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Journal articles on the topic 'Names, Personal Cross-cultural studies'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Chirikba, Viacheslav A. "Abaza Personal Names." IRAN and the CAUCASUS 17, no. 4 (2013): 391–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20130405.

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The paper presents a thorough study of the Abaza personal names. Traditionally, Abazas, a small autochthonous people living in the Karačaj-Čerkes Republic of the Russian Federation, used a two-name system, consisting, as a rule, of the surname plus the postposed first name. The Abaza personal names are analysed with regard to their origin, structure, semantics, and social status. The onomastic system in general, as well as the tradition of naming among the Abazas are outlined as well.

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2

Izre'el, Shlomo, and Richard S. Hess. "Amarna Personal Names." Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 2 (April 1996): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605708.

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3

Inikova, Svetlana. "Personal Names among the Dukhobors." Etnograficheskoe obozrenie, no. 4 (August 2020): 84–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086954150010835-8.

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4

Girma, Hewan. "Black Names, Immigrant Names: Navigating Race and Ethnicity Through Personal Names." Journal of Black Studies 51, no. 1 (November 15, 2019): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934719888806.

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This article explores the naming patterns of a new African immigrant group in the United States to discuss the creative ways that Black immigrants navigate their racialized immigrant identities and their positioning vis-à-vis their ethnoracial compatriots, African Americans. I argue that the significant contention around Black names and immigrant names demonstrates that personal names are a subject worthy of in-depth investigation. Through the case study of the naming practices of first generations of Ethiopian-Americans, I examine the relevance Black immigrant parents attach to first names, their various connotations, and modes of immigrant incorporation into the dominant host society. I highlight the importance of race, ethnicity, and immigration status in naming.

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5

Mander, Pietro. "Sumerian Personal Names in Ebla." Journal of the American Oriental Society 108, no. 3 (July 1988): 481. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603871.

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6

Fleming, Daniel E. "Amarna Personal Names. Richard S. Hess." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 303 (August 1996): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357473.

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7

Cross, Frank Moore. "Personal Names in the Samaria Papyri." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 344 (November 2006): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/basor25066978.

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8

Khatib, Syed Malik. "Personal Names and Name Changes." Journal of Black Studies 25, no. 3 (January 1995): 349–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479502500305.

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9

Berestnev, G. I. "PROPER NAME IN SYNCHRONISTIC COINCIDENCES." Voprosy Kognitivnoy Lingvistiki, no. 3 (2021): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.20916/1812-3228-2021-3-75-87.

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The article launches a new approach to studying coincident proper names in different cultural conditions - names viewed in a synchronistic perspective, in the Jungian sense. The paper purports to answer a number of questions adding to the theory of language, depth psychology and cognitive science. The main research methods, such as cognitive analysis and reconstruction, allow recovering data on deep cognitive attitudes of a person and possible connections of his/her mental sphere with physical reality. In this regard, the functional and cognitive nature of proper names is analyzed. It is determined by a number of characteristics that form the basis for further research. The paper further elaborates on the conditions and models of synchronistic coincidences of proper nouns (mostly personal names). The identified conditions and models are as follows: a) thematic seriality of personal names; b) their cross-matching; c) their systemic parallel matching; d) their complete coincidence in space and time; e) their promising coincidences in fortune telling; f) coincidence of ideal and real personal names; g) coincidences of personal names “framing” certain historical epochs; h) coincidences of proper names, removing the referential certainty of the named subjects. The data presented in the article made it possible to make some generalizations and to outline research prospects in this area. First of all, researching proper names from the point of view of synchronistic coincidences allows us to have an insight into human cognition and shed light on its deep structure. In addition, such studies have interdisciplinary significance bringing cognitive linguistics and the fundamental sciences closer together. Finally, the analysis of synchronistic coincidences of proper names allows us to reconstruct some deep cognitive attitudes in the human psyche, demonstrating the unity of mental and physical realities. Even more promising in this regard is the unification of cognitive linguistics with other advanced scientific disciplines engaged in this issue.

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10

Martirosyan, Hrach. "Armenian Personal Names of Iranian Origin from Siwnik‘ and Arc‘ax." Iran and the Caucasus 23, no. 1 (2019): 75–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20190107.

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This paper aims to present seven Armenian personal names of Iranian origin from the Armenian historical provinces of Siwnik‘ and Arc‘ax: Dadi/Dadoy, Kohazat, Marhan, Mrhapet, Niw-dast, Niw-Xosrov, and *Oyz/Uz. These names are scantily attested in literature (almost all of them being hapaxes) and are, therefore, little known to scholarship.

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11

Brinkman, Inge. "Language, Names, and War: The Case of Angola." African Studies Review 47, no. 3 (December 2004): 143–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002020600030481.

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Abstract:This article shows the links between naming practices and war. The focus is on MPLA war names used during the Angolan struggle for independence. These names are framed in the wider context of the relations between language and war. In many African contexts, names are not singular and fixed, but may change with every personal transformation. Entering the life of a soldier constitutes just such a drastic change. The article shows that through war names, a kaleidoscope of issues may be addressed, including the relations between language, rank, and power, personal history and popular culture, spirit possession and resurrection, self-description and labeling, writing and legitimacy, and secrecy and identity.

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12

Goldin, Paul Rakita. "Personal Names in Early China: A Research Note." Journal of the American Oriental Society 120, no. 1 (January 2000): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604887.

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13

Borisova, E., and A. Kulkova. "Culture, names and economic development." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 1 (January 20, 2016): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2016-1-81-106.

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Various components of culture have long been in the focus of economic research. Numerous empirical studies show that cultural norms, as well as religion and language, matter for economic development and have not only statistical but also economic significance. This paper considers various examples of how culture can affect individual values and behavior. It also deals with personal names as a key marker of one’s cultural identity. Overall, the paper contributes to the more profound understanding of a famous notion that "culture matters", and helps clarify the mechanisms through which culture exerts its influence.

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14

İlhan, Mehmet Mehdi. "Some Notes on the Personal and Place Names Used in the Sancak of Amid During the First Half on the Sixteenth Century." Belleten 54, no. 209 (April 1, 1990): 223–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1990.223.

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The sancak of Amid (today known as Diyarbakır) has been ruled by the Byzantines, Arabs, Selçukids, Artukids, Ayyubids, Akkoyunlus and Ottomans. Therefore the sancak has been exposed to the cultures of these states. Thus the province had undergone a great cultural impact which can clearly be traced in the personal and place names used in the sancak. The place and personal names recorded in the 1518 Ottoman cadastral survey of the sancak of Amid are the basis of some pointers made in this article.

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15

Daniel, Jerlean E., and Jack L. Daniel. "Preschool Children's Selection of Race-Related Personal Names." Journal of Black Studies 28, no. 4 (March 1998): 471–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479802800403.

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16

Birley, A. R. "Names at Lepcis Magna." Libyan Studies 19 (1988): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900001059.

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AbstractThis article analyses the occurrence of apparently Roman names at Lepcis Magna and seeks to identify the processes of cultural assimilation taking place between the Libyphoenician population and Rome. Three main categories of change in naming practice (proposed by Herzog in the 1890s) may be recognised and suggest a number of possible explanations, other than Italian settlers, for the appearance of particular names at Lepcis. First, Roman names may have been adopted from the ruling emperor, or a senatorial patron or other suitably eminent Italian family, most commonly on the acquisition of Roman citizenship. This practice will often totally have eradicated the individual's original Libyphoenician nomenclature. The Lepcitani notably favoured aristocratic cognomina. Second, Punic or Libyan names at Lepcis may have been replaced by similar sounding Latin ones, e.g. the adaptation of Himilis to Aemilius and Amilcar to Amicus. Third, the Latin name may sometimes be a literal translation of the Punic or Libyan one. While noting a number of interesting examples of the latter two cases, the analysis here concentrates on the first category. It is concluded that there is little clearcut evidence for Italian settler families at Lepcis. Most of the names can be explained in terms of the assimilation of the indigenous population into the Roman pattern of personal nomenclature and illustrates the interesting choices available to them. The evidence at a number of points adds further weight to the strong probability that the paternal ancestry of the Emperor Septimius Severus was African.

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17

Ehineni, Taiwo. "The ethnopragmatics of Yoruba personal names: Language in the context of culture." STUDIES IN AFRICAN LANGUAGES AND CULTURES, no. 53 (December 15, 2019): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32690/salc53.4.

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While the subject of Yoruba names has been significantly explored by previous studies, this paper discusses extensively the nature of such names from an ethnopragmatic framework, with the aim of explicating how Yoruba names are formed, their various cultural contexts as well as the significant functions they play in the Yoruba ethnolinguistic ecology. It identifies and categorizes personal names based on contexts such as family situation, circumstantces of birth, religious orientation, death situation and profession. This paper reinforces that names are not just arbitrary labels, but most notably, linguistic categories – lexical, phrasal or sentential – that have indexical relationship to sociocultural meanings and functions, places, time, people, and events.

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18

Pike, Dana M., and Jeaneane D. Fowler. "Theophoric Personal Names in Ancient Hebrew: A Comparative Study." Journal of the American Oriental Society 111, no. 4 (October 1991): 817. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603430.

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19

Tucker, Joanna. "Personal Names and Naming Practices in Medieval Scotland, ed. by Matthew Hammond." Innes Review 72, no. 1 (May 2021): 56–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2021.0283.

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20

Foster, Benjamin R., and Robert A. Di Vito. "Studies in Third Millennium Sumerian and Akkadian Personal Names: The Designation and Conception of the Personal God." Journal of the American Oriental Society 115, no. 3 (July 1995): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606268.

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21

Sholia, I. St. "THE EFFECT OF EXTRALINGUAL FACTORS ON THE CHOICE OF PERSONAL NAMES IN UZHHOROD IN THE 20TH CENTURY." Rusin, no. 60 (2020): 227–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/60/14.

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The article studies the extralingual factors that influenced the choice of female and male names of Uzhhorod citizens during the 20th century. The research draws on the Uzhhorod civil registry books stored in the Transcarpathian State Regional Archive. It has been found out that dynamic historical events (the region’s becoming a part of various states with their language policy), economic, political, cultural and educational changes in Transcarpathia over the centuries influenced the cultural and linguistic situation and manifested in the changes of personal names. The choice of male and female personal names was also influenced by the changes in the population ethnic composition as well as people’s national and confessional identity. The coexistence of more than 70 nationalities and nations, including Ukrainians, Hungarians, Czechs, Slovaks, Russians, Belarussians, Bulgarians, Poles, Romanians, Moldovans, Roma, Swabians, Jews, Germans, Azerbaijanis, Gagauz, Armenians, Uzbeks, etc., certainly influenced the Uzhhorod name repertoire, since it was different cultures, ethnic naming traditions, and various names. Although the religion and ethnicity affected the anthroponymic repertoire and matter for choosing names for newborns, they were not so much significant as to affect the general system of personal names of Uzhhorod residents in the 20th century.

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22

Vakhromova, E. Yu, I. V. Beketova, A. A. Gerasimenko, V. I. Goremychkin, and V. P. Krivoshlyapov. "ALGORITHM OF CROSS LANGUAGE FUZZY SEARCH BASED ON HASH-VECTORS FOR AUTOMATIC COMPARISON OF PERSONAL NAMES." Vestnik komp'iuternykh i informatsionnykh tekhnologii, no. 189 (March 2020): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14489/vkit.2020.03.pp.029-036.

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The algorithm of cross language fuzzy search based on hash vectors for automatic matching of personal names is proposed. In the response mode for an input request, names in Latin spelling and a given value for the similarity measure, the algorithm determines the set of output Cyrillic names contained in the database of the information search system. The principal feature of the proposed algorithm is the rejection of the direct translation of personal names. Instead, the hashing mechanism of personal names is used, followed by mapping them into the same hidden vector space where the computational procedures of the decision-making system are built. In the process of research, it was solved a number of actual intermediate tasks. Thus, the decomposition algorithms of the explored database, the generation and clustering of the dictionary of basic morphemes are an instrument that is of independent value in solving the problem of automatically translating names from a foreign language, the translation rules of which are unknown – the socalled generalized transcription. After mapping names into a vector space, the matching operation is reduced to assessing the similarity between vectors. As a measure of similarity, several quantities were considered in the study. The most convenient measure of similarity is the cosine similarity, the critical value of which was obtained by plotting the FMR (False Match Rate) and FNMR (False Non-Match Rate) graphs. The developed algorithm is universal with respect to the languages used, that is, it does not depend on a specific alphabet. In the practical implementation of the developed algorithm, a series of experimental studies was carried out using a database containing more than 2.5 million names.

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23

Smart, Veronica J. "Moneyers of the late Anglo-Saxon coinage: the Danish dynasty 1017–42." Anglo-Saxon England 16 (December 1987): 233–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100003926.

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Some years ago I published a study of the moneyers' names from Edgar's reform of the coinage in the last years of his reign up to the death of Æthelred in 1016. Since then Dr Fran Colman has made a study of the moneyers of Edward the Confessor. The object of this paper is to complete the record of moneyers' names on the late Anglo-Saxon coinage by surveying the period when the Danish dynasty of Cnut and his sons ruled England. Although at this period personal names may no longer be directly indicative of nationality, and the relationship between the named moneyer and his stated mint may be in some cases fluid, nevertheless such a record can still provide a measure of cultural influence and the intensity of settlement.

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24

Tishin, V. V. "KIMÄK AND CHÙ-MÙ-KŪN 處木昆: NOTES ON AN IDENTIFI CATION." Archaeology, Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 46, no. 3 (September 21, 2018): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17746/1563-0110.2018.46.3.107-113.

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This study addresses the origin of a Turkic tribe Kimäk known from Muslim sources. In 800–1100 AD the Kimäk lived in Semirechye. In the article, they are associated with the Chù-mù-kūn 處木昆 tribe, which resided in the same place in 600–800 AD and was described by Chinese sources. The Kimäk genealogical legend related by the 11th century Persian writer Gardizi includes the story of the founder of the Kimäk tribe being immersed in water (the alleged reason why the Kimäk worshipped water). This story suggests that the reconstructed Chinese variant of the tribal name Chù-mù-kūn 處木昆 meant *čumuqun ~ *čomuqun *‘immersed in water’, *‘drowned (?)’. Based on the toponymy in the Chinese sources and the Old Turkic personal names relating to Altai and Semirechye, it is concluded that the words Chù-mù-kūn 處木昆 and Yemäk (Yán-mò 鹽莫) were used as early as mid-7th century, but they were parts of personal names unrelated to the Irtysh valley, where, according to Gardizi, the Kimäk tribal union originated. These facts not only document the ethnic diversity of the Kimäk tribal union, but suggest that at least the name of the dominant tribe derived from a personal name. Like Y.A. Zuyev, I am skeptical toward identifying the names Kimäk and Yemäk.

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25

Šuplinska, Ilga. "FUNCTIONS OF PERSONAL NAMES IN LATEST LATVIAN POETRY." Via Latgalica, no. 1 (December 31, 2008): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2008.1.1596.

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In the period of postmodern culture, a lot of importance is attributed to mythological thinking and to the decoding of myths and current cultural signs. Therefore, the use of „talking” personal names which are perceived symbolically becomes relevant. As semiotic research points out: „For the mythological conscience it is common to see the world as a book, where cognition equals reading, which is based on the mechanisms of decoding and identification”. (Lotmans, Uspenskis 1993: 35) That means that for a better comprehension of prose, also in postmodern texts one has to pay attention to the choice of personal names, their frequency, and the presence and characteristics of cultural connotations. Bearing in mind that features of postmodern texts are the disregard of genre borders and marginalism, it can hypothetically be assumed that similar attitudes towards the use of personal names can be found in poetry. However, considering both recent studies of personal names and of poetry, it is possible to conclude that poetry pays little attention to the studies of personal names. Personal names are not very common in poetic texts, and poets use them quite precautiously (unless they link it to the tendencies within postmodernism as mentioned above). The objective of this article is to describe the functionality of personal names in latest Latvian poetry. The methodological basis of the work was obtained by studying the works of semioticians (R. Jakobson, Y. Lotman, B. Uspenskiy, Y. Levin, etc,), using the practical experience of philological text analysis (O. Nikolina, J. Kazarin), as well as by studying the attitudes of particular authors towards personal names (V. Rudnev, P. Florensky, A. Losev, G. Frege). The sources for the research for this article were anthologies of four young poetesses who were born in the 1970s and made their debut at the turn of the century, from which anthroponyms where taken for description: Inga Gaile’s „Laiks bija iemīlējies” (Time was in love, 1999) and „Kūku Marija” (Pastry Maria, 2007), Andra Menfelde’s „tranšejas dievi rok” (Gods dig trenches, 2005), Liga Rundane’s „Leluos atlaidys” (Great absolution, 2004), and Agita Draguna’s „prāts” (Mind, 2004). When analyzing the expressions of personal name in these anthologies, and thereby looking for mutual interconnections both within one anthology and from a comparative angle, a cultural sight of the generation born in the 70s (or at least of the „reading” intellectual part of that generation) could be identified. It turns out that the frequency and the uniformity/diversity of the usage of personal names can reveal tendencies of a particular trend. Clear spatial and associative semantic borders are revealed in the poetry of Agita Draguna and Liga Rundane, although it should be mentioned that personal names are very rarely used in the poetry. In contrast, the poetry of Inga Gaile and Andra Manfelde features a diversity of personal names, a tendency of appellativization, and a variety of interpretations of personal names. In the poetry of L. Rundane and A. Draguna it is possible to distinguish groups of personal names which unequivocally reveal the existence of their worlds, and mark the values of the lyrics. In the poetry of these authors two groups of personal names can be distinguished: 1) Poets: Andryvs Yurdzhs, Rainis, Oskars Seiksts (in the poetry of L. Rundane), Anthony McCann, Fjodor Tjutchev, Omar Hayam, Arseny Tarkovsky (in the poetry of A. Draguna) 2) Mythical characters: Shiva, Isida, Zuhra, Djemshid (in the poetry of A. Draguna), Virgin Mary (Jumprova Marija, in the poetry of L. Rundane). In the poetry of L. Rundane, one’s world has a Latgalian identity. In contrast, in the poetry of A. Draguna the world is more sought for, whereas one’s values seem to come from Eastern concepts of the mind and the meaning of a human life. In the poetry of I. Gaile and A. Manfelde the use of a personal name is aimed at: - marking one’s space, but unlike in the poetry of the authors mentioned above, it is full of doubts and controversies not only on the emotional level, but also regarding the values that one is looking for. Therefore personal names serve to reveal these controversies, not just to acknowledge one’s space; - a self-extinguishment of personal names and their change into simulacra, - or the process of mythologization of everyday life. It can be concluded that the limited use of personal names, of separate names, and of phrases which start with a capital letter, such as the lack of persistence in changing pronouns and generic names into the status of personal names (Miracle, You, Father of Noise, etc), proves the intensity of the perception of the mythical world, an expression paradigm common for postmodernism. (L. Rundane, A. Draguna). The relatively free and manifold use of personal names, their changes into generic names (contextual appellativization), the quest for general notions (lexical meanings), and the desire to create them (Barbie, harlequin, Aivazovsky, Lennon, Tanya, etc.) on the one hand create sumulacra, and on the other hand emphasize a mythologization of everyday life and the possibilities of its use in literary texts (through the use of figures or palimpsests).

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26

Just, Peter. "Bimanese Personal Names: The View from Bima Town and Donggo." Ethnology 26, no. 4 (October 1987): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3773594.

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27

Stepanyan, K., Y. Gorshunov, and E. Gorshunova. "British state, public and political figures of the late 20th - early 21st century in rhyming slang." Philology at MGIMO 23, no. 3 (September 17, 2020): 42–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2020-3-23-42-47.

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The article aims at providing an adequate linguistic and sociocultural description of rhyming slang based on the use of the names of prominent British government and public figures and politicians, who were widely represented in the British media at the turn of the 20th and 21st centuries, and are thus included in modern cultural collective memory of the carriers of the English lingual culture. The rhymes contain precedents of onyms − the personal names of well-known, fashionable, popular, or scandalous politicians. The noted tendency of the preferred creation of new rhymes, exploiting the precedent onyms, has become dominant in the development of rhyming slang at the turn of the century. The emergence of rhyming slang units based on the use of the precedent names of politicians and statesmen is a relatively new and insufficiently studied phenomenon while onomastic rhymes that exploit the names of celebrities from the world of cinema, pop music, popular culture and sports are more common and are better studied. The article contains the rhymes that have not yet been recorded in authoritative slang dictionaries. They surely deserve linguistic and sociocultural descriptions.The authors focused on a special and research-promising layer of vocabulary that reflects the sociocultural and historical items in the context of the so-called cultural literacy and is of certain value from the point of view of culture-oriented linguistics, cross-cultural communication and the general study of culture.The results of the research can be useful and interesting for specialists who develop topics of cross-cultural communication, culture-oriented linguistics, linguistic culturology, euphemy, contrastive linguistics of the English and Russian languages.

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28

Macdonald, M. "Personal names in the Nabataean realm. A review article." Journal of Semitic Studies 44, no. 2 (September 1, 1999): 251–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/44.2.251.

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29

HESS, RICHARD S. "Personal Names in the Hebrew Bible with Second-Millennium B.C. Antecedents." Bulletin for Biblical Research 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371608.

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Abstract Recent studies in the phonemic representations of ancient Near Eastern languages in cuneiform and Hebrew, as well as the growing inventory of these names, have resulted in the need to revisit claims for and against the presence of personal names and name elements of the second millennium B.C. as thought to occur in Biblical Hebrew sources. Using the non-Israelite personal names in the biblical book book of Joshua as a test case, I will argue that some names previously thought to be attested no later than the second millennium now can be found in first-millennium sources as well. On the other hand, new evidence will also confirm that several personal names remain unattested in later sources but demonstrate more widespread appearance in the second-millennium B.C. sources than earlier evidence had formerly suggested. This study will make use of recent publications of Hurrian and Anatolian texts and names, as well as research on the phonemic representation of these languages in a West Semitic script such as Hebrew, which is not commonly used for the language. Conclusions regarding names and their sources provide important evidence (1) for dating onomastic sources in the earliest traditions that may lie behind the biblical text, and (2) for evidence of the presence of north Syrian cultural influence in the southern Levant during the Early Iron Age.

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30

Arno, Andrew. "Personal Names as Narrative in Fiji: Politics of the Lauan Onomasticon." Ethnology 33, no. 1 (1994): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3773972.

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31

Vanzolini, Marina. "The Name of the Relation." Social Analysis 63, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 102–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sa.2019.630206.

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Taking as a starting point an apparently minor event during my fieldwork—the fact that I received an indigenous name from the Aweti, a Tupi-speaking people who inhabit the upper reaches of the Xingu River—this article explores how personal qualities are elicited through names. A presentation of the Aweti onomastic system will highlight its analytical potential to interpret not only the case in question, but also a native theory of descent centered on the familial transmission of chiefdom. Personal names emerge as a way of producing people by evoking specific relations, while simultaneously particularizing the named person. Making a difference from what she or he was before having it, a name operates as a counter-identity device at the same time that it engenders identity qualities.

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32

Visočnik, Julijana. "Newly discovered Roman inscription slab from Celeia in light of there previously attested Greek names." Kronika 70, no. 2 (June 28, 2022): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.56420/kronika.70.2.01.

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At the end of 2016, archaeological surveillance at Miklošičeva ulica 1 in Celje revealed a tombstone with an inscription broken into several pieces, which is today assembled of four larger fragments. Due to these fractures the inscription has not been completely preserved or cannot be completely reconstructed. However, even the first reading makes it clear that the slab most probably includes Greek names, which makes the inscription all the more intriguing: throughout the Roman Empire, Greek names have certain specifics and are generally more associated with the social background of the name’s owner than with their origin (origo). Greek names were popular among and for slaves and were also retained by freedmen upon their liberation. Thus, they transform from idionyms for slaves into personal names (cognomina) as a part of the tria nomina name formula for freedmen. Hence, the discussed inscription slab becomes the starting point for the analysis of previously known Greek names in the area of the town of Celeia and its ager. In the rural hinterland of Celeia, mostly Greek idionyms are documented that can be connected to work at the Trojane customs station (statio Atrantina). In fact, lower grade official jobs there were as a rule reserved for slaves and freedmen (vilici, vicarii, contrascriptiores, scrutatores, etc.). There is only one example from the ager involving the so-called duo nomina, but which also originates from Trojane (Aurelius Asclepiodotus). The situation is somewhat different in the town itself; there are not significantly less idionyms (there are three), but there are many more names of the tria (duo) nomina type with a Greek personal name (15 examples). Naturally, this fact brings no surprises; without doubt, the town had many more wealthy and influential families that had a larger number of slaves, whom they also freed. In the majority of such names, we can discern either from the actual inscription on the tombstone or from the context that they do indeed name freedmen. Examples such as Caius Iunius Nicander and Caius Iunius Isaeus, in which we cannot presume the status of freedmen due to their connection with the army, are merely an exception. On the newly found tombstone, two Greek names can be discerned despite its fragmentary preservation: these are most probably Hierocles and Heracles, but what needs to be emphasised is that other names (which were certainly present) cannot be reconstructed. It seems that the first one was not an idionym (considering that it was supposedly preceded by the name Tiberius), while the other was probably indeed independent, since it was preceded and followed by the letters FI (for filius) and ET, respectively. In the penultimate line, it seems that in addition to the name in –MUS the word libertus was incised, since the letters LIB can still be seen. This way, the content of the inscription on the tombstone is nicely rounded off and reconfirms the several-times-mentioned fact that Greek names are rarely a reflection of the origin but are rather an indicator of social class.

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Vyrsta, Nataliya. "Suffixe der ukrainischen Familiennamen." Zeitschrift für Slawistik 66, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 91–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slaw-2021-0005.

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Summary The following paper provides a review of research in historical and modern Ukrainian onomastics. The article analyzes the peculiarities of the formation of Ukrainian surnames; in particular it describes the origin, the function, the geographical distribution and the productivity of the suffixes in the formation of the names. The main ways of creating Ukrainian surnames were morphological and semantic methods. The semantic method of creating surnames consists in the transition of personal names, nicknames and appellative personal names into hereditary names without any structural transformations, namely, only as a result of changes in the function. The morphological way of creating hereditary names was to create new anthroponyms with the help of special surname formants. A characteristic feature of the names of the morphological method is that they were formed only from personal names with the help of suffixes. Ukrainian anthroponymy did not have special formants for the creation of surnames, but used the possibilities of its language and adapted them to the onomastic system. By their origin the name suffixes are not the same type but multifunctional. Some of them from the moment of occurrence are used only for the creation of names from parents’ names, while others only eventually began to express kinship. Some suffixes today are actively creating both appellatives and anthroponyms.

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Berezkin, A. V., and S. Y. Kritskaya. "COGNOMINA OF BOTH PLINIES: GAIUS PLINIUS SECUNDUS AND GAIUS PLINIUS CAECILIUS SECUNDUS." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 2(53) (2021): 108–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-2-108-117.

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This article provides information on the actual naming of two Roman writers and statesmen: Gaius Plinius Secundus, and Gaius Plinius Caecilius Secundus. Modern researchers make some mistakes in the names of both Plinies. The history of these names sheds light on legal relations in Ancient Rome (family law, especially the order of adoption, the right of Roman citizens on three names – ius trium nominum) and on the evidence of the folk laughter culture (sniper data cognomina of citizens). Medieval and modern traditions of a generic or family naming have their roots in the Roman law. The Roman name was closely related to social status, indicating the antiquity of the genus or personal privileges, for example, the senatorial class, which included the ancient patrician clans or plebeian nobility, as well as a freeborn citizen or a freedman, a slave or a foreigner–peregrine, etc. Geographic area, family relations, and personal excellence were also taken into account. I. Kajanto, as one would expect from a classifier as a pioneer, goes on formal grounds, referring cognomina, Felix and Faustus, to the category of “wish” or “praise”, and Secundus to the order of birth. Our method of studying in a sociocultural context reveals cognomen Secundus as “happy”.

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Litvina, Anna F., and Fjodor B. Uspenskij. "The True and Fake Names of Boris Godunov." Slovene 9, no. 1 (2020): 185–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2020.9.1.7.

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This paper takes a new look at the “anthroponymical dossier” of Boris Godunov and his family. Insufficient familiarity with the structure of the Medieval Russian polyonymy (that is, the practice of using many names for the same person) has been known to lead not only to the introduction of redundant and never-existing people to research papers, but also to real people taking redundant, imaginary names, which they did not and often could not have taken in reality. This paper takes a look at both the names the tsar had, without a doubt, and the names under which he existed in previous research (Boris, Bogolep, Iakov, Bogdan, Theodot). Special attention is given to the personal patron saints’ cult in Godunov’s family, mostly to St. Theodotus. Some problems of attribution and dating of several artifacts are raised.

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Elmayer, Abdulhafid F. "A new Neo-Punic inscription from the region of Lepcis Magna." Libyan Studies 39 (2008): 161–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900010050.

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AbstractA new Neo-Punic inscription from the region of Lepcis Magna region is discussed in detail, and its wider context outlined. Not only does this inscription attest to the prevalence of the Punic language in the suburbs of Lepcis Magna, but it also provides evidence for the diffusion of Phoenician religion in this area. The inscription also sheds more light on the history of Tripolitania and indicates, by the use of Libo-Phonecian personal names, that at least some of the inhabitants of the city of Snpba were of Libo-Phoenician origin.

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Layton, Scott C. "Theophoric Personal Names in Ancient Hebrew: A Comparative Study. Jeaneane D. Fowler." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 52, no. 1 (January 1993): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373606.

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Rosenhouse, J. "Personal Names in Hebrew and Arabic: Modern Trends Compared to the Past." Journal of Semitic Studies 47, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/47.1.97.

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Adiego, Ignasi-Xavier. "The Survival of the God Name Šarruma in Cilician Names in the Greek Sources." Altorientalische Forschungen 46, no. 2 (November 6, 2019): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2019-0010.

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Abstract This paper studies some Cilician names attested in Greek sources that contain the element ζαρμα-. The two main interpretative hypotheses – a connection to Luwian zalma-, or a connection to the god name Šarruma/Šarma- – are critically analysed. The conclusion reached is that while the ambiguity of ζαρμα- cannot be resolved, it is highly likely that both -sarma and -zarma really existed as different elements in the formation of personal names in Iron Age Hieroglyphic Luwian. There was probably a tendency towards confusion between -sarma and -zarma, caused by phonological proximity and semantic crossing of certain names.

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Melnikova, Elena A. "The Name Tudorъ in Pre-Mongol Rus’: Christian or Scandinavian?" Slovene 4, no. 1 (2015): 266–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2015.4.1.16.

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The personal name Tudorъ is attested for the first time in Old Russian sources in the treaty between Rus’ and Byzantium of 944 and it occurs later in chronicles, birchbark letters, and other written sources up to the end of the 12th century. It is traditionally interpreted as a variant of the Christian name Θεóδωρος/Fe(o)dorъ, although no Christian names are found among the roughly seventy personal names of the participants listed in the preamble to the treaty; the overwhelming majority of the names are Scandinavian. The name Tudorъ is much more satisfactorily derived from a popular Scandinavian anthroponym Þjóðarr. In the 11th‒12th centuries, it was widely used both by Old Russian nobility (not of Rurikid origin) and by ordinary inhabitants of the Novgorodian land. This name, however, began to be confused with the phonetically close Christian name Fedorъ/Feodorъ already in the 12th century: in a graffito in St. Sophia Cathedral in Kiev, the week dedicated to St. Theodor of Tyron (the first week of Great Lent) is called ‘Tudor’s week.’ In the 13th century the name Tudorъ fell out of usage because it was replaced by the Christian name Fedorъ/Feodorъ.

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Rykin and Telitsin. "An Interpretation of Two Personal Names in the Ninth Line of the Tonyukuk Inscription (Toñ S2)." Journal of the American Oriental Society 140, no. 2 (2020): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.7817/jameroriesoci.140.2.0287.

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Kootstra, Fokelien. "Dadanitic b-rʾy as referring to a local calendar?" Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 83, no. 1 (February 2020): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x20000038.

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AbstractThis article will discuss the dating formula in the Dadanitic inscriptions. So far, some of these have been interpreted to refer not only to the reign of the local king (mlk lḥyn), but also to another political official called rʾy. The article will discuss the merit of this interpretation based on both the questionable etymology of the term rʾy and the problematic interpretation of the terms following this word as personal names. Instead, a new interpretation of this formula as a reference to a local calendar will be explored in light of the occurrence of a similar word rʾy in Safaitic dating formula, and comparison to other ancient methods of time reckoning in the region.

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Smith, David L. "The Fourth Earl of Dorset and the Personal Rule of Charles I." Journal of British Studies 30, no. 3 (July 1991): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385984.

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The assembly of the Long Parliament in November 1640 witnessed an outburst of passionate hostility toward recent royal policies in church and state. “The Common-wealth hath bin miserably torne and macerated,” declared Harbottle Grimston, “and all the proprieties and liberties shaken: the Church distracted, the Gospell and Professors of it persecuted, and the whole Kingdome over-run with multitudes and swarmes of projecting cater-wormes and caterpillars, the worst of all the Aegyptian plagues.” Yet, as Kevin Sharpe has recently reminded us, “to those on the road during the 1630s, the journey seemed far from a headlong rush towards conflict.” Sir Henry Wotton could write in 1633 that “we know not what a Rebel is; what a Plotter against the Common-weal: nor what that is, which Grammarian[s] call Treason: the names themselves are antiquated with the things.” To resolve this flat contradiction requires much further research into the politics and government of Charles I's Personal Rule. In particular, a clear picture of the political behavior, relationships, and attitudes of many public figures is still lacking. This article therefore presents a case study of one prominent individual: Edward Sackville, fourth earl of Dorset, privy councillor and lord chamberlain to Henrietta Maria. These offices gave Dorset an exceptional opportunity during the 1630s to “see more clearly into [the king's] intents and actions.” Moreover, both official sources and personal correspondence should reveal his activities during the Personal Rule and his attitudes toward it. What follows will examine in turn Dorset's duties as the queen's lord chamberlain, the political influence that this office conferred, his work as a privy councillor, his relations with various factions, and his private opinions of the regime and of Charles I and Henrietta Maria.

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Litvina, Anna, and Fjodor Uspenskij. "Male vs Female in the mirror of Russian Dual Christian Naming (16th–17th Centuries)." Slovene 9, no. 1 (2019): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2019.8.1.5.

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The paper deals with the special features of Russian dual Christian naming—that is, the practice of giving a lay person an additional Christian name, other than his/her baptismal name. In the Middle Ages in Russia, a man could not under any circumstances get a female anthroponym as a second Christian name, and a woman, respectively, could not get a male anthroponym. In particular, no variations with respect to the calendar tradition, which transform male names into female names and vice versa, were allowed. This markedly contraposes the choice of the second Christian name for a lay woman to the choice of the monastic name for a nun. The work examines a number of incidents that would seem to violate this rigor of the gender distribution of anthroponyms, and discusses a number of related problems associated with the multiplicity of personal names in pre-Petrine Rus’.

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Kreidl, Julian. "An Eastern Iranian Lunar Deity and Her Epithet." Iran and the Caucasus 26, no. 3 (August 10, 2022): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20220304.

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In this paper, it is argued that in certain areas of pre-Islamic Eastern Iran the common lunar deity was not the male *māh- like in most regions of Western Iran, Bactria, and Sogdiana, but instead the feminine *māsti- with a prominent epithet, which may go back to *uxšma-kā-/*uxšma-kī- ‘the waxing one’ or, alternatively, *us-šma-kā-/*us-šma-kī- ‘the one who shines up’. In some parts of Badakhshan, her epithet even turned into the primary name of the goddess and the moon. This claim can be substantiated by the various names for ‘moon’ and ‘moonlight’ in Eastern Iranian languages for which I want to lay out a detailed historical development, as well as the Bactrian and Sogdian theophoric personal name ϸομογοβανδαγο/ʾxšwmβntk.

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Zadok, Ran. "Richard S. Hess: Amarna personal names. (American Schools of Oriental Research, Dissertation Series, no. 9.) xii, 292 pp. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1993. $37.50." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59, no. 1 (February 1996): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00028627.

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Mukherjee, Tarapada. "Bhabataran Datta: A linguistic study of personal names and surnames in Bengali. xvi, 490 pp. + corrigenda. Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1981. Rs. 80." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 48, no. 2 (June 1985): 380–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00033796.

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Verner, Andrew M. "What's in a Name? Of Dog-Killers, Jews and Rasputin." Slavic Review 53, no. 4 (1994): 1046–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500846.

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Russians have long been preoccupied with surnames, particularly a distinction between so-called "good" and "bad" surnames, in ways that may be hard to understand by a nation of immigrants whose ancestral names were often mutilated by immigration authorities or anglicized by their bearers with a stroke of the pen. In the Russian Empire, such changes required the personal permission of the ruler and were exceedingly rare until the end of the nineteenth century.

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H., M., and Alfonso Archi. "Eblaite Personal Names and Semitic Name Giving: Papers of a Symposium Held in Rome, July 15-17, 1985." Journal of the American Oriental Society 112, no. 1 (January 1992): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604617.

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Drewski, Daniel, and Julia Tuppat. "Migration and the plurality of ethnic boundary work: A qualitative interview study of naming practices of migrants from former Yugoslavia in Germany." Ethnicities 21, no. 4 (April 28, 2021): 706–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14687968211010764.

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Most research on migration and ethnic boundaries is concerned with boundaries between a specific migrant minority and the ‘majority society’ in the destination country. However, migrant groups are not homogenous; within-group boundaries that are relevant in their context of origin may also play a role in the host context. Focusing on migrants from former Yugoslavia, we analyse the relevance of ethnic boundaries between Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats in Germany. We do so by interpreting migrant parents’ practices of first-name giving as instances of ethnic boundary work. In the case of migrants from former Yugoslavia, first names are a salient marker of ethnic affiliation. Based on 22 semi-structured interviews, we distinguish between three types of ethnic boundary work based on first-name giving. ‘Particularists ’ wish to express their ethnic affiliation via first names, and they maintain ethnic boundaries both towards the German majority society as well as other ethnic groups from former Yugoslavia. In contrast, ‘cosmopolitans’ reject names with specific ethnic references and base their choice on personal taste, often opting for international names, thereby rejecting ethnic boundaries towards other former Yugoslav groups. Finally, ‘negotiators’ stand in between. They blur boundaries towards the German majority society, but maintain boundaries towards other ex-Yugoslav ethnic groups. Overall, we find that ex-Yugoslav migrants’ strategies of ethnic boundary work are shaped by a multiplicity of reference groups, not just the relationship with the German majority society.

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