Journal articles on the topic 'Myanmar'
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1
Novitri, Evisia, Supriyadi Supriyadi, and Adhiningasih Prabhawati. "Failure of Myanmar's Democratic Transition." E-Sospol 10, no. 1 (June 8, 2023): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/e-sospol.v10i1.37686.
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Myanmar is one of the countries that carried out military coups several times from 1962 to 2021. Although known as an authoritative ruler, the military junta has carried out more democratic policies, such as opening space for press freedom and holding Myanmar‘s election which allowed the participation of a pro-democratic party namely the NLD Party. However, the military junta suddenly staged a military coup in 2021. In previous years, Myanmar's military junta attempted to make a democratic transition. This raises the question of what factors caused the democratic transition in Myanmar to fail, despite previous positive results. The phenomenon of democratic transition in Myanmar will be analyzed using democratic transition theory, democratization theory, and the concept of civil-military relations. This study uses an approach-explanation approach to determine the failure factors of the democratic transition in Myanmar. Based on the theories, concepts, and research methods used, the failure of the democratic transition in Myanmar occurred due to four factors: The first factor is the democratic transition in Myanmar using the top-down path. The second factor is that the transition is not followed by the installation of democracy. The third factor is that the civil-military relations in Myanmar are included in the category of unbalanced civilian accommodation. The fourth factor, the military afraid of Aung San Suu Kyi succeeded in amending the 2008 constitution which will remove military privileges.
2
Gong, Xue. "Understanding the Belt and Road Initiative in Myanmar: A Socio-Politico and Economic Approach." China and the World 03, no. 04 (December 2020): 2050016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729320500169.
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As an infrastructure financier, China has been playing a dominant role in many sectors of Myanmar’s economy. Following Myanmar’s political and economic transition to a new quasi-civilian government in the early 2010s, the suspension of several China-backed projects caused the relationship between the two countries to rapidly turn sour. Nonetheless, many believe that the rift between the Myanmar government and the international community following the Rohingya crisis provided China an opportunity to rebuild closer ties with Myanmar. This paper argues that China’s BRI promotion and implementation in Myanmar cannot be interpreted as contingent on Myanmar’s isolated relations with the international community. Although Myanmar is relatively small in power, it can now decide on its development strategies. To understand the challenges of BRI promotion in Myanmar, a more nuanced bottom-up approach is needed. Other than the state-level relations, the prospect of BRI in Myanmar also depends on the role of societal actors in Myanmar. Because of the growing influence of these non-state societal actors, Chinese actors have started to pay attention to local norms and demands. However, their adaptation to local norms is constrained by socio-politico-economic dimensions of the Chinese capitals in Myanmar.
3
Lwin, Htwe Hteik Tin. "India’s Democratic Identity and Its Policy towards Myanmar from 1988 to 2010." JAS (Journal of ASEAN Studies) 1, no. 2 (July 31, 2013): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/jas.v1i2.64.
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Since the 1990s, India has reengaged with Myanmar government. The Indian government’s engagement with Myanmar’s military junta provoked a controversial issue in international community, claiming that ‘the oldest democratic country in Asia' is not doing enough to promote democracy in her neighborhood. The question raised was what has motivated India to develop cordial relations with Myanmar’s military junta. The paper emphasizes the role of India’s democratic identity in Indo-Myanmar policy during 1988-2010. Previous literatures revealed India’s policy towards Myanmar in economic and security assumptions. They tended to sketch India Policy as ‘in-active’ in promotion of democracy practiced from west democratic institutions norms, such as ‘isolation’ and ‘totally disengagement’. The paper briefly explains Indo-Myanmar relations from 1988 to 2010. Security and economic interests play a larger role than the intention to promote democratic identity in Myanmar. The paper argues that in the background of Indo-Myanmar development cooperation, India has made efforts to promote democratic value in Myanmar differently from other western democratic countries. Engagement policy has shaped Indo-Myanmar relations in the 1990s. India ‘engagement policy’, ‘non-isolation’ and ‘development cooperation’ with Myanmar government has brought up contractions.
4
Thida, Hnin Mya. "People’s Perception of the Role of Foreign Power in Myanmar: A Case Study of the 2021 Military Coup." Foreign Policy Review 14, no. 3 (2021): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2021.3.127-140.
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The study explores people’s perception of foreign external actors in Myanmar’s domestic conflict through a case study of the recent military coup in Myanmar on 1 February 2021. Both Myanmar and China firmly hold a non-interference policy in other’s internal affairs stemming from the ‘Five Principles of Co-existence. However, the traditionally strong relationship between China and the Myanmar army, the Chinese response to the military coup, and its attitude to the army leaders have become controversial among people in Myanmar, leading to a growing anti-Chinese sentiment. By conducting a survey with the Myanmar diaspora, the paper analyses how people in Myanmar perceive China’s role in Myanmar’s internal affairs. The study concludes that, given China’s growing international role, Beijing should pay particular attention to how its foreign policy actions are perceived by the populations of other states.
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Myoe, Maung Aung. "Myanmar's China Policy since 2011: Determinants and Directions." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 34, no. 2 (August 2015): 21–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341503400202.
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This paper argues that a key factor in Myanmar's new approach towards China since 2011 has been the Myanmar government's foreign policy goal to reintegrate itself into the international community. The success of this approach is dependent on Myanmar's rapprochement with the United States, which requires both domestic political reforms and a foreign policy realignment – a need to reduce Myanmar's dependence on China, particularly in the context of US–China strategic competition in the Indo-Pacific region. In the context of China–Myanmar relations, the factors that have influenced Myanmar's China policy since 2011 are growing anti-China sentiment in Myanmar, growing concern over China's interference in Myanmar affairs, and the rapprochement with the United States. Myanmar's China policy shift, in terms of direction, is by no means to seek to be independent of China, but rather for there to be an increased interdependence between the two countries.
6
Htwe, Thaingi Khin. "Implications of China's Belt and Road Initiative for Myanmar." WIMAYA 1, no. 02 (December 11, 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/wimaya.v1i02.25.
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This article aims to examine the implications of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) for Myanmar. BRI is an economic and strategic agenda of China. Because of its strategic geographical location, Myanmar becomes an important area of China in implementing its BRI projects. Beijing has raised the multi-level engagement in Myanmar such as economic and infrastructure cooperation; provide assist for the government’s peace process, and stand at Myanmar’s side in the international community. Therefore, BRI could have implications for Myanmar. This research answers the following questions: what are the implications of China’s Belt and Road Initiative for Myanmar; why Myanmar is important for China and how will Myanmar benefit from China’s BRI.
7
Houston, Kenneth. "Pseudo Neutrality in Intra-State Conflict: Myanmar’s Official Discourse on Rakhine." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 14, no. 02 (June 30, 2020): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a140202.
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Although the most recent manifestation of conflict in Rakhine can be traced to the coordinated attack on Myanmar security forces in August 2017 by Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (hereafter ARSA), it goes without saying that the problem has a longer history. For this paper a corpus of official Myanmar government sources was examined qualitatively using the critical discourse analysis (CDA) method. Within the official pronouncements of the Myanmar state since August 2017 we can discern the discursive strategies deployed to balance the competing pressures of national and international legitimation of the Myanmar government. In name and through action, Myanmar has marginalized the Rohingyas. However, beyond this obvious imperative additional and more subtle strategies have been deployed in Myanmar’s official discourse, which attempts to position the Myanmar state as a neutral arbiter in a subnational dispute and one that seeks to distance itself from previous political arrangements. The paper focuses on these other discursive strategies which evince conformity to undercurrents of socio-cultural pressures from grassroots extremist Buddhist actors within Myanmar. Ultimately, there is no escaping Official Myanmar’s responsibility for the status and plight of the Rohingya. The prognosis for external pressure to exert any normative influence on Myanmar will be limited. The official discourse betrays the ongoing attempts by the new government to balance these competing pressures at the expense of genuine neutrality and its responsibilities.
8
Routray, Bibhu Prasad. "India-Myanmar Relations :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2011): 299–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.22.
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The article is an analysis of India-Myanmar foreign relations which are marked by both paranoia and bonhomie. Myanmar is strategically important for India, especially in achieving its objective of a Look-East Policy. India has to maintain a cordial relationship with Myanmar’s non-democratic military junta to extend its influence in Southeast Asia and due to internal security concerns of its north-eastern states which are under continuous threat from various insurgent groups. This article discusses the pragmatic shift of India’s stand on Myanmar where the growing presence of China in Myanmar and India’s quest for energy are the major drivers. In economic terms, China is a major investor in Myanmar and its military relations with Myanmar are causes for concern in India. The article also discusses concerns raised about India’s Myanmar policy, keeping in view widespread scepticism about its military junta.
9
Mostofa, MD Golam. "China, India and Myanmar Triangular Relationship: In the Context of Rohingya Issues." International Journal of Research and Scientific Innovation X, no. VII (2023): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.51244/ijrsi.2023.10712.
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Myanmar’s geo-political and geo-economic position is very important to China and India. India and China are the two regional powers of Southeast Asia, although it shares border with the two coutries. Basically, Myanmar is the center of connectivity to South Asia and Southeast Asia with the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal. The new economic super power of the world. China’s ambitious project BRI connects Myanmar with two corridors. Especially in the case of importing fuel oil and exporting products to the global market, Chinese ships have to go around the Malacca Strait, which is time consuming and costly and strategically risky. But using Kukpyu Port in Rakhine State will reduce China’s dependence on the Malacca Strait and expand trade. That is why the bilateral relationship between the world’s second largest economy China (GDP $14.140 Trillion, 2019) and the 73rd economy Myanmar (GDP $ 69.994, 2019) is very important (Ahamed, Rahman & Nur, 2020) . China has been playing an important role in Myanmar’s economic development through bilateral trade relations since 1988. From 1988 to 2018, 26% of all foreign investment in Myanmar came from China and as of June 2020, Chinese investment in Myanmar was US $21350.668 Million (DICA, 2020). India shares a 1643 km land border with Myanmar with 4 northeastern states of Mizoram, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur. Myanmar is the gateway to the implementation of ‘Act East Policy’ and ‘Neighborhood First Policy’ announced by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2014 (Ahamed, Rahman & Nur, 2020). In addition, the world’s two most important sea routes, The strait of Malacca and The strait of Hurmuz, are connected to the Indian Ocean and the Pacific Ocean through the Bay of Bengal. Myanmar has a 725 km coastal boundary with the Bay of Bengal. Because of this, Myanmar is geo-politically and geo-strategically India., important to the Western world including China. Due to US presence in Indian Ocean, recent Sino-Indian conflict and Myanmar’s strategic location, Sino-Myanmar relations have become one of the research topics at present. This article will analyze the multifaceted aspects of China-Myanmar relations.
10
Sun, Yun. "China's Strategic Misjudgement on Myanmar." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100105.
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Yun Sun argues that China's policy failures on Myanmar in 2011 are rooted in several strategic post-election misjudgements. Following President Thein Sein's inauguration in March 2011, the Sino–Myanmar relationship was initially boosted by the establishment of a “comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership,” and China sought reciprocation for its long-time diplomatic support in the form of Myanmar's endorsement of China's positions on regional multilateral forums. A series of events since August have frustrated China's aspirations, however, including Myanmar's suspension of the Myitsone dam and the rapid improvement of its relationship with the West. Several strategic misjudgements contributed to China's miscalculations, including on the democratic momentum of the Myanmar government, on the U.S. –Myanmar engagement and on China's political and economic influence in the country. China's previous definition of Myanmar as one of China's “few loyal friends” and the foundation of its strategic blueprint has been fundamentally shaken, and China is recalibrating its expectations regarding future policies.
11
Gunawan, Yordan, Muhammad Nur Rifqi Amirullah, Vensky Ghaniiyyu Putri Permana, and Mohammad Hazyar Arumbinang. "FREEDOM OF SPEECH UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW: MYANMAR'S ANTI-COUP DEMONSTRATION VIOLENCE CASE." JCH (Jurnal Cendekia Hukum) 7, no. 1 (September 30, 2021): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33760/jch.v7i1.414.
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The paper aims to examine the position of international law against violence committed by the Myanmar military known as Tatmadaw, against Myanmar which held anti-coup demonstrations in Myanmar. The research used the normative legal research method, with the main source of data collection of legal material containing normative law. The results showed that Myanmar is one of the countries in Southeast Asia whose government has been dominated by the military. In early 2021, the Tatmadaw staged a coup against Myanmar's President Aung San Suu Kyi. The tragedy began in the 2020 elections, in which the National Democratic League (NLD) was elected as the majority to sit in Myanmar's parliament. However, Tatmadaw could have no election results and no coup. Burmese, who did not support a coup by Myanmar's military, made a massive dip in the streets. Tatmadaw performs violent acts for action until 2019. However, from the direction of the protesters, some protesters became victims of violence by the Tatmadaw. It reflects the restrictions on the freedom of speech of the People of Myanmar. Free speech is an important right of the People of Myanmar to be part of the good Human Rights face-to-face by international law through arbitrary ministers by the Tatmadaw. The Tatmadaw's acts of violence against Myanmar violate human rights set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in articles 19 and 29. In addition, freedom of speech is also governed by the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights in article 19.
12
Chenyang, LI. "China–Myanmar Comprehensive Strategic Cooperative Partnership: A Regional Threat?" Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 1 (March 2012): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100104.
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This paper analyses the China-Myanmar ‘comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership’ in the framework of China's diplomacy in the post-Cold War era and concludes that the partnership has no ‘significant negative impact’ on regional relations. China pursues its partnerships with Myanmar and other states to create a ‘stable’ and ‘harmonious’ surrounding environment, itself a ‘major’ prerequisite for China's peaceful development. The author argues that China has not focused its diplomacy on Myanmar at the expense of other states; rather, he notes that in fact China established a ‘comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership’ with three other ASEAN states (Vietnam in 2008, Laos in 2009, and Cambodia in 2010) before it did so with Myanmar in May 2011. The article argues that the scope and depth of China's partnerships with states such as Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia are actually above that of its partnership with Myanmar. It also argues that Myanmar's strong nationalism will prevent China from, for example, building a base on Myanmar's soil. The author also asserts that China does not seek to use Myanmar as an ally to weaken or dilute ASEAN or its unity on the South China Sea issue.
13
Turnell, Sean. "Myanmar in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.157.
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Abstract Overall, 2011 was a year of significant change in Myanmar. By year-end, there was hope that political and economic reforms—incomplete and fragile—were at last underway. Myanmar continued to be an important regional exporter of energy and resources, but in other areas underperformed. Myanmar's international relations improved, and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited at the end of November.
14
Bonnitcha, Jonathan. "International Investment Arbitration in Myanmar: Bounded Rationality, But Not as We Know It." Journal of World Investment & Trade 18, no. 5-6 (December 7, 2017): 974–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-12340068.
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Abstract In 2011, following almost fifty years of one-party military rule, Myanmar began a process of transition toward democracy. Alongside this process, the Government of Myanmar is pursuing a variety of reforms in the hope of attracting new foreign investment. This article examines elements of the national and international legal environment governing foreign investment in Myanmar. The focus is on Myanmar’s current approach to investment treaties and Myanmar’s experience of investor-state arbitration under such treaties to date, although the article also reviews Myanmar’s national laws that are relevant to international investment arbitration, notably its laws on foreign investment and on arbitration. The article highlights Myanmar’s position to date as a ‘rule-taker’ in the investment treaty regime. It draws attention to important differences between Myanmar’s experience with investment treaties and the experiences of other developing countries, as well as possible points of similarity.
15
Wu, Xiang. "Dual Effects of Democracy Promotion: Evidence from International Election Observation Data of Myanmar’s General Elections." Chinese Journal of International Review 02, no. 02 (December 2020): 2050012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2630531320500122.
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Since the 1990s, international election observation, as an important way of election monitoring, has become increasingly active on the international stage. By inviting international election observation missions (IEOMs) to conduct election monitoring, the nascent democracies not only hope to promote democracy and enhance its legitimacy, but also tend to reduce international sanctions and improve relations with the West. The international election observation of Myanmar’s two general elections in 2010 and 2015 is an important sample to observe Myanmar’s democratic process and its interaction with the international community. IEOMs in Myanmar have witnessed diverse situations from being rejected to being invited, from being independently observed to participating and from slamming elections to praising them. In the 2015 general elections, IEOMs had an important impact on Myanmar’s democratic transition, but in essence, their limitations were only surrounding the election-related matters. The work done by many international election observation organizations has been limited to the procedural level of democracy, and could not help Myanmar to further the institution-building. General elections in Myanmar are due in 2020. Currently, many IEOMs have traveled to Myanmar for election observation, but it is yet to be decided whether it will contribute to good governance in Myanmar.
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Nabilla Syahaya Putri Aryani. "CONSTRUCTIVE ENGAGEMENT AS INDONESIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN PROMOTING DEMOCRATIZATION IN MYANMAR." Indonesian Journal of International Relations 3, no. 2 (November 13, 2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32787/ijir.v3i2.84.
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The emergence of a constructive approach conducted by Indonesian Government towards its bilateral relations with Myanmar known as a form of Indonesia's responsibility to be involved in the settlement of democratic issues and the humanitarian crisis within Myanmar. This approach constructed by regionalism precedent of ASEAN Way Values which reaffirm the consideration of the Indonesian Government in the making process of Constructive Engagement foreign policy to promote democratization in Myanmar. This Strategy opposed disincentive policies implied by Western Countries towards Myanmar. As in its implementation, Constructive Engagement strategy accentuates the attempts of dialogue, consensus and strengthening cooperation between countries to create social and economic development within Myanmar and bring the positive trend in the process of Myanmar's political transition.
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Y.N.P, Aberrant Pratama, Khansa Qonita, and Tri Sandy N. "The Effect of Politics and Humanity Issue on Tourism Sector Development in Myanmar." Journal of ASEAN Dynamics and Beyond 1, no. 1 (December 19, 2020): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.20961/aseandynamics.v1i1.46819.
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<p><em>Tourism is one of the sectors that can support development of a country by contributing in foreign exchange. In order to attract tourists from around the world, a country must open up to the international order. Myanmar is one of many countries opening itself up in order to promote the country among tourists. A lot of infrastructure developments, especially in the field of tourism, were done in Myanmar, such as hotels and recreation areas. But the Myanmar government uses their authority to force men who take military services to do some labor jobs. Hence, this issue was exposed and got a lot of criticisms from international society, some countries even boycotting Myanmar’s tourism, as well as Myanmar’s recent security and humanity issue regarding violence to Rohingya people that was done by Myanmar’s military. Apparently, this issue aggravates Myanmar’s image in a lot of tourists’ perspectives. So many tourists cancelled their holiday plan in Myanmar because of this Rohingya issue. In this journal, there will be a discussion about how humanity issues could affect the image of a country which will later affect the tourism field as well. </em></p>
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Jha, Gaurav Kumar, and Amrita Banerjee. "India–Myanmar Relations." South Asian Survey 19, no. 1 (March 2012): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523114539583.
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Despite long historical ties, post-colonial relations between India and Myanmar have fluctuated between magnanimity and mistrust. While India often stood for high moral grounds and promotion of democracy, it did so at the cost of losing Myanmar to China. This affected both India and Myanmar adversely: while New Delhi’s economic, energy and security interests were hurt, isolated Yangon became more China-dependent. However, since the early 1990s, domestic developments in Myanmar and post-Cold War structural changes in the world order necessitated conditions for cooperation and mutual gains. It appears that blatant domestic suppression in, and international seclusion of, Myanmar is not desirable. Having witnessed two eras of magnanimity and mistrust, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s visit to Myanmar in 2012 heralds a prospective era of market interdependence while opening Pandora’s box: can India get a better share of Myanmar’s commercial possibilities without compromising its core interests in promoting democracy, development and diaspora protection?
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COOK, Alistair D. B. "Post-Myitsone Relations Between China and Myanmar – More Continuity than Change?" East Asian Policy 05, no. 04 (October 2013): 99–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930513000408.
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While the world's media has centred on the opening up of Myanmar and the removal of sanctions by the West, less attention has been focused on Myanmar's relations with China. Can this relationship be ignored within the context of the Sino-American rivalry in the Asia-Pacific? This policy article focuses on the recent evolution of China-Myanmar relations and Chinese interests in and perceptions of Myanmar in transition.
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Efremova, K. "Post-election crisis in Myanmar." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2021): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-89-98.
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The article analyzes the current political situation in Myanmar where the military came back to power in February 2021. The legality of introducing the state of emergency by the military and of transferring the state power to the Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Services Senior General Min Aung Hlaing is addressed. The situation in Myanmar is also compared with the neighbouring Thailand where military takeovers have become a political routine. The difference between Myanmar’s and Thailand’s coups and their perceptions by the international community is highlighted. The “Daw Aung San Suu Kyi factor” and the political-information campaign against Myanmar in global mass media are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the U.S. policy towards Myanmar as a country that is strategically located at the coast of the Bay of Bengal. The role of U.S.-based charity funds and social networks in organizing mass protests in Myanmar, in reaction to the state of emergency declared by the military, is explored. The Civil Disobedience Movement’s actions, goals and practical results are discussed. Finally, the article outlines scenarios of future developments and focuses on the key role of Myanmar’s military (the Tatmadaw) in peaceful solution of the post-election political crisis in Myanmar.
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Ahamed, Akkas, Md Sayedur Rahman, and Nur Hossain. "China-Myanmar Bilateral Relations: An Analytical Study of Some Geostrategic and Economic Issues." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 10, no. 3 (September 17, 2020): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v10i3.17704.
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Myanmar's geopolitical and geostrategic position is very important for China and India, the two regional powers in East Asia and South Asia. Myanmar is the main connecting hub for South Asia, East Asia, and Southeast Asia, and it is also connected with the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean. Myanmar is connected with the two corridors of China's ambitious projects, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and Bangladesh, China, India, Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM). Chinese ships have to navigate at the Malacca Strait, especially in the case of fuel oil imports and exports to global markets, which are, both times consuming and strategically risky. But, using the Rakhine state's Kyaukpyu port will reduce China's dependence on the Malacca Strait and expand trade. Due to the US presence in the Indian Ocean, the recent Sino-Indian conflict, and Myanmar's geostrategic position, Sino-Myanmar relations are now one of the topics of study. This article will analyze the geostrategic and economic issues of Sino-Myanmar relations. The study has found that both China and Myanmar have greatly been benefitted through the establishment of strong bilateral relationship based on trade and investment, connectivity, constructions of ports and special economic zones. The main objective of this study is to find a diplomatic way to improve the Bangladesh-Myanmar relations based on the results of the strong relationship of China and Myanmar. This study is a major contribution to the field of China–Myanmar bilateral relations in the context of some geostrategic and geo-economic issues. The study has been carried out based on secondary data with some primary data of border survey and focus group discussions. At the conclusion of this study, there has been provided with some policy recommendations to improve the geostrategic and economic relations between the two neighboring countries.
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Keyuan, Zou. "China's Possible Role in Myanmar's National Reconciliation." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 17 (March 10, 2003): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v17i0.13.
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China and Myanmar have maintained their good relations for centuries. Based
on China's pragmatic foreign policy, China supports the current military regime
in Myanmar through political, strategic, economic and cultural ties and exchanges.
National reconciliation is a necessary step for Myanmar's future prosperity and
security, including democratization in this country. Because of the good
relationship between China and Myanmar and the former's strong influence,
China has some role to play, albeit not a critical one, in Myanmar's national
reconciliation. The limitation of China's role stems firstly from China's foreign
policy (based on the Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence) as well as from
China's perception of democracy. On the other hand, China would like to see a
stable and prosperous Myanmar close to its borders. This article examines these
crucial issues and the ramifications for future co-operation.
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Hung, Alvin Hoi-Chun. "Exploring the Root Causes of the Persecution Policy Against Rohingya People: A Study based on Three Constitutions of Burma/Myanmar." Asian Journal of Law and Policy 2, no. 2 (July 8, 2022): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33093/ajlp.2022.6.
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This article presents and analyzes the complex case of the Rohingya, a large group that allegedly migrated from the Bengal area and has been deprived of citizenship through the sociopolitical measures of the Myanmar government, thereby making them de facto stateless people in Myanmar. Through archival research investigating extensive historical records in Myanmar with a particular focus on the three constitutions of the country, this study attempted to identify and analyse the sociopolitical reasons and underlying sociocultural rationale for why Rohingya migrants are deprived of citizenship in Myanmar, treated as illegal immigrants, and subjected to criminal prosecution and oppression under Myanmar’s military rule. While violence against the Rohingya people should be condemned, the Buddhist nationalism of the majority of Myanmar citizens and the concern about territorial sovereignty of the Myanmar government must be well understood before effective tutelary measures can be contemplated for the Rohingya people.
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Htwe, Thaingi Khin. "Japan’s Balancing Act: Assessing Japan’s Foreign Policy towards Myanmar in the Emerging Indo-Pacific Era." WIMAYA 2, no. 02 (December 4, 2021): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/wimaya.v2i02.52.
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Prime Minister Abe officially introduced the FOIP in 2016 at the TICAD VI in Kenya aiming to preserve the RBO against increasing challenges to the vital interests of Japan. Because of Myanmar's geostrategic location, democratization, and rich natural resources, Myanmar became an important country in fostering Japan's FOIP. In this context, this paper aims to examine Japan’s foreign policy towards Myanmar in the emerging Indo-Pacific era. This paper is mainly focused on Japan’s balancing strategy in Indo-Pacific, the significance of Myanmar in Japan’s FOIP, and the foreign policy tools of Japan in Myanmar. The paper finds that Japan rapproach Myanmar by using significant 3Ds (diplomatic engagement, defense cooperation, and development assistance) in the emerging Indo-Pacific era. Japan’s foreign policy readjustment towards Myanmar in the emerging Indo-Pacific era can be interpreted as one of Japan’s limited hard balancing strategies against China.
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Lwin, Wuit Yi, Shida R. Henneberry, B. Wade Brorsen, and Jon T. Biermacher. "Elasticities of Chinese Demand for Imports of Melons from Vietnam and Myanmar." Vietnam Journal of Agricultural Sciences 6, no. 3 (September 29, 2023): 1861–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31817/vjas.2023.6.3.04.
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Vietnam and Myanmar are major exporters of melons (Citrullus lanatus) to China. Among all fresh fruits, melons account for Myanmar’s and Vietnam’s largest export volume and values. Over 90% of Myanmar’s melons are exported via border trade, primarily to China. Measuring the own- and cross-price elasticities of imported melons into China that come from Vietnam and Myanmar can help each exporter understand the market potential for their melons. The objective of the study was to estimate the own- and cross-price elasticities of imported melons into China differentiated by exporting country. The demand system of imported melons into China was estimated using a source-differentiated Linear Approximation of the Almost Ideal Demand System (LA-AIDS). The results suggest that imported melons are weakly separable from other imported fruits. While melons from Vietnam and Myanmar are substitutes for each other, the price of melons from the rest of the world (ROW) did not have a significant effect on China’s imports of melons from Vietnam or Myanmar. The estimated coefficients from the seasonal dummy variables included in the demand equations show little seasonality in the market shares of Vietnam, Myanmar, and the ROW for melon imports to China.
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Vinogradov, Ilia. "Myanmar – China: Beijing’s Strategic Interests and Instruments of Influence." Asia and Africa Today, no. 5 (2023): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750025705-7.
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The military leadership of Myanmar being under conditions of international sanctions and having a difficult economic situation have to approach China. In the foreign policy of the PRC, Myanmar has also acquired a great geostrategic importance. Getting direct transport access to the Indian Ocean through Myanmar stimulates the export-oriented development of the south-western provinces of the PRC and also forms a safe energy corridor for the import of hydrocarbons bypassing the Malacca Strait. China is implementing many infrastructure projects in Myanmar as part of connecting Myanmar to the Belt and Road Initiative. China as a powerful economic actor is an important source of energy for modern technologies, helping to modernize Myanmar’s economy, creates jobs. At the same time, the growth of Chinese capital in the economy of Myanmar and the political influence of Beijing on the military also cause negative reactions at the grass-roots level. China retains its historical leverage over the Myanmar leadership in the form of ethnic armed organizations (EAO) and plays an important role in the process of national reconciliation in Myanmar. At the same time, the activities of various criminal structures in the Sino-Myanmar border area have a negative impact on the southwestern regions of China.
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Lwin, May, and Kriengsak Panuwatwanich. "IDENTIFICATION AND EVALUATION OF GREEN BUILDING ASSESSMENT INDICATORS FOR MYANMAR." Journal of Green Building 16, no. 2 (March 1, 2021): 143–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3992/jgb.16.2.143.
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ABSTRACT To accommodate its increasing population, the Myanmar government has planned to implement smart city projects in Yangon and Mandalay by 2021 and to build 1 million homes by 2030. However, such projected growth does not coincide with Myanmar’s current level of preparedness for sustainable development. Myanmar presently has no standards and specifications for green buildings; it solely relies on the adoption of those from overseas, which may not always be compatible with the unique context of Myanmar. Hence, this study was aimed to identify appropriate green building assessment indicators for Myanmar as an important first step for future rating system development. Nine categories and forty-eight criteria were initially identified by reviewing the widely adopted seven rating systems and investigating existing certified green buildings. The Fuzzy Analytic Hierarchy Process (Fuzzy AHP) was used to determine and rank the importance levels of the identified assessment indicators. Results showed that “energy efficiency” and “water efficiency” are the most crucial categories with weights of 17.48% and 13.95%, respectively. Compared to other rating system standards, “waste and pollution” was distinctively found as an important category for Myanmar. Energy-efficient architectural design was ranked as the highest priority among all criteria. These findings serve as a building block for the future development of a Myanmar green building rating system by revealing assessment categories and criteria that are most relevant to Myanmar’s built environment.
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Gunawan, Yordan, Debby Kemira Putri Drajat, Dela Rinanda Putri, and Verocha Jayustin Sastra. "Myanmar's Rejection Of The United Nations Resolution: Allowed of Not?" Literasi Hukum 7, no. 2 (October 31, 2023): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31002/lh.v7i2.4160.
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Myanmar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs rejected the Myanmar Ministry of Foreign Affairs calls for an arms embargo and power struggle by the military in a UN general assembly resolution last February because the resolution was considered based on unilateral accusations and false assumptions, and the resolution was deemed not legally binding. In addition, several Myanmar statements have been adopted by the UN security council, which has the authority as well as resolutions deemed legally binding, such as the prohibition of acts of violence against protesters. In addition, the resolution calls on the military not to commit acts of violence as well as restore the democratic transition. The purpose of this study is to find out whether Myanmar may reject the UN General Assembly resolution or not. The study uses normative legal research with a case approach using qualitative descriptive methods to describe the legal reasons used in Myanmar's rejection of the UN General Assembly resolution and how to apply the principle of pacta sunt servanda in this case. The results show that Myanmar rejects the UN resolution calling for an arms embargo because Myanmar considers that the resolution is not legally binding and based on the pacta sunt servanda. Myanmar should accept the UN General Assembly resolution because it binds an agreement to the parties who made it.
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Hirano, R., Than Htun Oo, and K. N. Watanabe. "Myanmar mango landraces reveal genetic uniqueness over common cultivars from Florida, India, and Southeast Asia." Genome 53, no. 4 (April 2010): 321–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/g10-005.
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Mango ( Mangifera indica ) is believed to have evolved in a large area spanning northeastern India, Bangladesh, and northwestern Myanmar. We compared the genetic structure of mango accessions from Myanmar with that of mango accessions from Florida, India, and Southeast Asia with 11 SSR markers. The Myanmar accessions exhibited considerable genetic diversity (unbiased heterozygosity, UHe = 0.698) and a high number of private alleles. Despite the low degree of genetic differentiation among accessions (global Fst, θ = 0.123), Myanmar’s accessions were distinguishable from mango accessions from Florida, India, and Southeast Asia in a principal coordinates plot. Genetic differentiation of the Myanmar accessions from other groups was also observed in a Bayesian cluster analysis. No population structure among Myanmar accessions was revealed by a neighbor-joining tree. Our results revealed a broad genetic background and genetic distinctiveness of mango in Myanmar. We discuss the implications for diversification mechanisms based on the embryo type characteristics and provide recommendations for conservation efforts.
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Han, Enze. "Myanmar’s Internal Ethnic Conflicts and Their Implications for China’s Regional Grand Strategy." Asian Survey 60, no. 3 (May 2020): 466–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.3.466.
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This paper discusses the dynamics between Myanmar’s peace process, its mismanagement of the Rohingya crisis, and China’s strategic interests in Myanmar. It examines how internal ethnic conflicts in Myanmar will transpire and the implications for China’s grand strategy of One Belt One Road in the region.
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Hong, Zhao. "China–Myanmar Energy Cooperation and Its Regional Implications." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, no. 4 (December 2011): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000404.
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Although Myanmar is among the world's oldest oil-producing countries, Chinese oil and gas companies did not start their oil and gas exploration projects there until recently. The most recent and significant China–Myanmar energy cooperation project is the oil and gas pipelines which got started in 2009. This paper will discuss the reasons and driving forces for this pipeline project and its broader objectives, and testify whether pipelines can deepen regional economic integration and strengthen bilateral relations. This paper concludes by saying that China might use the China-Myanmar pipeline construction as an opportunity to play a more constructive role in Myanmar's domestic reforms, thus improving its image in Southeast Asia and strengthening its relations with Myanmar.
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Mannan, Md Abdul. "China’s Balancing Behaviour Against the United States and the Special Importance of Myanmar." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 2 (August 2020): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020938985.
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As China rises, Sino–US competition for influence in East and Southeast Asia has become inescapable. China’s growing influence on its south-western neighbour, Myanmar, is a case in point. The impact of China’s rise is more strongly felt, politically and economically, in Myanmar than elsewhere in the world. This article asks the follow question: What explains China’s more aggressive political and economic clout in Myanmar than elsewhere in the world? To answer this question, this article argues that Myanmar holds a unique importance to China’s balancing act against the preponderance of American power in a unipolar world. Most of the available literature on China’s inroads into Myanmar focus on China’s geopolitical and strategic interests. With such focus, existing literatures take on Myanmar’s importance to China in terms of China’s politics of resource extraction that meets the requirement of its overall economic development. There is no denying it—resource extraction is important for China in order to feed its expanding economy. But hardly any study frames Myanmar’s special weight in China’s politics of resource extraction from the perspective of Beijing’s balancing act against the United States (US). China’s balancing act is characterized by an ‘economic prebalancing’ strategy. The strategy is rooted in China’s grand strategy of acquiring ‘comprehensive national strength’, and more precisely, it is embedded in Beijing’s ‘peaceful development’ strategy. The article asserts that Myanmar is critically important in China’s economic prebalancing strategy against the United States.
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Myint, Soe Thuzar. "Ayedawbon Treatises." MANUSYA 18, no. 2 (2015): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-01802003.
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Researchers on Myanmar’s history have found the Ayedawbon treatises to be a highly momentous Myanmar literary genre which give a record of historical events, next in significance to the Myanmar chronicles. The Myanmar term ‘Ayedawbon’ is synonymous with the Thai term, Chotmaihet or Kotmaihet and it deals with an account or report of particular events.3 Owing to circumstances and the time consuming nature, never before has anyone attempted to translate these famous works into the English language. There are some works by Myanmar scholars on Ayedawbon kyans but they do not highlight the section involving Siam-Myanmar relations. Thus, by studying Ayedawbon treatises, scholars of Thai studies will acquire new insight, reach new interpretations and gain access to richer source materials. The data used in this article relies on a historical approach and is primarily based on documentary materials. I have surveyed seven Ayedawbon treatises which have been handed down from generation to generation. We have found invaluable historical facts which were not mentioned in Siamese and Myanmar chronicles. In addition, these treatises refer to Siam- Myanmar warfare in detail. This paper focuses on the significance of the Ayedawbon treatises and the cryptic descriptions of seven Ayedawbon treatises.
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Artharini, Nadia Feby. "PERBANDINGAN FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT NEGARA MYANMAR DENGAN INDONESIA." TANJUNGPURA LAW JOURNAL 5, no. 2 (July 26, 2021): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.26418/tlj.v5i2.44457.
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Abstract This journal discusses about comparative law on Myanmar's Foreign Direct Investment with Indonesian’s FDI. The study uses a literature study of secondary data. The results of the study are the identification of regulations concerning Myanmar's Foreign Direct Investment compared to Foreign Direct Investment in Indonesia. Related to Foreign Direct Investment, there are several main aspects in the applicable regulations, which must be fulfilled such as the agency that deals with, special investment policies, business fields that are established and restricted to foreigners, the obligations of investors, partner institutions relevant to Myanmar's FDI, investment aggregation as well as the type of investment and guarantee provided to investors in Myanmar.Abstrak Jurnal ini membahas mengenai perbandingan hukum Foreign Direct Investment Negara Myanmar dengan Indonesia. Penelitian menggunakan studi kepustakaan terhadap data sekunder. Hasil penelitian adalah identifikasi peraturan-peraturan yang memuat perihal Foreign Direct Investment negara Myanmar dibandingkan dengan Foreign Direct Investment di Indonesia. Terkait Foreign Direct Investment, terdapat beberapa aspek utama dalam peraturan-peraturan yang berlaku, yang harus dipenuhi seperti lembaga yang mengurusi, kebijakan investasi khusus, bidang usaha yang terbuka dan yang dibatasi untuk asing, kewajiban para investor, institusi mitra yang relevan dengan FDI Myanmar, investment aggrement serta jenis investasi dan garansi yang diberikan kepada para inveestor di Myanmar.
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Burrett, Tina. "Mixed Signals: Democratization and the Myanmar Media." Politics and Governance 5, no. 2 (April 13, 2017): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v5i2.831.
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This article investigates the media context of Myanmar’s recent political reforms and transition of power. Drawing on interviews with 57 Yangon-based media professionals, the article analyzes the media’s role as both an agent and subject of political change as Myanmar prepared for parliamentary elections in November 2015. It asks to what extent changes in the Myanmar media system adhere to existing theories of the media’s role in the democratization process. Specifically, the article analyzes the features and functions of Myanmar’s media during the country’s liberalization from 2010 to 2015. The article concludes by assessing what Myanmar’s experience adds to our theoretical understanding of the media’s transformation during liberalization.
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Kironska, Kristina. "Taiwan–Myanmar Relations within the Framework of the New Southbound Policy." International Journal of Taiwan Studies 4, no. 2 (March 3, 2021): 345–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24688800-20201133.
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Abstract This article combines the study of Taiwan’s New Southbound Policy with a case study of Taiwan–Myanmar relations from a perspective of political relations, economic cooperation, and Taiwan’s (un)recognisability in Myanmar—i.e. Taiwan’s soft power in Myanmar. The first part of the paper introduces the policy and compares it with the previous ones, and sheds light on Taiwan’s motivation to engage with Myanmar. It considers the ongoing trade war between the United States and China, due to which investment relocation from China is expected to sharply increase. The second part of the paper provides an insight into the relationship between Taiwan and Myanmar after Myanmar’s state-led political transformation from military rule and economic liberalisation since approximately 2010. It explains the main aspects and determinants of the relationship between two countries that share a neighbouring potential hegemon which they both wish to balance against.
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Lê Hoàng, Kiệt. "China’s Intervention Policy in Myanmar Facing Challenges from India." International Journal of Applied Research and Sustainable Sciences 1, no. 4 (December 17, 2023): 307–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.59890/ijarss.v1i4.1026.
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In the context of the 21st century, Myanmar holds a significant geopolitical position, serving as a hotbed of competition between India and China in the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia region. To counter India’s influence, China has employed various tools to increase its sway in Myanmar. This article investigates China’s intervention policies in Myanmar in the face of challenges from India. The research results indicate that China is implementing four main policies to intervene in Myanmar: (1) Approaching political factions; (2) Exploiting ethnic issues, particularly the Rohingya; (3) Creating economic dependence through investment and trade; (4) Enhancing military and defense cooperation. However, Myanmar’s policies have undergone numerous changes, causing China’s influence to waver. Nevertheless, in the current volatile context, Myanmar tends to rely on China economically and militarily. This has posed challenges to India’s position, especially since the National League for Democracy (NLD) leader - Aung San Suu Kyi was ousted.
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Park, Hyun-Yong, and Jeong Hugh HAN. "Myanmar Research Trend Analysis: A comparative approach to domestic and international journals articles using keyword network analysis." Korea Association for International Commerce and Information 24, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 151–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.15798/kaici.2022.24.2.151.
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To capture the recent Myanmar research trends, this study analyzed 605 domestic journal articles (indexed in Korean Citation Index) and 31,671 international journal articles (published in Springer) by taking the keyword network analysis method. Myanmar research has been actively carried out since early 2010 both domestically and internationally, showing a rapid increase from 2016 when the democratic government was established by Aung San Suu Kyi. Keyword analysis indicated that domestic journal articles put priority on Myanmar's internal issues, such as political conditions, economy, social culture, and international relations. On the other hand, international articles prioritized generic research topics, such as species diversity, climate change, health care, and malaria infection. Topic modeling analysis identified that international trade policy and trade cooperation were dominant research topics for both domestic and international journal articles. However, Myanmar's internal specific issues such as Buddhism, history, and the military issues were analyzed as important topics by domestic articles while global topics such as energy/resources problem, education, health policy, and species diversity were ranked as important topics in international articles. Periodical research trend analysis distinguishes the directions of domestic and international research articles. In domestic journal articles, Myanmar’s internal domestic issues such as religion and language were dominant topics before the economic opening period. In the initial stage of economic opening, research proportions on Korean companies' strategies for entering to Myanmar market were high. In the period of openness expansion, market entry strategies for individual industry sectors and analysis of investment effects were important research topics. On the other hand, international articles showed consistency and firmness in selecting research topics, such as food issues, species diversity, climate change, health care, and education policy. This paper empirically suggests that domestic journal articles focus on international trade and investment-related issues by taking an economic approach while international articles highlight the diverse characteristics of Myanmar by taking a holistic approach.
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Marlina, Revy, Yoseph Wahyu Kurniawan, and Muhammad Rafly. "Indonesia’s Roles in Myanmar’s Rohingya Crisis: Through the Lens of Public Diplomacy." Journal of Communication & Public Relations 3, no. 1 (March 6, 2024): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.37535/105003120245.
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Myanmar's Rohingya crisis is one of the intractable conflicts in South East Asia that has been unsolved until now. The Rohingya, as a minority group in Myanmar, suffer from human rights violations by the majority Buddhist Rakhine population with central government support. In effect, many of them fled to neighboring countries, such as Thailand, India,Indonesia and Nepal, and other countries across the region (UN Refugees, 2022). Indonesia, as one of the founding members of ASEAN, thinks that ASEAN must solve this conflict, but the obstacle faced by ASEAN is the non-intervention principle. With the differences in ideology and national interest of ASEAN member states, this conflict is not to be the utmost priority by the ASEAN Members. Indonesia gave attention to Myanmar’s Rohingya crisis since the crisis emerged in 1948 at the same time Myanmar gained independence from Great Britain. As an ASEAN host this year, Indonesia intensified its role to be a peace broker through shuttle diplomacy and engaging key players in Myanmar. Indonesia realized that this conflict must be solved by bringing to the table the key players in Myanmar’s Rohingya conflict. This conflict matters for Indonesia, because of achance for Indonesia to be portrayed as one of the countries that enhance its reputation and want to revive its glory moment in the Soeharto era that can solve regional conflict. Public diplomacy will be used in this paper by seeing the efforts of the Indonesian government, especially during President Jokowi's second term. As Joseph S. Nye said <<soft power is the ability to affect others to obtain the outcomes one wants through attraction rather than coercion or payment>>, we can see the Indonesia effort through shuttle diplomacy, implementation of the Five-Point Consensus on Myanmar, and humanitarian aid to solve this conflict. The capacity of Indonesia to be an honest peace broker is natural because of the resources that Indonesia had in several areas, particularly in political and economic areas.
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Hammad, Ahmed Arafa A., and Guo Dexiang. "Protection of civilians in the law of war: A case study of Myanmar." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 5, no. 2 (October 21, 2021): 124–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/5.2.9.
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The paper is aimed to analyses the Law of War violation in Myanmar. Current communal conflicts in Myanmar among Buddhists and Muslims have cast a pall over the country's transition to democracy. The Rohingya, a Muslim minority group, has been disproportionately affected by the recent round of violence. The Rohingya have been subjected to many human rights violations, which has drawn international attention to the situation. Because the Myanmar government does not recognize Rohingya as a separate ethnic group, they are effectively stateless. Rohingya claim to be indigenous people of Myanmar, despite the government's statements that they came from Bangladesh. The research concludes that as positive as the recent political change has been, the Rohingya's future development does not appear bright. International human rights organizations are urging the global community to pressure Myanmar's administration to amend the Citizenship Law, which effectively makes the Rohingya homeless. The end of this article will give a solution for the Myanmar conflict and protect the Muslim minorities.
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Demir, Ali. "The Effect of China on ASEAN: The BRI Projects in Myanmar." Frequency of International Relations (FETRIAN) 4, no. 2 (May 12, 2023): 126–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/fetrian.4.2.126-147.2022.
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This article focuses on China's gaining favourable approaches in ASEAN as a result of its investment in BRI projects within ASEAN countries. The study tries to explain both how China-Myanmar bilateral relations have developed and how Myanmar's position in ASEAN can be a possible "ally" of China by addressing China's BRI projects in Myanmar. The article focused on some of China's unfinished BRI projects, especially in Myanmar, and touched upon China's geostrategic goals through Myanmar. ASEAN's economic dependence on China and the need to maintain China's economic and political dominance in the Southeast Asian region make BRI projects both an economic lifeline and an endless interdependence for both parties. The US-China tension in the region and China's growing military capacity lead ASEAN countries to follow the "hedging strategy". However, due to countries such as Myanmar and Cambodia that have close economic and political relations with China, it remains unclear what position ASEAN will take in the future.
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Gunawan, Tedi. "Between Principles and Actions: ASEAN and Indonesia in Dealing With The Political Crisis In Myanmar." Jurnal Global & Strategis 18, no. 1 (June 22, 2024): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.18.1.2024.81-106.
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This article explains the role of ASEAN in addressing the political crisis and human rights violations in Myanmar, focusing on Indonesia's leadership as the ASEAN Chair in 2023. Following the 2021 military coup in Myanmar, which garnered global attention, ASEAN endeavored to formulate the Five Point Consensus through a constructive approach to tackle this crisis, yet its implementation remains constrained. This article uses a case study method to evaluate ASEAN's response to Myanmar's post-coup situation. The initial adoption of the "constructive engagement" approach within the ASEAN context was aimed at resolving this crisis. However, this approach, characterized by non-interference and consensus-building, proved ineffective in driving political change in Myanmar. As the ASEAN Chair, Indonesia assumes a pivotal role in seeking more effective solutions. The study finds that ASEAN demonstrates adaptability in addressing the Myanmar crisis, transitioning from the "constructive engagement" approach to "enhanced interactions." Under Indonesia's leadership, ASEAN deployed a team of the Special Envoy for Myanmar Affairs led by Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi and rebuilt ASEAN's centrality through proactive mediation efforts, diplomatic coordination, engagement with external partners, and commitment to regional stability and peace. Additionally, ASEAN's intervention with restrictions on Myanmar's participation in various regional activities serves as a form of 'pressure' to encourage cooperation and accountability. Through these enhanced interactions, ASEAN and Indonesia played a more active role in mediating the crisis and promoting reconciliation among all stakeholders involved. Keywords: ASEAN; Indonesia; Myanmar Coup; Constructive Engagement; Enhanced Interactions Artikel ini menjelaskan peran ASEAN dalam mengatasi krisis politik dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia di Myanmar, dengan fokus pada kepemimpinan Indonesia sebagai Ketua ASEAN pada tahun 2023. Pasca kudeta militer tahun 2021 di Myanmar yang menyita perhatian global, ASEAN berupaya merumuskan Lima Poin Konsensus melalui pendekatan konstruktif untuk mengatasi krisis ini, tetapi implementasinya masih terkendala. Dengan menggunakan metode studi kasus, artikel ini mengevaluasi respons ASEAN terhadap situasi pasca kudeta di Myanmar. Penerapan awal menggunakan pendekatan "constructive engagement" dalam konteks ASEAN bertujuan untuk menyelesaikan krisis ini. Namun, pendekatan yang bercirikan non-intervensi dan membangun konsensus, terbukti tidak efektif dalam mendorong perubahan politik di Myanmar. Sebagai Ketua ASEAN, Indonesia mempunyai peran penting dalam mencari solusi yang lebih efektif. Studi ini menemukan bahwa ASEAN menunjukkan kemampuan beradaptasi dalam mengatasi krisis Myanmar, melakukan transisi dari pendekatan "constructive engagement" ke "enhanced interactions." Di bawah kepemimpinan Indonesia, ASEAN mengerahkan tim Utusan Khusus untuk Urusan Myanmar yang dipimpin oleh Menteri Luar Negeri Indonesia dan membangun kembali konsep sentralitas ASEAN melalui upaya mediasi proaktif, koordinasi diplomatik, keterlibatan dengan mitra eksternal, dan komitmen terhadap stabilitas dan perdamaian kawasan. Selain itu, intervensi ASEAN dengan pembatasan partisipasi Myanmar dalam berbagai kegiatan regional merupakan bentuk 'tekanan' untuk mendorong kerja sama dan akuntabilitas. Melalui peningkatan interaksi ini, ASEAN dan Indonesia memainkan peran yang lebih aktif dalam memediasi krisis dan mendorong rekonsiliasi di antara seluruh pemangku kepentingan yang terlibat. Kata-kata Kunci: ASEAN; Indonesia; Kudeta Myanmar; Keterlibatan Konstruktif; Interaksi yang Ditingkatkan
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Heiduk, Felix. "From Pariah Image to Partner and Back Again: The EU’s Complicated Relationship with Myanmar." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 3 (December 2020): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020962703.
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To make sense of the EU’s rocky relationship with Myanmar, we need to consider how Myanmar’s political leadership is imagined in Europe. For decades, this image was bifurcated: on the one hand a military junta with its disdain for democracy and human rights. On the other hand, Aung San Suu Kyi (ASSK), ‘our’ saint-like Burmese ‘Nelson Mandela’, detained but still fighting for democracy and human rights. As a result, Brussels implemented a tough sanction regime and essentially assigned Myanmar pariah status. When Suu Kyi re-joined the formal political process in 2012 and won the 2015 elections, Myanmar rapidly transitioned from pariah to partner. Fast forward to 2017 and relations between the EU and Myanmar had soured again because of the Rohingya crisis and Suu Kyi’s ‘deafening silence’ on the issue. The article argues that to understand this rollercoaster ride of EU–Myanmar relations one must turn to the imagery of Suu Kyi in Europe. The strong cognitive dissonances, created by the widening gap between the imagined ‘saint’ ASSK and the realpolitik ‘sinner’, have impacted on the EU’s relations with Myanmar and can help us make sense of the recent turbulences in the relationship.
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Liew, Wui Chern, Roy Anthony Rogers, and Jatswan S. Sidhu. "Unravelling President Obama’s Myanmar Policy: Pragmatic Liberalism at Play." Malaysian Journal of International Relations 11, no. 1 (December 25, 2023): 59–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/mjir.vol11no1.4.
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This study aims to examine the US’s Myanmar policy from the perspective of pragmatic liberalism and explore the primary factors behind the policy shift in 2009. It fills a gap in the literature by offering a rare analysis of US-Myanmar policy through the lens of pragmatic liberalism. The research methodology employs document search and elite interviews to gather comprehensive insights. The research questions focus on understanding how pragmatic liberalism manifested in Obama’s Myanmar policy and identifying the objectives he aimed to achieve. The findings reveal that Obama’s Myanmar policy aligns with the principles of pragmatic liberalism. It can be analysed through two dimensions: modelling creation and hegemony maintenance. Within the context of Sino-US competition, the primary factor driving the US's policy change in Myanmar is China. Consequently, the US’s policy shift aims to establish a new strategic partner to contain Chinese influence in Southeast Asia, thereby maintaining US hegemony in the region. This study contributes to the understanding of US-Myanmar relations and sheds light on the underlying motivations and dynamics of the US’s policy shift. By adopting a pragmatic liberalist approach, the US seeks to shape Myanmar’s trajectory while safeguarding its strategic interests in the region.
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Jones, Benjamin L., Leanne C. Cullen-Unsworth, Robert Howard, and Richard K. F. Unsworth. "Complex yet fauna-deficient seagrass ecosystems at risk in southern Myanmar." Botanica Marina 61, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 193–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bot-2017-0082.
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AbstractDependence on seafood across Southeast Asia is extensive. Myanmar is no exception, but the country’s provisioning marine ecosystems are threatened. Seagrass is one habitat that is frequently overlooked in management as an important fisheries resource, despite its nursery function. In Myanmar, research on seagrass habitats is particularly sparse, and as a result, our understanding of seagrass exploitation remains limited. In this study, we provide a baseline assessment of the seagrass-associated fish assemblages at four locations in the Myeik Archipelago in southern Myanmar using mono Baited Remote Underwater Video systems. Across the sites surveyed only 12 taxa of motile fauna were recorded. Relative to other regional and global studies, this figure is meagre. Our data adds to a growing literature suggesting that the marine ecosystems of Myanmar are in a worrying state. Despite the lack of recorded seagrass associated fauna, our study revealed minimal impacts to seagrass meadows from eutrophication or sedimentation, and the meadows included appeared to be healthy. The sites with the highest number of motile fauna were within Myanmar’s only National Marine Park offering some optimism for the effectiveness of protection, but further assessments are required to allow targeted management of Myanmar’s seagrass meadows.
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Oktaviani, Jusmalia, and Lusian Riva. "Peran ASEAN dalam Menghadapi Isu Pelanggaran HAM Pasca Kudeta Militer di Myanmar Tahun 2021." Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional Fajar 1, no. 1 (December 16, 2022): 78–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.47354/jiihif.v1i1.443.
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The background of this research The background of this research is the military coup in Myanmar in 2021, military coup occurred because of allegations of corruption and election fraud Myanmar in 2020 won by National League for Democracy. Myanmar’s people refuse the coup by doing a demonstration to government and new policies, but Tatmadaw reactionto rejection of the coup resulted a human Rights violations, many victims were killed, violence against society, and violate individual rights. This case raises the issue of human rights violations was conducted by Myanmar post military coup, ASEAN as regional organization in Southeast Asia have the authority to give a response on the issue of human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup. This research used qualitative-descriptive method with liberalism institutionalism and role of international organizations, in this research was conducted to describe the role of ASEAN in resolve the issue of human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup. The result of this research show ASEAN’s role as a communication and cooperation tool to raise this issue in ASEAN’s forum, ASEAN as a platform to generate of five point consensus as a positive solution for Myanmar, and ASEAN as administration platform in promoting realization of five point consensus. All forms of ASEAN’s action in 2021 until 2022 is a part of ASEAN effort to resolve human rights violations in Myanmar post military coup.
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Thompson, Rhys. "“Underground banking” and Myanmar’s changing hundi system." Journal of Money Laundering Control 22, no. 2 (May 7, 2019): 339–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jmlc-04-2018-0030.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine Myanmar’s “hundi” system, an informal value transfer system used widely by local Myanmar citizens and offshore migrant workers to remit money domestically and internationally. Due to historically stringent banking and foreign exchange controls and a lack of domestic and internationally linked financial services, the system grew to become the dominant medium for remittances in Myanmar. It also remains unregulated despite authorities acknowledging its use in criminal and terrorist activity. However, with an expanding and modernising financial sector, there is now increasing competition and challenges facing Myanmar’s hundi system. Design/methodology/approach This paper draws on available literature and open source reporting, as well as interviews with former Myanmar Police Force officials. Findings This study provides a unique insight into Myanmar’s hundi system, its history and the challenges it faces. The once dominant system remains a known anti-money laundering and countering the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) risk and is having to compete with an expanding and modernising formal banking sector and the introduction of fintech and mobile money services. In the short term, these are unlikely to eliminate the hundi system completely, but may instead push hundi operators towards adopting these networks and technologies in their own operations. Originality/value Myanmar remains a very under-researched area and there has been a limited focus on its informal hundi remittance system and related AML/CFT issues. This paper will be a useful source for academics, development professionals, policymakers, law enforcement agencies and private sector actors seeking to understand Myanmar’s informal remittance system.
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Xiangyang, Lei, and Wu Youde. "Analysis on the characteristics of energy mix in Myanmar." E3S Web of Conferences 267 (2021): 01010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202126701010.
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Energy has been a key factor in economic development. Myanmar has considerable indigenous energy potential, which could meet domestic demand in long term if properly managed. This paper documents the current status of energy demand and supply in Myanmar, and analyses the characteristics of energy mix, and concludes that (1) Myanmar is confronted with a pressing energy demand with the rapid development of economy; (2) Myanmar’s energy production mix is dominated by oil, gas and hydropower, and the consumption structure is dominated by biomass; (3) the shortage of energy is mostly due to its unbalanced energy mix and irrational notion for energy utilization. In order to solve the serious problems between energy demand and supply, it is necessary for Myanmar to build more responsible hydropower projects, to optimize the national grid and to make more reliable and practicable energy plans.
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Mark, SiuSue, Indra Overland, and Roman Vakulchuk. "Sharing the Spoils: Winners and Losers in the Belt and Road Initiative in Myanmar." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 3 (October 28, 2020): 381–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420962116.
Full textAbstract:
This article studies the impact of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on economic actors in Myanmar. It hypothesizes that the BRI has strong transformative potential, because Chinese projects are likely to transform Myanmar’s economy on different scales and influence the allocation of economic benefits and losses for different actors. The study identifies economic actors in Myanmar who are likely to be most affected by BRI projects. It also discusses how BRI-related investments could affect the country’s complex conflict dynamics. The article concludes with policy recommendations for decision makers in Myanmar, China, and the international community for mitigating the BRI’s possible negative impacts. The analysis draws on secondary sources and primary data collection in the form of interviews with key actors in Hsipaw, Lashio, and Yangon, involved with and informed about the BRI in Myanmar at the local, regional, and national levels.
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Aung-Thwin, Michael. "A tale of two kingdoms: Ava and Pegu in the fifteenth century." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 42, no. 1 (January 14, 2011): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463410000512.
Full textAbstract:
Over a half century after the great ‘classical’ kingdom of Pagan that produced the ‘golden age’ of Myanmar had declined in the first decade of the fourteenth century, the kingdoms of Ava and Pegu appeared. Thereafter, for the next century and a half, both dominated the land. While Ava was an ‘upstream’ agrarian kingdom ruling mostly Upper Myanmar, Pegu was a ‘downstream’ commercial polity with hegemony over Lower Myanmar. However, and contrary to convention that the history of fifteenth-century Myanmar was an ethnic struggle between two irreconcilable Burmese and Mon populations, their relationship should be characterised more as a dualism of different geo-political and economic factors instead. Indeed, the history of that ‘upstream–downstream’ relationship between Ava and Pegu established lasting patterns that became, thereafter, part of the fabric of Myanmar's history until today.