Academic literature on the topic 'Nani (Asian people)'

AbstractThe once-unified indigenous northeast Asian people known as the Hezhe in China and the Nanai in Russia are little-discussed in any discipline, but their long experiences of cross-border division and, more recently, renewed inter-community contact, offer us a new framework for understanding both Chinese and Russian states in the region. As I show here ethnographically, today's Hezhe in northern Heilongjiang province (China) and Nanai in Khabarovsk territory (Russia) live amid the physical furniture of very different polities. But rather than merely reflecting their separation, I argue, these distinct surroundings in fact invite us to consider how the incorporation of Nanai/Hezhe into China and Russia have been constituted in important ways by the uses and flows of material objects. In support of this argument, which draws on recent anthropological insights concerning materiality to push back against existing identity-, landscape-, or production-focused theories of Chinese and Russian power, I examine sources in several languages to develop a longue durée account of materially mediated interactions between Nanai/Hezhe and China and Russia. From early imperial tribute through to socialist command economies to postsocialist cross-border trade, I show how—with notable continuity—states have been embodied in flows and usage of goods, bringing about the incorporation of Hezhe and Nanai into separate realms with immanent material existences.

At least five specimens constituting the small group of Chorasmian silver vessels present an image of the Mesopotamian goddess Nana who was very popular in pre-Islamic Central Asia. One silver bowl found in Dagestan at present kept in the State Hermitage Museum is embellished with the image of a deity sitting on a dragon whose identity is not clear. Scholars considered this deity to be a woman because of her clean-shaven face, long hair and garments. However, Kushan rulers had been representing on their coins one Zoroastrian god as a woman since the 2nd century A.D. He was Tir, the god of the planet Mercury who had connections to the Avestan rain god Tishtrya. Despite the problematic associations between Tir and Tishtrya, Central Asian peoples had superimposed this Zoroastrian god to Mesopotamian Nabu who was the patron of scribes and the original “husband” of Nana. Nabu’s symbolic animal was a dragon that is very similar to the one on the Chorasmian bowl from Dagestan. Most likely, Chorasmian artists kept reproducing on their metalwork iconographic elements that originated in Mesopotamia after adapting them to their own religious and cultural sphere.

In this study, the authors summarised and analysed the results of national statistical surveys in the period 2017-2020 on equipment, human resources, radionuclide imaging studies, and radiopharmaceuticals of nuclear medicine centres, thereby assessing the current status and prospects of nuclear medicine technology application in Vietnam, comparing it with the planned objectives to 2020, and serving as the basis for the planning in the period of 2021-2030. The results of the statistical survey showed that there has been a rapid development of the network of nuclear medicine centres in Vietnam in the period of implementing the detailed plan for the development and application of radiation in health up to 2020. Vietnam, with over 97 million people, has a total of 41 nuclear medicine centres, of which 36 are equipped with radionuclide imaging machines, including 45 SPECT and SPECT/CT, 14 PET/CT, 6 cyclotrons in Hanoi, Da Nang, Ho Chi Minh city, and 1 nuclear research reactor in Da Lat. Nearly 0.6 radionuclide imaging equipment per 1 million people has been reached, 35% of provinces and central cities have nuclear medicine centres equipped with radionuclide imaging equipment. The total number of nuclear medicine human resources in Vietnam is estimated at 180 doctors, 90 medical physics staff, and 190 technicians. The geographical distribution of nuclear medicine centres is mainly concentrated in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh city with 62% of radionuclide imaging equipment and 80% of radionuclide imaging studies in 2019. Although the objectives of the detailed plan until 2020 have not been achieved, the field of nuclear medicine technology application in Vietnam has rapidly developed for the last ten years and achieved many important signs of progress ranking in the top three in ASEAN. It is necessary to develop a roadmap for the development of a nuclear medicine network in the future; with a priority to invest in developing quality human resources, applying modern hybrid imaging technology, and a program of producing radiopharmaceutical substances based on cyclotron and research reactor which shall be integrated into the Atomic Energy Application Development Plan for the period 2021-2030, vision to 2050.

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) isconsidered as the ‘flagship’ project of China’s Belt andRoad Initiative (BRI) and has been widely acclaimedby both Chinese and Pakistani officials often terming itas ‘game-changer’ to overcome Pakistan’s lingeringissues of energy and economic crisis. Within theframework of CPEC, China is investing more than 56billion US dollars as Foreign Direct Investment (FDI)in various energy and infrastructure projects includinga vast network of railways, highways, economic zonesand gas pipelines. While much has been debated andwritten about various projects under CPEC in theexisting academic discourses, vis-à-vis threats to thebiodiversity (Nabi et al., 2017), its potentialimplications to environmental hazards (Ali, 2018) andto overcome energy shortfall of Pakistan (Kugelman,2017). However, scientific study to reinforce the issuesof environmental pollution, particularly related toCEPEC coal-based energy projects have been stilllacking.The pertained literature on CPEC consisted qualitativestudies to inspect and judge different aspects such asimportance of CPEC for both countries and its effectson geo political of South Asia. Challenges for CPEC inPakistan, South Asia and foreign policy betweenChina-Pakistan), as Nan, (2015) explained that thisproject is not only valuable for Pakistan and China, butit is also beneficial for the global economy byincluding several other countries. Furthermore, Li andSun, (2015) and Irshad, etal, (2015) reported theimportance of CPEC and it long and short-termbenefits for both countries. Further, Hussain and Khan(2017) also stated that it will enhance the cooperationbetween two countries and advantageous for Chinese,Middle Eastern and South Asian people (Ali, 2016).Further, Wolf, (2017) explained the insights, potentialsand challenges concerning CPEC and domestic levelcooperation between China and Pakistan.In addition, quantitative studies focused to shed a lighton the impact of China Pakistan Economic Corridor(CPEC) (Such as, impact on gdp, socio-economy,trade, stock market, energy sector and infrastructure).CPEC will build rails and roads infrastructure andinfrastructure development may decrease the povertyand increases the agriculture development in Pakistan(Ahmed & Mustafa, 2016). Most recent articleexamined the impact of CPEC impact on energy(energy consumption and energy saving potential) inthe prospect of Pakistan (Mirza, Fatima, Ullah, 2019).A latest study surveyed in Pakistan and their researchresults shows that entrepreneur’s attitude andintentions to China and Pakistan Economic Corridor(CPEC) development is positive, it means CPECproject also designing an entrepreneurial environment(Kanwal et al., 2019).A large number of studies (Begum, etal., 2015; Ozturk,and Acaravci, 2010) have discussed various elementsand causes of CO2 emissions. Similarly, manyresearches (Khurshid, etal., 2018; Hadi, etal., 2018;Hussain, 2017; Hussain, 2015) on Pakistan-Chinarelations in the context of economy, society andgeopolitical point of view. Present study is aimed toinvestigate the CPEC development effects i.e. grossdomestic product (gdp), foreign direct investment (fdi),trade openness (top), energy consumption (enguse) onenvironmental pollution (CO2) in Pakistan usingFMOLS and DOLS methods.

Background: Hypertension cases globally reach 22% of the world's total population, and are estimated to continue to increase every year. The impact of hypertension can cause complications of other heart diseases. Management techniques that can be used to overcome this with complementary therapy are energy-based or bioenergy therapy. Although several studies have used energy therapy, there has been no systematic examination of the effect of energy therapy on changes in blood pressure and anxiety. Purpose: To identify the bioenergetics actions that most influence changes in blood pressure, pulse rate and anxiety. Method: Systematic review research using PRISMA, PICO flow diagram, and searching for English language articles published in 2013 -2023. The databases used are PubMed, Scopus, Science Direct, Taylor & Francis. This research uses tools for the data selection process to extraction and CASP instruments to evaluate articles. Results: All articles used a randomized controlled trial design. The number of samples used ranged from 42-150 people from Asian and American ethnicity. Three articles about healing touch and Reiki can lower systolic, diastolic blood pressure and anxiety. Meanwhile, in one of the articles, Reiki is able to reduce systolic and diastolic blood pressure. One article healing touch affects anxiety. Both healing touch and Reiki articles had no effect on reducing systolic, diastolic blood pressure or anxiety. All research has medium and high method quality and meets the quality assessment components. Of the seven articles studied, there were differences in the influence on changes in blood pressure and anxiety. Conclusion: Bioenergy therapy can reduce blood pressure and anxiety. Keywords: Anxiety; Bioenergy; Blood pressure; Complementary Therapies; Hypertension. Pendahuluan: Kasus hipertensi secara global sebesar 22% dari total populasi dunia, diperkirakan setiap tahunnya meningkat. Dampak dari hipertensi dapat menyebabkan komplikasi penyakit jantung lainnya. Teknik manajemen yang dapat digunakan dalam mengatasinya dengan terapi komplementer yaitu terapi berbasis energi atau bioenergi. Meskipun beberapa penelitian banyak menggunakan terapi energi, namun belum ditemukan sistematis yang meneliti terapi energi yang berpengaruh terhadap perubahan tekanan darah dan anxiety. Tujuan: Untuk mengidentifikasi tindakan bioenergi yang paling berpengaruh terhadap perubahan tekanan darah, nadi, dan anxiety. Metode: Penelitian sistematik review menggunakan diagram alur PRISMA, PICO, dan mencari artikel bahasa Inggris yang diterbitkan dari tahun 2013 -2023. Database yang digunakan adalah PubMed, Scopus, Science Direct, Taylor & Francis. Penelitian menggunakan tool covidence untuk proses seleksi data sampai ekstraksi dan instrumen CASP dalam mengevaluasi artikel. Hasil: Semua artikel menggunakan desain randomized controlled trials, Jumlah sampel yang digunakan berkisaran 42--150 orang dari etnik Asia dan Amerika. Tiga artikel healing touch dan Reiki dapat menurunkan tekanan darah sistolik, diastolic, dan anxiety. Sedangkan satu artikel Reiki dapat menurunkan tekanan darah sistolik dan diastolik. Satu artikel healing touch memengaruhi anxiety. Dua artikel healing touch dan Reiki tidak memiliki pengaruh terhadap penurunan tekanan darah sistolik, diastolic, maupun anxiety. Seluruh penelitian memiliki kualitas metode sedang dan tinggi serta memenuhi komponen penilaian kualitas. Dari ketujuh artikel yang diteliti terdapat perbedaan pengaruh terhadap perubahan tekanan darah dan anxiety. Simpulan: Terapi energi bioenergi dapat memengaruhi penurunan tekanan darah dan anxiety. Kata Kunci: Anxiety; Bioenergi; Hipertensi; Tekanan Darah; Terapi Komplementer.

Предмет статьи составляют сказочные и эпические тексты, содержащие мотив девушек-лебедей и роли этих персонажей в повествовании. Автор рассматривает калмыцкие, тувинские, бурятские, долганские, якутские, кетские, хантыйские, мансийские, эвенкийские, эвенские, орочские, нанайские, юкагирские и чукотские тексты, содержащие мотив лебедей, превращающихся в девушек, у одной из которых юноша крадет оперение, и девушка не может вернуть себе облик птицы. Обычно этот мотив связан с добыванием жены героем или одним из братьев. Поиски улетевшей девушки-лебедя героем-юношей осуществляются в разных сферах нарративного пространства: в системе трех миров, общей для народов, чьи традиции рассматриваются в работе, в Среднем мире – мире людей и в мире с новыми реалиями, в городе (ханты и манси). Мы смогли выяснить примерную хронологию эволюции мотива и его включения в разные сюжеты: сюжеты об умном и глупом брате в сочетании с мотивом девушек-лебедей у тунгусов представляют собой локальную инновацию. Идея о тотемистическом происхождении мотива девушек-лебедей и их связь с миром божеств остается актуальной, финалы повествований разнообразны и показывают конструктивный потенциал мотива. У долган и ряда других народов вместо лебедей в мотиве присутствуют журавли-стерхи, но у большинства народов журавли не показывают связи с девушками, превращающимися в птиц (только у чукчей есть девушка-журавль, но вариант такой сказки единственный), хотя этот вопрос требует дальнейшего исследования. Исключительно интересны мотивы превращения людей (женщин и мужчин) в птиц в связи со сменой композиционного понятия точки зрения, частично указывающие на генезис сюжетов и стимулирующие поиски других сюжетов, показывающих смену точки зрения в повествованиях при сравнении мотивов в разных текстах и в разных традициях, равно как и проявления самого понятия точки зрения в фольклорных текстах. Исследование имеет важное значение для составления и комментирования различных изданий Сводов фольклора, составляемых по региональному или этническому принципу. Вне суммирования данных о сюжетах непонятны тексты, представляющие частные локальные традиции, где он встречается, в частности тунгусских народов. The subject of the article is fabulous and epic texts containing the motif of the girls-swans and the role of these characters in the story. The author considers Kalmyk, Tuvan, Buryat, Dolgan, Yakut, Ket, Khanty, Mansi, Evenki, Even, Oroch, Nanai, Yukagir and Chukchi texts containing the motif of swans turning into girls, one of which a young man steals plumage, and the girl cannot regain the appearance of a bird. Usually this motif is associated with the extraction of a wife by a hero or one of the brothers. Searches for a swan-girl who flew away as a hero-boy are carried out in different areas of the narrative space: in a system of three worlds common to peoples whose traditions are considered in work, in the Middle World – the world of people and in the world with new realities, in the city (Khanty and Mansi). We were able to find out an approximate chronology of the evolution of the motif and its inclusion in various stories: stories about a smart and stupid brother in combination with the motif of swan girls from the Tungus are a local innovation. The idea of the totemic origin of the motif of girls‑swans and their connection with the world of deities remains relevant, the endings of the narratives are diverse and show the constructive potential of the motif. Dolgans and a number of other peoples have cranes in their motif instead of swans, but for most peoples cranes do not show any connection with girls turning into birds. The motifs of people (women and men) turning into birds in connection with a change in the compositional concept of a point of view are extremely interesting, partially pointing to the genesis of the plots and stimulating the search for other plots that show a change of point of view in the narratives when comparing motifs in different texts and in different traditions.

Introduction There has been a long history of contact between Indigenous and Chinese people in Australia. This is clearly evident within contemporary Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities through the significant presence of individuals with Chinese ancestry. Early Indigenous-Chinese contact, however, was not sanctioned by White authorities: such contact was seen to contest White dominion and counter government anti-miscegenation policy. Through incorporating the voices of contemporary descendants of Indigenous-Chinese unions, this paper demonstrates how White authorities resorted to removal legislation to reassert their position within normative racial discourse. Contact "In these perilous times (1996), when race in Australia has suddenly become a respectable topic and there flows forth a plethora of words on and about Aborigines and Asians - the most visible, it seems, of the minorities in this land - it is perhaps pertinent to remember that, once, the two came together during those times when being descended from the Indigenous peoples of Australia was seen as a liability." (Mudrooroo 259) Contact between Indigenous and Chinese people in Australia has a history that dates back at least 150 years. Early Chinese immigration during the mid to late nineteenth century centred around regional Australia, away from areas highly populated by White colonists (Loh 3). Such regions had significant Indigenous populations, and the absence of White dominance allowed relatively frequent and free association between Indigenous people and the exclusively male Chinese immigrant (Anderson and Mitchell 32-33; Choi 13; Giese 39,46; Jack et al. 52; Keen 175; May 89; Trigger 216). Widespread hostility toward Chinese-White intercultural relationships and marriages throughout Australian society further facilitated more intimate Indigenous-Chinese relationships (May 209). Across Australia, the Indigenous and the Chinese communities suffered the common indignities of segregation from and rejection by White society. Members of both communities endured the regular embarrassment of a White Australian’s objections "to sitting amongst Chinese and aborigines watching manners which are certainly not attractive" (May 140). Newspapers of the time frequently scandalised "the many evils which were rampant among aboriginals and Chinese" ("Relief of Aboriginals" 5). The two cultures were drawn together by their common experience of marginalisation from White society: "The Chinese and the Aboriginals sort of come together You’ve only got to look at, read the history of Chinese and Aboriginal people, how they was, well, genocide too and they sort of come to live together as a people He [Chinese neighbour] didn’t know that we had Chinese in us or anything, he just treated us as, as any normal human being. It’s just that the White people didn’t like us that’s all, so he was sort of struggling through the same sort of thing." "It wasn’t, wasn’t strange to have a name like [Chinese family name]. But to be required to get passes because we were Aboriginal, we were treated as Aborigines I guess. In those early days it was like, in those developing towns, you found on the margins of those communities the Aboriginal community, the Chinese community." In general, relations between the Chinese and Indigenous communities were relatively harmonious with mutual tolerance commonplace, although isolated incidences of violence have been recorded (Anderson and Mitchell 27,36; Evans et al. 257-58; Fisher 88; Giese 25,39,48; Hornadge 21-22; Jones 59; May 209; Reynolds 41; Rolls, Sojourners: Flowers and the Wild Sea 97,194,205,289-90,487; Rolls, Citizens: Flowers and the Wild Sea 34-35,87,100,106-08,188,426). In North Queensland, Aborigines with Chinese language skills even served as translators for the Chinese in their dealings with White Australians (Anderson and Mitchell 31-32). Tensions between Indigenous and Chinese people, it seems, were of less consequence than those between Indigenous and White Australians, who at the time were actively engaged in state-sponsored cultural genocide (Tatz 49-50). Indigenous-Chinese contact led to an evolving social experience that entailed economic security and mutual benefit, including marriage and companionship, the exchange of commodities, opium and alcohol sales, and Indigenous labour for Chinese employers: "Everything was just chaos, messed up, and so I think, on Nana’s side, I can understand Nana, why she done it, because he probably had a future for her – Chinese – he just had a future for her. She knew that her family would be fed and back them days you only worried about a feed and a bed and how to survive. So I think it was a survival thing for her, because the Aboriginal nation was just chaotic and they just messed it right up, they took everybody away." "I know stories from old men from Thursday Island, actually, who used to come through Darwin in the merchant, merchant navy The Chinese and the Murris used to knock around together They’d get a chicken or something from the cargo, you know, and go offer that as a bribe to some of the Aunties to sniff around the daughters The young fellas would sniff around all the daughters, you know, so there was, you know, a very close-knit community, intermarriages all over the place." In Queensland, contact between Indigenous and Chinese people was especially widespread across the northern regions of the state, where there was a demand for rural labour, the allure of the gold rush, maritime trade, agricultural endeavours, and a steady stream of folk from the nearby Northern Territory. Chinese residents outnumbered White Australians by as much as seven to one during the late nineteenth century, as a large concentration of predominantly Chinese men was created in a region remote from the southern administrative centre and seat of government in Brisbane (Jones 56,59,69,72; Ling 19,21-22; Long 29). Challenge White dominion, however, was threatened by the growing alliances between Indigene and Chinese migrant. Indigenous-Chinese contact challenged the settler-colonised binary that had underpinned racial discourse to date, and White authorites sought to counter this threat through legislation. In Queensland, the "Aboriginals Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act 1897" rendered it illegal for Chinese men to cohabit with Aboriginal women, and forbade the employment of Indigenous people by Chinese (Evans et al. 310-11; May 293). Ganter (18) states that in the northern Burketown region, the association of resident Aborigines with local Chinese gardeners "was often a sufficient expression of immorality to warrant removal" to Mornington Island mission for the Aborigines involved. The 1897 Act had conferred regional ‘Protectors’ with peremptory powers over the lives of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders living in their jurisdiction (Blake, "A dumping ground" 1). The Protector had the authority to forcibly remove any Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander person if he deemed it to be in his or her, or the local Indigenous or non-Indigenous community’s, best interest (Blake, "A dumping ground" 51, "Deported" 52-55, Guthrie 7). This authority constituted an arbitrary and absolute mechanism of control over the lives of Queensland Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders: "the threat of removal...was a salutary reminder of the necessity to respect the codes of behaviour and norms of the dominant white society the technique par excellence for maintaining and extending European hegemony" (Blake, "A dumping ground" 68, 83). The behavioural ‘codes’ and ‘norms’ of White society precluded Aboriginal contact with the Chinese; a separation constantly enforced with recourse to the act. Up to 1929, Queensland State Government removal records regularly cite reasons such as "in the habit of frequenting Chinese dens", "acting as spies for Chinese", "living an immoral life harboured by a Chinaman", "hang round Chinese farms and gardens", "frequents Chinese habitations", "frequenting Chinese quarters for opium and prostitution", and "assisting blacks to obtain drugs from Chinese" to vindicate a removal order (Queensland State Archives A/64785, A/69523). A gamut of vices, ranging from espionage, immorality, and substance abuse to drug trafficking, thus became the official pretence for separation of the subjugated groups. Anti-miscegenationist sentiment, too, saw the removal of Chinese-Aboriginal children (Ganter 13; May 210). In 1901 the Queensland Police Commissioner held that in regard to cohabitation between Chinese and Aborigines, "offspring resulting from such intercourse are by no means a desirable addition to the population" (May 210). Fear and Loss White dominion was to ultimately reassert its position at the hub of normative racial discourse, with little space available for Indigenous reflection on Chinese connections: "Dad never spoke about nothing We’re all born with all this long hair and Asian look about us, all of us in the family, and we’re trying to figure where it came from. We all look at each other and think there’s got to be some thing there I don’t know why he never spoke of it or told us about it. I couldn’t question that either, ‘cause I did ask my Grandmother but I suppose you’re to be seen and not heard in some things I probably’ll have questions on my lips for the rest of my life until I find out." "We didn’t sort of consciously grow up hearing a lot about anything Chinese, really. It’s just that we all sort of had some aspect of the look like really dark blue-black hair, slanty eyes and a couple of the family are very sort of small The stories were always censored and you only got little bits and pieces Like him being Chinese, well, I think that also you just didn’t mention We didn’t grow up hearing a lot about anything Chinese." Removal brought about disconnection and loss: "I’m only just finding it lately, the things that I didn’t know about, you know. Even me [Chinese] Granddad, I didn’t know his name until this year, really! [The mission staff] told ’em forget about your tribe, your language, everything. Think about Jesus." The historical backdrop presented above, in concert with the voices of contemporary descendants of Indigenous and Chinese unions, demonstrate how White authorities employed removal legislation to counter the challenge presented by Indigenous-Chinese contacts. For the members of these communities, who had come together under a climate of shared subjugation, this reassertion of White dominion came at great cost.

We'd eat at Cahill's, Cahill's Family Restaurants I believe they were called, and quite plushy looking ... . At Cahill's we'd eat Viennese Schnitzel, with potato salad and some nice red cabbage salad, sort of pickled ... . Even more exotic was Chicken Maryland, served with a banana and a slice of pineapple in batter. It cost 7s 6d. -- Marion Halligan (11) We migrated in the sixties. Born in Cape Town, I was raised in the heart of Jewish Bondi. The flavours of my youth? Probably equal parts peri-peri, horseradish and chicken booster, not bouquet garni. My introduction to what was 'Australian' food was had in restaurants. And yes, I remember Cahill's, though I can't tell you when exactly, or how much things cost. Mid-sixties. I knew, even then, that there were better restaurants, like the places Dad used to take us with checked tablecloths and bottles with candles dripping wax and fish nets everywhere. His favourites were Mother's Cellar and The Gap at Watson's Bay. I think it's still there. This was before they built Australia Square and Dad became obsessed with the Summit, and of course the Blue Angel, where we never doubted that the lobsters were live. Favourite dishes? I would only eat 'chicken in a basket' or spaghetti bolognaise; well, I was very young, and prone to tears. I can remember my father, losing patience and insisting, "you have a basket for the bread, just put the bloody chicken in it". I can't even remember what it was, probably the same Chicken Maryland Halligan mentions, or a cousin. Fried chicken with a battered pineapple ring and chips of course, sometimes magically grated to form a lattice. I know I enjoyed going out to eat but all meals held the prospect of tension. Visser says the tension arises from the prospect of ending up as a main course. In my case, a mere hors d'œuvre for my sarcastic oldest brother. I was the youngest and unsure how to get the best, the most, as much, or even what I wanted. I wouldn't order until I had read the whole menu, which took long enough even when it wasn't in French or Italian. The menu rarely helped me, rather it served to frustrate my entire family because they knew I was going to order spaghetti or chicken anyway, but that made no difference, the menu had to be read before ordering, and no amount of harassment could convince me otherwise. I love the thought of that child, and her passionate sense of propriety. On special occasions Dad would order Spumante and we would all have a glass, and I felt terribly sophisticated; fortunately the experience doesn't seem to have permanently damaged my palate. Spumante reminded Dad of Italy, the war, you know. Granny used to refer to this as "Henry's trip to Europe". My Dad loved the war, and I'm sure it's not all rosy nostalgia because it was the only time he got away from his family. He drove a truck and didn't have to kill anybody and all we ever heard about was the mud, the black market and the girls. So a glass of cheap, sweet fizzy brought it all back, every time, and who am I to scoff, when the merest whiff of retsina and I'm floating in the bath-flat Aegean under a hot blue sky with anybody called Jani? Cahill's, meanwhile, was in the city, in the days when you 'went to town'. Going to town was always a treat but it depended largely on with whom and why. With Mum it meant serious shopping, and though there was the promise of lunch at David Jones Cafeteria, was it worth the endless hours of torture trying on shoes that were too small and school uniforms which were too big, but of course I would grow into them? And how could a pie with sauce in a plastic packet have been a treat? Going to town with Nana was a different story. It was with some expectation that we would descend into the air-conditioned red-walled cavern that was Cahill's. What I remember about Cahill's was the occasion, and the fish and chips. Nana spent her childhood in a Dickensian orphanage and her adulthood in the North of England, waiting for my grandfather to pick a winner, so I imagine that she felt comfortable with what she knew. That she always ordered fish and chips is only strange because Nana was famous for her fish and chips, perhaps she liked to compare. And I really shouldn't find it odd when I find it difficult to order anything other than fritto misto; in two generations we've progressed to "trefe"1 but not past the deep fryer. So I'm sure that I ordered fish and chips too, or perhaps I ate some of hers, because that was the only thing to do, otherwise she would eat one piece, then look around before coughing theatrically into a serviette which she would then drop, casually, over the other piece and put it in her bag. It was absolutely awful, and we grandchildren loved it when she did that. The other thing I have to say about fish and chips is that we Jews like to eat fried fish cold, but then we don't batter the fish, just flour and egg. I suppose it forms a batter anyway but it doesn't separate from the fish, and we like a solid fish, say kingfish, while Australians seem to go for thinner fillets encased in oily batter. Cahill's did something in between. To follow, tea for Nana, while I always ate fruit salad and ice cream; this I also used to eat on our Saturday afternoon excursions to the 'Cross' which Nana said reminded her of Paris, because it was full of 'artists' like herself. So Nana would sip her tea while I ate my tinned fruit salad and we enjoyed each other and the world, and what a delight for a chatty little girl, the undivided attention of such a beloved adult. I do believe that I will never feel as grown up, ever again, as I did when I was a little girl, out for lunch with my Nana. So as you see I have a sentimental attachment to fish and chips. Their cooking and consumption have flavoured my childhood and possibly yours. The association of fish and chips with that Hanson woman2 is therefore particularly galling, and yet also pertinent. I've never believed that it's just a coincidence that she is purveyor of fish and chips; after all, fish and chips are emblematic of 'Englishness'. Hanson wants Australians to maintain their cultural identification with the mother country, she could hardly have achieved her profile were she the proprietor of a noodle shop. So as you see I have a sentimental attachment to fish and chips. Their cooking and consumption have flavoured my childhood and possibly yours. The association of fish and chips with that Hanson woman2 is therefore particularly galling, and yet also pertinent. I've never believed that it's just a coincidence that she is purveyor of fish and chips; after all, fish and chips are emblematic of 'Englishness'. Hanson wants Australians to maintain their cultural identification with the mother country, she could hardly have achieved her profile were she the proprietor of a noodle shop. Here lies the Great Divide and I fear that I may be part of the problem, not the solution. I am hoist on my hybrid petard, uncomfortably, because much as I dislike elitist Epicureanism I have seen that the reality of what we eat in this country is not always pretty. And all the best efforts of the proselytising 'foodie' media are falling on deaf or already converted ears. Back in the mother country, this battleground is already well trod: there remains something shamefaced about the acceptance of fish and chips as a component of 'Englishness' among the 'better classes' ... . This set of perceptions attaches fish and chips to potent patriotic images of land, countryside, industrial might ... and above all, the notion of Britain as a gallant seafaring notion whose little ships do battle with the elements and the foreign enemy to feed and protect the people. (Walton 2) I see Pauline, wrapped in the flag, battered hake in upraised hand ... and let's not forget that fish and chips were one of our first fast foods, at a time when there was little respite for women, often providing the only hot meal of the day, particularly for workers. Of course the practice was seen to be harmful by health care professionals. The consumption of food prepared outside the home was read as poor mothering, a breakdown in the process of policing of 'proper' families and of course no-one is sure just what sort of mother Pauline is. She appears to be estranged from her older children, a case of one Chiko Roll too many? The irony of fish and chips and Englishness is that, according to Walton, fish and chips also symbolise cultural diversity: viewed in other moods and seen from other angles, of course, the image and associations of fish and chips could be very different. They expressed ethnic diversity as well as simplistic national solidarity, from the strong East End Jewish element in the early days of fish frying in London, through the strong Italian presence in the trade from the turn of the century, in urban Scotland and Ireland especially, to the growing importance of the Chinese and Greek Cypriots in the post-Second World War decades. (2) So fish and chips have played a significant role for a number of ethnic groups. They're ours, not hers. But I'm still troubled, I need to tell the gastronomic mafia that Pacific Rim cuisine won't be Oz food until a significant number of Australians are eating it, and I'm afraid "mainstream Australia, out there" is eating extremely boring food. Could it be that the resentment against Asians is because their food is just so much better? Footnotes 1. trefe: (yiddish) animals, seafood or insects considered impure, abomination, not to be eaten under any circumstances, notably pig and shellfish. 2. Pauline Hanson was elected to the Australian Federal Parliament as an independent candidate in 1996, and soon made her presence known with outspoken comments about Aborigines, (mainly Asian) migrants, and welfare recipients [ed.]. 3. Stephanie Alexander is a noted Australian food writer and restaurateur, and her A Shared Table is the latest of a plethora of Australian television series celebrating our gastronomic abundance. References Halligan,Marion. Eat My Words. Sydney: Collins/Angus and Robertson, 1990. Visser, Margaret. The Rituals of Dinner. New York: Grove/Weidenfeld, 1991. Walton, John K. Fish and Chips and the British Working Class: 1870-1940. Leicester: Leicester UP, 1992. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Felicity Newman. "'You Have a Basket for the Bread, Just Put the Bloody Chicken in It'." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/basket.php>. Chicago style: Felicity Newman, "'You Have a Basket for the Bread, Just Put the Bloody Chicken in It'," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 7 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/basket.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Felicity Newman. (1999) "You have a basket for the bread, just put the bloody chicken in it". M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(7). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/basket.php> ([your date of access]).

Abstract During the COVID-19 pandemic several issues were galvanized as global urgencies. One of which was racism, following reports that Black and low-income communities were disproportionately impacted by the pandemic (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2021) and the lack of race-based data in Canada (Ahmed et al.,2021). But it was the racially induced killing of George Floyd and others that brought global awareness through the Black Lives Matter movement of the extent of structural and institutional racism. We witnessed a convergence of protests regarding anti-Black racism, anti-Indigenous racism, anti-Asian racism, and more recently Islamophobia. These series of events have led to emerging and compelling questions from millennials and Generation Zs within the nursing classroom. Nursing education is called to embrace and draw upon multiple forms of pedagogies, methodologies, and theories that reflect and support student learning and enquiry (Coleman, 2020; Prendergast et al., 2020;). Nursing education’s longstanding history with colonial frameworks, practices, and standards (Holmes, 2008; McGibbon et al, 2014; Waite & Nardi, 2019), attests to the need to decolonize the nursing classroom, which in effect will decolonize colonial practices within clinical settings. One approach to assist nursing education in the classroom and workplace setting is introducing anti-Black racism (ABR) within the nursing curricula. ABR was coined by Akua Benjamin (2003) to explain the historical, lived experiences of African Canadians, and how colonial legacies in policies and institutions continue to mask racist practices. ABR creates spaces of resistances that can protect recipients and providers of the healthcare system and can disclose and rupture any invisible forms of inequitable practices. Based on the four tenets of ABR, which are, history, experience, invisibility, and legacy, ABR creates critical thinking and dialogues across multiple barriers, therefore providing opportunities for transformative learning and action. By implementing ABR within the nursing curricula, nurses may gain meaningful insights into the various ways racism plays out in the lived experiences of Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour by engaging the student into historical events and lived experiences that expound on varied forms of physical, mental and social enslavements. This presentation will conceptually illustrate the relevance of implementing anti-Black racism within Canadian nursing curricula as an effective strategy that can respond to issues pervading the current climate as well as support student learning and development. As nursing has an ethical responsibility to prepare and educate students to care and protect patients, nursing is also called upon to decolonize its classroom, reform educators and students, and create new practices that will reflect a new, post covid curricula. References Ahmed, R., Omer, J., Ishak, W., Nabi, K., & Mustafa, N. (2021). Racial equity in the fight against COVID-19: a qualitative study examining the importance of collecting race-based data in the Canadian context. Tropical Diseases, Travel Medicine and Vaccines, 7, 1-6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40794-021-00138-2 Benjamin, L. A. (2003). The Black/Jamaican criminal: The making of ideology (Publication No.305258209). [Doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global. Coleman, T. (2020). Anti-racism in nursing education: Recommendations for racial justice praxis. Journal of Nursing Education, 59(11), 642-645. doi: 10.3928/01484834-20201020-08 Holmes, D., Roy, B. & Perron, A. (2008). The Use of Postcolonialism in the Nursing Domain. Advances in Nursing Science, 31 (1), 42-51. doi: 10.1097/01.ANS.0000311528.73564.83 McGibbon, E., Mulaudzi, F. M., Didham, P., Barton, S., & Sochan, A. (2014). Toward decolonizing nursing: The colonization of nursing and strategies for increasing the counter‐narrative. Nursing inquiry, 21(3), 179-191. Public Health Agency of Canada. (2020). Social determinants and inequities in health for Black Canadians: A snapshot. https://www.canada.ca/en/public-health/services/health-promotion/population-health/what-determines-health/social-determinants-inequities-black-canadians-snapshot.html Prendergast, N., Abumbi, G., & Beausoleil, L. (2020). An open letter to CNA on the reality of racism in nursing. https://canadian-nurse.com/en/articles/issues/2020/august-2020/an-open-letter-to-cna-on-the-reality-of-racism-in-nursing. Waite, R., & Nardi, D. (2019). Nursing colonialism in America: Implications for nursing leadership. Journal of Professional Nursing, 35(1), 18-25. Nursing education’s longstanding history with colonial frameworks, practices, and standards (Holmes, 2008; McGibbon et al, 2014; Waite & Nardi, 2019), attests to the need to decolonize the nursing classroom, which in effect will decolonize colonial practices within clinical settings. One approach to assist nursing education in the classroom and workplace setting is introducing anti-Black racism (ABR) within the nursing curricula. ABR was coined by Akua Benjamin (2003) to explain the historical, lived experiences of African Canadians, and how colonial legacies in policies and institutions continue to mask racist practices. ABR creates spaces of resistances that can protect recipients and providers of the healthcare system and can disclose and rupture any invisible forms of inequitable practices. Based on the four tenets of ABR, which are, history, experience, invisibility, and legacy, ABR creates critical thinking and dialogues across multiple barriers, therefore providing opportunities for transformative learning and action. By implementing ABR within the nursing curricula, nurses may gain meaningful insights into the various ways racism plays out in the lived experiences of Black, Indigenous, and People of Colour by engaging the student into historical events and lived experiences that expound on varied forms of physical, mental and social enslavements. This presentation will conceptually illustrate the relevance of implementing anti-Black racism within Canadian nursing curricula as an effective strategy that can respond to issues pervading the current climate as well as support student learning and development. As nursing has an ethical responsibility to prepare and educate students to care and protect patients, nursing is also called upon to decolonize its classroom, reform educators and students, and create new practices that will reflect a new, post covid curricula.

French bean (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) is used profusely by the common people as an alternative diet of protein. The sparse nodulation in French bean mainly may be due to lack of threshold level of specific rhizobial cells in soil at the time of sowing. The isolates streaked on YEMA with BTB changed to yellow color showing the production of acid which is the characteristic of Rhizobium. Utilization of different carbon sources is an efficient tool to characterize the isolates. Plant growth promoting rhizobacteria is the beneficial rhizobacteria inoculation of which increases growth and yield of French bean through different direct and indirect mechanisms. Inoculation of French beans with rhizobial and rhizobacterial isolates found to be improved growth, physiological, quality parameters and grain yield through symbiotic N2-fixation capacity and plant growth promoting abilities. Co-inoculation of rhizobial and rhizobacterial isolates enhanced the growth and grain yield of French bean. These isolates may be used as consortium to improve the growth of French bean, which may reduce the dependency of farmer on chemical fertilizer as well as risk of pollution. In this chapter characterization of Rhizobium and plant growth promoting rhizobacteria and their effect on plant growth has been reviewed.

Along with the call towards a climate-neutral economy, one solution that has in recent years become popular is the circular economy. Indonesia has local wisdom, which is a form of circular economy, namely 'waste bank.' The waste bank is a practice of social engineering that encourages people to sort waste from its source so that it can generate economic value. Besides preserving the environment, the waste bank in Indonesia also helps to increase financial inclusion through nano finance for its customers. Through literature studies, observations or field studies, interviews, and using nethnography, this study aims to describe the evolution of waste banks in Indonesia in supporting the circular economy. This study found that waste banking brings not only implications for economy and environment, but also brings implication for social and religious value at the same time. Nano finance in the waste bank is similar to qard al-hasan. In Islamic finance, qard al-hasan is a kindness loan that is recommended as the most appropriate contract to be implemented in ultra-micro community groups.

The application of new lubrication technology has a close relationship with the industrial development of automobile, machinery and transportation. Energy saving and environment protection are main two factors to push lubricants upgrades. Lubricant quality and correct application directly influence the use-life of machine, consumption of energy and environment protection. All over the world, especially in Western developed countries people pay more attention to the research and application of new lubricant technology. The lubricant specifications were reviewed and upgraded continuously according to the requirements of machine, fuel economy and emission. China’s sustained development means the ability to satisfy current human’s requirement as well as not to destroy nature resources for next generation. That also means we must balance the fast development of economy, society, resources and environment, we must protect natural resources and environment such as water, ocean, lands and forest which we live on, which can keep our next generation developing. Research and application of new lubricant technology is basic issues to keep China’s economy continuously growing. China’s petroleum consumption increased rapidly during the recent decades. There are two rapid period within 25 years after China’s application of opening and reform policy. The first is from 1978 to 1990, the whole petroleum consumption increased from 913 million to 1.18 billion tons respectively, increasing rate is 2.0% per year. The second was from 1991 to 2003, petroleum consumption increased from 1.18 billion to 2.74 billion tons, increasing rate was up to 6.7% per year. If we compare 2003 with 2001, the net petroleum consumption amount had increased 42million tons, increase rate is 8.7% per year. China now becomes one of biggest petroleum consumption country. The efficiency of China’s petroleum consumption is low. According to world petroleum consumption level (ton per thousand U.S. Dollar, GDP), China consumes four times more petroleum than that of Japan, three times of that of European, two times of that of USA. The wide application of low-grade lubricating oil and the lack of new lubrication technology are the main cause of the low-efficient petroleum usage. In the future decades petroleum shortages will be more and more strict in China, and it will have an important role in the delay of economic development and national safety. It is our lubricants workers duty to develop and apply the new lubrication technology to enhance the use efficiency of petroleum, to prevent our reliable environment and to push the China’s sustainable development. The world total consumption quantity of lubricating oil keeps about 37 to 39 million tons per year. It shares about 1% of total crude refining amount. The lube consumption amount in North American keeps stable about 9.5 million tons which listed No.1 while European and previous Unit Soviet area decreased. Asia is the only increased area, mainly because of the fast economic growth in China and India. China has consumed 4.4million tons lubricating oil in 2003, take about 1.6% of total crude refining amount, shares about 11% of whole world consumption amount, values about 22 billion RMB [1]. The increased rate reaches the highest—10.56% compared to 2002. This was the first time China become the second lubricant consumer in the world, just after USA. In 2004, China’s lubricants consumption will reach over 5 million tons, reaches the top in history, the increased rate will reach 10% comparing with 2003. China’s Automobile industry develops rapidly in the recent years, at the same time fuel efficiency keeps a low level. In 2002 China’s automobile has consumed 2.28 ton fuel per automobile which is 110–120 percent of USA, 200 percent of Japan. There exists a wide market for the application of new lubrication technology. The application of those additives and lube oils such as environment-friend additives, friction modified agents, nano-lube additives, energy-conserving multi-grade lube oils can enhance lubrication efficiency of equipments, decrease fuel consumption and conserve the petroleum resources. In this paper the applications of Cu nano-lube additive are introduced. and 0.1% Cu nano-lube is added into passenger car motor oil 5W30 SJ. The four-ball test equipment, cam-tappet test equipment and MS VI engine test are used to evaluate the performance, the test results shows the application of Cu nano-additive can obviously decrease the friction coefficient and fuel consumption. China should establish its national lube oil evaluation system, this system can greatly push the warranty of the quality of lube oil. The standard and national principle for fuel-conserving should be acted to improve the application of multi-grade lube oil and energy-conserving lube oil and new technology.