quotation and the sources where it has appeared. The article weighs the evidence that Wilson effusively praised in these words one of the most racist major movies in American history.

46 Background: How people die lives on in the memory of those who survive. It is therefore pivotal for palliative teams to help craft an ending in line with patient and family goals. It has been observed in a tertiary cancer centre that there is often a spiritual imperative for patients to return to their nation of birth, once treatment is stopped and mortality accepted. Methods: Retrospective chart review of 3 patients repatriated for end of life care to their nation of birth (Romania, Portugal, Ireland), focusing on: the conversations about the goal of repatriation and its meaning to the patient; the practical barriers and enablers of repatriation of patients with advanced cancer. Follow-up interview with bereaved families to establish impact of repatriation. Results: Chart review revealed multi-layered hesitant conversations, often facilitated by the palliative care team, to establish that getting ‘home’ meant returning to the country of birth. This became an overarching pre-occupation for the patient, family and team. Patients were not concerned whether they were transferred to a hospital, hospice or family home – it was the country that mattered. There was huge anxiety and little objectivity about fitness to travel. Nurses were more anxious than doctors. Patient and family expressed least anxiety. There was a knowledge deficit regarding fitness to fly, whether an escort was needed, the respiratory and metabolic effects of flight, and how to maximize wellbeing on the journey. Reassurance was gained if the transfer was to a hospital, with greater concern if the transfer was to a community setting. Follow-up interviews with bereaved families are still in progress. Initial findings suggest no regrets in terms of the decision to fly home, and that self-esteem improved with familiarity and social connection. Conclusions: The practical anxieties of health professionals often act as delays to repatriation at the end of life. Checklists to facilitate these journeys would ensure that the process does not need to be learnt each time, and that windows of opportunity are not missed. Achievement of spiritual goals for a loved one is hugely important to those who live on.

This study analyzes U.S. newspaper coverage of the merger of the automobile manufacturers Daimler-Benz and Chrysler. It argues that a discourse of national distinctions was created through a major public relations effort that was accepted by elite U.S. newspapers. To substantiate a “merger of equals,” the public relations department of DaimlerChrysler tied its campaign to the mythic frames of “marriage” and “birth.” The ensuing appropriation of “marriage” as mythic category by journalists resulted in a story line along an “objective” idealized equilibrium that was structured by national difference and reduced the coverage to a few players. This meant a failure to help readers understand the global relevance of this merger, the oligopolistic tendencies of the car industry, and the global dependencies of the world economy. Ultimately, the coverage supported an ethnocentric vision of capitalism, which suggests an underlying resistance to economic globalization and the dissolution of the nation-state.

In the article, Ismail Kadaré's 1986 novel, The Shadow, is analysed as a form of apologia pro vita sua about the deformations of life under a dictatorial regime. This interpretation demonstrates that Kadaré was a dissident in his own terms during the reign of the dictatorial regime and that this type of opposition was something different from the political and ideological critique of post-totalitarianism. Throughout his work, Kadaré has suggested the existence of an alternative Albania to that of the regime, intimating that the historical roots of his nation can give birth to different versions of Albanian identity to that propagated by the Albanian Party of Labour. Using the figure of the legendary Albanian hero, Konstantine, in The Shadow, The Twilight of the Steppe Gods, and elsewhere in his oeuvre, Kadaré links the contemporary problematics of dissidence and existential authenticity under the dictatorship to historical patterns of Albanian culture and individual existence.

On August 27, 1862, the much-loved crown prince and heir apparent to the throne of the Kingdom of Hawai'i died tragically and inexplicably at the tender age of four. Prince Albert Edward Kauikeaouli Kaleiopapa, the beloved child of a long line of chiefs, was the only son of Alexander Liholiho (Kamehameha IV) and Emma Na'ea (Queen Emma). He was believed to be the last child to be born to a reigning Hawaiian monarch and the last hope of the Kamehameha Dynasty. Adored by the Hawaiian public, his birth was celebrated for days throughout the islands. Likewise, his untimely death was mourned for years to come as it left his parents heartbroken and the Hawaiian nation without a constitutionally recognized heir. One of the Hawaiian newspapers is quoted as saying, “The death of no other person could have been so severe a blow to the King and his people.” The following year, the King himself died of grief and despair.

Taking up the persistent phenomena of statelessness across the world, this thesis explores the nexus between stateless Roma and registration practices. The current issue of lack of registration perpetuates statelessness, however, is largely under researched. This fact warrants a thorough examination of registration historically, studying the processes onto which the practice depends today. Using theoretical concepts such as nation-birth link, biopolitics, and inclusive-exclusion this thesis argues when studying the case of stateless Roma, an oscillating pattern of registration is revealed between nonregistration and registration. This is understood as exclusionary and racialised techniques to control, surveil, and regulate the behaviour and movement of the ‘outsider’ – registration is a biopolitical tool of drawing these lines. The study uses an exploratory research design coupled with a genealogy-inspired method which allows us to critically examine and uncover the processes onto which the stateless phenomena depend.

This introduction orients this book’s argument surrounding history’s visibility. It points to a tradition of visualizing history initiated by D. W. Griffith’s infamous Birth of a Nation and suggests links between it and a later critical tradition of falsely presuming history’s accessibility. It takes up recent challenges to politicized cultural scholarship and identifies the book’s investment in examining the terms on which so-called American art and culture have been defined. Edgar Allan Poe’s Pym and Herman Melville’s “Benito Cereno” offer templates for the later discussions of writers’ and filmmakers’ choice to eschew direct representations of history. It links these moves to New Formalist methodology and places the study’s approach within this field, describing the book’s moves from treating modernist writers to discussing the postmodern cinema of Stanley Kubrick and the Coen brothers. It takes up a tenet of modernist scholarship that questions notions of a putatively transcendent, disembodied subject.

The Birth of a Nation is one of the most popular and most reviled films in American history, and it continues to influence racial discourse, drawing a clear line from its release in 1915 to white supremacism today. A film can shape the way we see ourselves and see others and can even be the cause of violence when it encourages violent responses to societal issues. White supremacist marchers in Charlottesville one hundred years later were echoing the derogatory messages of this film, the first to be screened in the White House. Yet despite its hateful messages, the film is a cinematic masterpiece. Part of our attempt to grapple with The Birth of a Nation is our recognition that, as James Baldwin noted, the film is simultaneously an artistic gem and a work of vile propaganda.

The fourth chapter asks why the figure of the child continues to circulate at all. What sentiments attaches to the child under conditions of neoliberalism and its regimes of flexible accumulation? Once upon a time, perhaps, the figure of the child served as a link between the domestic interior and the national domestic, therefore centralizing sexuality and reproduction as the basis for economic vitality and designating the vigor of the household as the mechanism by which the nation rises and falls. By analyzing Margaret Atwood’s 1985 The Handmaid’s Tale next to her MaddAddam trilogy, this chapter explores how humanity’s age of “somatic capitalism” (neoliberalism + biopolitics of reproduction) requires the constrained vitality offered by reproduction and its issues.

The introductory chapter outlines a theory of early cinema in Brazil and its relationship to the country’s invention of modernity. Theories and examinations of early film’s relationship to modernity have by and large focused on the medium’s links to changes and transformations wrought by the advent of industrialization. Noting that such transformations were not present in Brazil, the introduction outlines how early film in Brazil—that is, its arrival and dissemination—were linked instead to a political project impelled by the first Republican regime, one that sought to transform the country into modern nation-state of order and progress. The chapter maps ways in which this imbrication between film and this project laid the foundations for the birth Brazilian cinema and modernity in Brazil. In doing so, it provides an alternative modernity of early cinema.