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1
Turrey, Aijaz A. "Arbitrary Detention: A Challenge Faced by Muslim Minority in India." Journal of South Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 28, 2019): 51–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.006.02.2859.
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Muslims form the largest religious minority in India. Census of India 2011 registered about 14.4 per cent of India’s total population as Muslims. Being minority Muslims are one of the weaker sections of society and the most oppressed ones. Majority of the Muslims especially youth are going through distress and trauma of terrorism tags. Muslims are the prime targets of anti-national activities and often jailed and killed in fake encounters. They are the most suffered section of the society and a little is being done for their upliftment. An attempt has been made to analyze the condition of the Muslim minority in India in the present democratic scenario. The study mainly focused on the consequences of false charges and fake encounters on the socio-economic conditions of Muslims and their families in India. The study is actually an investigation in some thrust areas in which Muslim section of the society is being demoralized deeply in India. The government of India established The Ministry of Minority Affairs on 29th January 2006 to look after the issues of minority communities and suggest development frameworks for their benefit. The 2017 World Report of the Human Rights Watch1 also finds India as the violator of human rights with respect to freedom and treatment of minorities.1An Indian government agency responsible for collecting and analyzing crime data as defined by the Indian Penal Code (IPC).
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Turrey, Aijaz A. "Arbitrary Detention: A Challenge Faced by Muslim Minority in India." Journal of South Asian Studies 6, no. 3 (October 23, 2018): 175–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.006.03.2859.
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Muslims form the largest religious minority in India. Census of India 2011 registered about 14.4 per cent of India’s total population as Muslims. Being minority Muslims are one of the weaker sections of society and the most oppressed ones. Majority of the Muslims especially youth are going through distress and trauma of terrorism tags. Muslims are the prime targets of anti-national activities and often jailed and killed in fake encounters. They are the most suffered section of the society and a little is being done for their upliftment. An attempt has been made to analyse the condition of the Muslim minority in India in the present democratic scenario. The study mainly focused on the consequences of false charges and fake encounters on the socio-economic conditions of Muslims and their families in India. The study is actually an investigation in some thrust areas in which Muslim section of the society is being demoralized deeply in India. The government of India established The Ministry of Minority Affairs on 29th January 2006 to look after the issues of minority communities and suggest development frameworks for their benefit. The 2017 World Report of the Human Rights Watch[1] also finds India as the violator of human rights with respect to freedom and treatment of minorities.[1] Human Rights Watch is a non-profit, non-governmental human rights organization, known for its accurate fact-finding, impartial reporting, effective use of media, and targeted advocacy.
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Hafsah Ayaz Qureshi and Amirah Sami. "قوموں کے عروج وزوال کے اسباب اور محرکات :اسلام کے تناظر میں تجزیاتی مطالعہ." International Research Journal on Islamic Studies (IRJIS) 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.54262/irjis.04.01.u08.
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The study of the Qur’ān, Sunnah and History reveals that nature holds the same conditions for the rising and fall of nations. The reasons or causes of downfall and rise which were applicable for Jews and Christians are endorsed for Ummah of Muhammad (S.A.W). The same principles are followed for believers and non-believers. The rules of the Qur’ān are till the Day of Judgment. In the present era, Muslims are in the worst condition; at the national and international levels. The collapse of Baghdad and the Ottoman Empire, Muslim’s condition in Palestine and Kashmir, the genocide of Muslims in Bosnia, Kosovo, Serbia, Burma or Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria, all show decline of Muslims. Muslims are not in power and authority. Muslim riots arose in India and Libya. Muslims are tested and tried. This article found the reasons for nations’ downfall and also brought forward the causes of the rising of nations. No doubt that many moral, social, economic, political, demographic, and historical factors are responsible for the decline of nations. This article analytically studies reasons for the deterioration and escalation of nations which are mentioned in Qur’ān, Sunnah and History and established a cause-and-effect relationship between the various historical events to propose a remedy for the malaise of Nation.
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Parvez, Mohammad, and Mohd Hasan. "Muslims’ Participation in Education and Employment as Compared to Other Socio-Religious Categories: An Analytical Study." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management 2, no. 2 (April 25, 2015): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v2i2.12196.
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Since, the submission of the Sachar Committee Report (2006), several analytical and descriptive studies have been undertaken to analysis the socio-economic and educational conditions of Muslims in India. Many researchers, educationists, thinkers, politicians, policy makers and common Muslims believe that education is the only panacea to eradicate the each and every ails of Muslims, and it is the only mechanism by which not only their status can be raised but also facilitate their entry into better paid job. This paper aims to evaluate the available evidences on the pattern of Muslim participation in education and employment. It is an attempt to see the Muslims’ participation in education and employment in relation to other Socio Religious Categories of India. Based on different secondary data sets, it attempts to see how the Socio Religious Categories across India have utilised the process of education and achieved educational and employment opportunity higher than the Muslims. Muslims as a homogenous group did not participate actively in the educational development, more especially in the arena of higher education whereas the other Socio Religious Categories have acquired the maximum benefits with the constitutional and political interventions that are taken place in Pre and Post- Independent era. The present paper also try to see the trend of Muslims’ participation in education right from the primary education to higher education as well as sector wise employment and work activities as compared to other Socio Religious Categories.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v2i2.12196 Int. J. Soc. Sci. Manage. Vol-2, issue-2: 114-118
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Rai, Santosh Kumar. "Social histories of exclusion and moments of resistance: The case of Muslim Julaha weavers in colonial United Provinces." Indian Economic & Social History Review 55, no. 4 (September 28, 2018): 549–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464618796896.
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Locating the theorisation and practices of caste hierarchies within South Asian Islam with reference to high-caste Muslims (Ashrafs) versus Julaha weavers (Ajlafs), this article argues that class exploitation and class hegemony over the marginalised sections of Muslim society in North India were practised through caste stratifications, social hierarchies and land relations. The horizontal equality of ‘textual Islam’ was transformed into vertical social hierarchies in South Asia. While explaining the conditions of the disadvantageous socio-economic status that ensured their subordination, this article narrates instances of resistance and quests for equality undertaken by the Julaha weavers. The dialectics of these negotiations produced factors such as the stigma of status mandated by their caste, on the one hand, and the weavers’ integration within the capitalist colonial economy and politics, on the other. The article explores this history of hierarchies and the complex resistances offered to it, closely mediated by social and economic structures, prevailing ideologies and notions of colonial legality and mobility. The processes of the weavers challenging their social marginalisation, predicated on their economic status and their quest for new identities may look familiar to other communities which similarly used religion, caste and colonial law to resist and subvert hierarchies. Hence, the politicisation of the colonial public sphere affected the relations among the Indian Muslims in a new milieu. These arguments are significant in terms of rewriting the existing historiography that reinforces the binaries of nationalist–communalist or Hindu–Muslim politics.
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Ishtiaque, Mohammad, and Abu Hurera. "Traditional education system: its impact on socio-economic development in Mewat District, Haryana, India." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 23, no. 23 (March 1, 2014): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bog-2014-0005.
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AbstractMadarsa education is very common among the Muslims in India. Hundreds of thousands of Muslim children acquire their primary, and perhaps the only, formal education in these madarsas with a cursory knowledge of modern education. As a result they are lagging behind in science education and their representation and participation in the scientific activity of the country is woefully low. As such they are unable to earn sufficiently to lead a comfortable life and provide proper leadership to their community to face the challenges of the modern world. The purpose of the present study is to analyse whether madarsa education becomes a barrier in promoting modern and higher education and secondly how far these institutions helped improve socio-economic conditions of madarsa trained persons in the District of Mewat (Haryana). In the absence of secondary data, the present study is based on the primary data collected through both extensive and intensive field work. A total of 2,350 households were surveyed and information regarding demographic, socio-economic and environmental conditions of these households was collected. Such a varied nature of data was assigned weightage according to their importance and finally the composite score was calculated to find out the levels of the socio-economic conditions of madarsa trained persons.
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Datta, Rimmi, and Jayanta Mete. "Socio-Economic Realities of Muslim Dalits Women in India During Covid-19." International Journal of Islamic Khazanah 12, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ijik.v12i1.16385.
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Contemporary India is a primitive, patriarchal society of various feudal tribes. When we refer to caste in the political and economic structures of many cultures, we understand the apparent dichotomy between faith and the role of "one woman". Any theoretical understanding of gender equality and gender inequality must be deeply anchored in the field of social control. Dalit women, especially Muslims in India, are seen to be present at a crucial moment when they must overcome three barriers at once: class, race, and masculinity. These are the three hierarchical poles of the social constitution that are necessary to recognise the gender relations and inequality of Dalit women. In Indian society, Muslim dalit women face unintentional discrimination based on caste, class, and gender. The "untouchables" must live only in shackles, have no domestic property, cook only in porcelain houses, wear only cast-iron clothing, and own no land. This has a long-lasting effect on the experience of the completely weak living conditions of the Dalits, especially women who cannot drink water from popular sources in the villages, become starving workers, engage in trafficking, or commit suicide. Dalit women significantly. Muslim Dalit women have been victims of sexual assault in rural India. The disadvantages of Muslim Dalit women are among the most notable exceptions; their disadvantages are never part of the battle for women in India. However, bourgeois feminism did not advance all the real issues of Dalit women by setting the feminist agenda. The additional bias against Muslim Dalit women due to their gender and caste is evident in the numerous successes achieved by the human development metrics of this group. In all aspects of human growth, literacy, and survival, Muslim dalit women are far worse off than Dalit men and non-Dalit women. This study aims to comprehend the larger connotations that connect Muslim Dalit women's social spaces to COVID-19. Another significant change in the lives of Dalits and their commercial feasibility is the consequence of the transition from a socialist to a democratic state that does not resolve the problems of social security. As a result, the capitalist class of modern liberation engages in sexual relations with Dalit families. The lives of Muslim Dalit female labourers are wrapped up in the obstacles posed by the Brahmanic economy, which is governed by the community. Muslim dalit women's domestic and foreign labour is deeply ingrained in many segments of the community. In conjunction with these social and political trends, the mistreatment of Muslim Dalit women is on the rise, as is subtle or extreme discrimination within Dalit households. As a result, this paper aims to elicit queries from Muslim Dalit women during the COVID-19 period.
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Das, Keemee, and Madhushree Das. "Women And Wedlock: A Study On Female Marital Status Among the Hindus, Muslims and Christians of Assam, India." Space and Culture, India 6, no. 1 (June 28, 2018): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v6i1.294.
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Although marriage is a social institution but marital status and age at marriage are important demographic determinants as these aspects influence the pattern of fertility and natural growth of population. Studying the various aspects of marital status of any population group especially the figures related to women can give an exposition about the probability of fertility rate as well as social manifestation prevailing in the society. It also helps to understand the preferred specific age at marriage for women. However, little is known about the marital status of women living in Assam cutting across religions—Hindu, Muslim and Christian. In this backdrop, an attempt has been made through this research to examine the changing trend of marital status among the Hindu, Muslim and Christian women of Assam. The research is based on secondary data and Census information and considers the entire state of Assam. Census data of 2001 and 2011 shows interesting and striking information about the changing situation of marital status among the Hindus, Muslims and Christians of the state. It is arguable that the study linked to female marital status is saliently more influencing in this context as it determines the socio-economic status of women and pattern of fertility in any society. Among the different religions of Assam, Hindu women have the highest married proportion followed by Christian while Muslim is the lowest in the same category. Depending on the socio-cultural practices, economic conditions and the level of educational attainment, the age at marriage varies among the religious groups. The proportion of woman being married at a younger age has been less, is an indication of advancement in the educational scenario.
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Shamshad, Muhammad, and Farooq Arshad. "FAILURE OF ORGANIZATION OF ISLAMIC COOPERATION: A CASE OF DISMAL STATE OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN KASHMIR AND PALESTINE." Margalla Papers 25, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.25.2.72.
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A profound observation of human rights endorses democratic norms, socio-political stability, economic prosperity, and the rule of law. Almost all developed states ensure their citizens with the protection of fundamental rights, and, in return, community plays a critical role in nation-building. Many human rights activists and organizations highlight the shortcomings behind the promulgation of laws for human security and plan to maintain security. Some developing states have failed to copy the developed states' human rights policy framework, especially regarding the protection of human rights. They are either trying to deprive their minorities of fundamental rights or confiscating their territories while pushing them into deteriorated conditions. India and Israel are two prominent examples of this connection. This study, therefore, analyses how India is dealing with its minorities, especially Muslims in illegally occupied Jammu and Kashmir. It also calls attention to the expansionist policy of Israel, disposing of Palestinians from their territory, thus experiencing the worst form of human rights violations. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has also forgotten the objectives of its formation. Its leadership is dormant, which has paved the way for India and Israel to inflict more aggression on innocent Muslims. The study suggests that OIC leadership should be more active, saving Muslims from the worst kinds of human rights violations. Bibliography Entry Shamshad, Muhammad, Farooq Arshad. 2021. "Failure of Organization of Islamic Cooperation: A Case of Dismal State of Human Rights in Kashmir and Palestine." Margalla Papers 25 (2): 47-60.
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Shamshad, Muhammad, and Farooq Arshad. "FAILURE OF ORGANIZATION OF ISLAMIC COOPERATION: A CASE OF DISMAL STATE OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN KASHMIR AND PALESTINE." Margalla Papers 25, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.25.2.72.
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A profound observation of human rights endorses democratic norms, socio-political stability, economic prosperity, and the rule of law. Almost all developed states ensure their citizens with the protection of fundamental rights, and, in return, community plays a critical role in nation-building. Many human rights activists and organizations highlight the shortcomings behind the promulgation of laws for human security and plan to maintain security. Some developing states have failed to copy the developed states' human rights policy framework, especially regarding the protection of human rights. They are either trying to deprive their minorities of fundamental rights or confiscating their territories while pushing them into deteriorated conditions. India and Israel are two prominent examples of this connection. This study, therefore, analyses how India is dealing with its minorities, especially Muslims in illegally occupied Jammu and Kashmir. It also calls attention to the expansionist policy of Israel, disposing of Palestinians from their territory, thus experiencing the worst form of human rights violations. The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has also forgotten the objectives of its formation. Its leadership is dormant, which has paved the way for India and Israel to inflict more aggression on innocent Muslims. The study suggests that OIC leadership should be more active, saving Muslims from the worst kinds of human rights violations. Bibliography Entry Shamshad, Muhammad, Farooq Arshad. 2021. "Failure of Organization of Islamic Cooperation: A Case of Dismal State of Human Rights in Kashmir and Palestine." Margalla Papers 25 (2): 47-60.
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Zahra, Kanwal, and Muhammad Abou Bakar. "Fanon's Socio-Diagnostic and Neurosis of the Colonized: The Colonial Trauma in ‘Twilight in Delhi'." Global Regional Review II, no. I (December 30, 2017): 481–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2017(ii-i).35.
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The present study is focused on the marginal position of the Muslims in the Indian Subcontinent and its effects on the structuring of their psyche in Ali’s novel Twilight in Delhi. Its main concern is the analysis of neurotic behaviors of the main characters of Twilight in Delhi in the light of Fanon’s re-interpretation of Freud’s theory of psychoanalysis. The central argument of this study is that psychological problems of Muslims in a colonial situation, as shown in the novel under discussion, are not natural, but are consequences of conditions that are linked to their social and economic circumstances. Their psychological behavior shows the effects of their socioeconomic environment created by the colonizer. It is not inherently structured without being influenced by the conditions of the outer world that originates from the colonial suppression and occupation. The research is informed by Fanon’s re-interpretation of the theory of psychoanalysis in which he proposes that the psychological disorders in the outcasts or marginal in a colonial situation are effects of the social order which they find to live in. This research tends to analyze how Twilight in Delhi takes up the issue of Muslim’s marginality that results in psychological disorders. Moreover, it focuses on the circumstances or conditions, foregrounded in the novel, that lead to the psychological problems of Muslims in Twilight in Delhi
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Maqsood, Dr Naila. "COLONIAL RULE AND MUSLIM WOMEN." Journal of Arts & Social Sciences (JASS) 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.46662/jass.v9i1.210.
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Relevant to any attempt for amelioration of woman’s conditions was the history of Muslim people in general and that of Muslims in the Indo-Pak Subcontinent in particular. This paper highlights Muslim women’s struggle for their rights movements in British India. Their continuous struggle altered educational and political institutions, allowing them to emerge from seclusion and participate more actively in the nation's public life.
It is said that when women in the developed countries were agitating against their own male regarding their rights, a similar struggle had begun in the subcontinent where men started encouraging participation of women in education and politics, appreciated, and sometimes patronized it. The imperialists in India reversed the economic and social milieu. By strengthening system, British fortified the position of the feudal and tribal lords which not only contributed towards solidifying the struggle for Muslim Women’s Rights in the British India but also resulted in lowering the status of women. The British, on the other hand, did not believe it was necessary to extend their politics into all aspects of life. As a result, local laws continued to apply in family and personal matters like as marriage, guardianship, and inheritance, and the status quo between men and women was maintained. After a prolonged protests and struggle for women’s rights, the central legislature undertook legislation on issues relating to Muslim women such as child marriage, property rights, widow remarriage, divorce, etc. Muslim women had to resisted on the laws imposed by imperialists as most of it were the violation of their fundamental rights, and that they were mostly successful i.e., law of inheritance 1937. The paper shows that women's struggles for educational and political freedom had a significant impact in the British India Particularly in 1940s during Pakistan Movement. Everyone is aware of the social changes/developments that occurred at that time. However, few people acknowledge that women had a key role in bringing about these developments. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that women have achieved tremendous progress and have paved the way for more reforms in late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
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Hussain , Dr Ishtiaq. "Revisiting a Fractured Legacy: Sir Syed Ahmed Khan and Muslim Women Education." Rashhat-e-Qalam 2, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.56765/rq.v2i2.74.
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Indian Muslims during second half of nineteenth century witnessed significant changes in their socio-political and economic conditions. The men of intellect among the community sought the redressal of the despondency within Muslims through varied approaches of reformation. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was prominent among these reformers who advocated the necessity of western-modern education as a panacea for the deprived conditions of Muslims. Although not being antagonistic towards the education in principle but he disapproved the modern education for women and limited his mission of education only to men. He upheld the traditional model of education suitable for women and thus drew criticism from academic circle. In this paper an attempt is made to revisit the already existing debate regarding Sir Syed’s stance on education of women. An attempt to provide the plausible reasons which might have influenced Sir Syed’s opinion would be accounted. In the light of primary sources how his personal life, social standing and prevailing circumstances molded his opinion would be highlighted which would help in situating the reformer in a balanced perspective.
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Saeed, Naima, Tansif ur Rehman, and Hina Shahzadi. "Socio-Economic Conditions Of Hindu Women In Karachi With Special Reference To Narainpura Karachi." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 15, no. 1 (September 8, 2017): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v15i1.130.
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The religious minority constitutes an anomaly within the discourse of national identity in Pakistan. They become an anomaly because their existence as citizens of Pakistan highlights the contradictions within the theory that, the State of Pakistan was created for the Muslims of the Indian subcontinent. Hindus are the largest religious minority in Sindh, but facing discrimination at all levels, i.e., economic, social, political, and legal. They are living as a second-class citizen of the country. While, the women who belong to these minority groups are facing double discrimination, firstly as a woman, and then as a Hindu. It is an exploratory research which was conducted in Narainpur (Karachi), which is one of the oldest residential areas of the city, and represents the largest population of Hindu minority, i.e., 60,000 to 70,000. The entire population of Narainpur comprises of poor and lower middle class, as most of the population works as sweepers, housemaids, laborers in KMC, and sellers. Interview schedule was used to collect data from the respective respondents. Result show that health conditions of the women of this locality needs improvement.
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Ali, Abdul Wakil. "The Socio-economic Condition of Deshi Muslims: A Case Study of Lakhipur Community Development Block of Goalpara District, Assam, India." Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities 7, no. 6 (2017): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7315.2017.00342.2.
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Sur, Esita. "Revisiting the Marginal Locations of Muslim Women on Various Sites in India." Space and Culture, India 1, no. 3 (March 1, 2014): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v1i3.44.
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Dominant discourses on Muslim women have revolved around their marginal locations in commu-nity as well as in society. It has mainly been subjected to socio-economic and political structures and conditions as well. However, it is worth mentioning that marginality is not only a lived experi-ence but it also has metaphoric dimensions. The state of marginality relates not only to the poor socio-economic status of Muslim women but the politics of representation of their identities like veiled, passive as well as meek victims in various discourses also constructs the core of their mar-ginal location in the larger society. Therefore, the marginalisation of Muslim women seems to be visible in various discourses in India. Briefly, the paper will attempt to comprehend the undercur-rents functioning behind the construction of the very concept of marginality and locate Muslim women in popular and academic discourses on marginality.
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Ahmed, Parvez, and Zeba Sheereen. "A Study of Socio-Economic Conditions of Handloom Weavers in Uttar Pradesh of India." Saudi Journal of Economics and Finance 6, no. 10 (October 30, 2022): 341–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.36348/sjef.2022.v06i10.002.
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This study examines the social and economic conditions of handloom weavers in Uttar Pradesh state of India. This study is primarily based on secondary data, and the data were evaluated using a simple percentage, an annual growth rate, and a compound annual growth rate. They were also shown in a pie chart and a bar chart. This study is based on the following key aspects such as location, age, gender, religion, social group, educational qualifications, type and size of family, employment status, type and ownership of dwelling units, ration card, source of loan and purpose of the loan, monthly household income from handloom-related activities, and ownership of looms. The study results indicated that most workers are men, and the number of women workers is not good. Most weavers in Uttar Pradesh are members of the Muslim religion or the OBC (Other Backward Class) social group. Most workers live in kutcha houses, especially in rural areas. In cities, more households live in pucca and semi-pucca houses than in rural areas. It was also found that most handloom workers (97.3%) have their own homes in rural areas. There aren't enough educated handloom weavers, and a study shows that most weavers have never been to school. It can be said that most of the weavers, or about 55 per cent, worked as independent weavers. About 40 per cent worked as master weavers. It was found that most, or 59.5 per cent, of weaver households, have an income of less than Rs. 5,000. It can be said that most (53.2% of the weaver households) have taken out a loan for handloom purposes. The study found that most (25.5%) handloom households got loans from the government, followed by commercial banks (21.9 per cent). It found that most weaver households (73.5% of them) work with looms and that 26.5 % of weaver household’s work without looms. The study found that more male weavers (66.1%) have bank accounts than female weavers (only 33.7%). The study found that more male weavers (66.1%) have bank accounts than female weavers (only 33.7%). It found that 62.4 per cent of male weavers and 37.5 per cent of female weavers have aadhar cards. Only two transgender people have Aadhar cards. Most households (60%) have a monthly household income of less than Rs. 5,000, but the monthly household income in cities is higher than in rural areas. It also shows that most of the sales of their main products come from the local market (46.1%) and master weaver (43.3 per cent).
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Ravi, P., and M. Venkatachalapathy. "A BRIEF STUDY OF TRADE GUILDS IN ANDHRA FROM 1300 AD TO 1600 AD." International Journal of Applied Research in Social Sciences 1, no. 3 (June 21, 2020): 78–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/ijarss.v1i3.22.
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The period between to 13th century AD and 16th century AD is very crucial in the political history of South India general and especially in the history of Andhrapradesh. Because the first part of the 14th century (1323 AD) witnessed the Muslim invasions which cast for the rise of revolts by the federated of the chief Kakatiyas to liberated Andhradesa from the Muslim leaders when the Andhra region caught in political disturbances. It impact on the socio-economic spheres of the period, the conditions of trade and commerce became a setback. After freed the Andhradesa from the Muslim conquers, the socio-economic conditions became slowly as use well. Naturally the trade and commerce especially internal & external trade with foreign countries slowly gained economic profits the trade and merchant guilds were also moved towards in progress. So the present paper is focussed on a brief study of trade guilds in Andhra (1300 AD to 1600 AD) is discussed briefly.
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Agrawal, Gopal, and Sangram Kishor Patel. "Religious differentials in morbidity prevalence and health care seeking behaviours among older persons in India." International Journal of Human Rights in Healthcare 10, no. 1 (March 13, 2017): 14–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijhrh-09-2016-0015.
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Purpose A plethora of studies have documented evidence on morbidity patterns and treatment-seeking behaviour among older persons in India. However, so far no attempt has been made to understand differences in the morbidity prevalence rates and utilization of health care services among older adults between religion groups in India. The purpose of this paper is to make an effort in this direction. Design/methodology/approach Multivariate logistic regression models were fitted to examine the association between socio-demographic conditions and morbidity prevalence and health care-seeking behaviours among the two religion groups: Hindu and Muslim. Data from the 60th round of the National Sample Survey in 2004 were used. Findings This study provided interesting evidence that, overall, the morbidity prevalence rate was higher among Muslim older persons than their Hindu counterparts by seven percentage points and Hindu scheduled caste (SC) and scheduled tribe (ST) counterpart population (compared to SCs eight percentage points, and STs 20 percentage points); income had no association with the burden of disease among Muslim older population – an older person belonging to the first income quintile was equally likely to report ill-health as an older person of the fifth income quintile. However, despite the low socio-economic status, Muslim older persons were more likely to seek treatment for ill-health compared to Hindu older persons but spent less money for treatment. Also, loss of household income due to sickness was greater among Muslim compared to Hindu older adults. Originality/value The findings of this study are important to support the policy makers and health care providers in identifying individuals “at risk” and could be integrated into the current programs of social, economic and health security for the older persons.
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Chaudhry, M. Ghaffar. "Holly Sims. Political Regimes, Public Policy and Economic Development: Agricultural Performance and Rural Change in the Two Punjabs. New Delhi: Sage Publications India Pvt. Ltd., 1988. 206 pp. Rupees (Indian) 175.00. (Hardbond Edition)." Pakistan Development Review 29, no. 2 (June 1, 1990): 190–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v29i2pp.190-196.
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The book under review is a comparative study of agricultural development in the Indian (East) and Pakistani (West) Punjab. Although the growth of agricultural output and productivity in the two Punjabs was about the same between 1950 and 1965, it became significantly higher in East Punjab than West Punjab in the period that followed, with the result that the Indian Punjab enjoyed productivity levels in 1985 which were double those of the Pakistani Punjab. As the two Punjabs offer a sort of laboratory to gauge the agro-ecological conditions as well as the language and cultural traditions, any differences in their development experience must be explained by reference to the divergent economic policies towards agriculture followed there. Sims thinks that development experiences of the two Punjabs can be attributed to a political dichotomy and the consequent role of the political leadership in the formulation of economic policies. In the case of Pakistan, the Muslim League lacked mass support in the rural areas. Its middle class forces and political institutions were weak, with a predominance of landed aristocracy and bureaucrats. As a consequence, there was hardly any zest for democratic rule. By contrast, the Congress Party, under the charismatic leadership of Nehru, enjoyed full support of the rural masses. At the national level, it was devoid oflanded interests and created a new administrative class to run government affairs.
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Marashi, Afshin, and Dinyar Patel. "Special Issue: Parsis and Iranians in the Modern Period." Iranian Studies 56, no. 1 (January 2023): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irn.2022.38.
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A hundred years ago in colonial Bombay, on September 10, 1922, a group of Parsis established an organization called the Iran League. Meant to strengthen ties with their Iranian Zoroastrian coreligionists inside Iran, the Iran League also endeavored to recast wider economic and cultural relations between India and the country which Parsis regarded as their ancient homeland. That ancient homeland, after all, was undergoing seismic change. In the years following Reza Khan's 1921 coup and the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty in 1925, Parsis watched with growing anticipation and excitement as Iran's new leader increasingly promoted a new national culture rooted in Iran's ancient past. Prominent Parsis, many of them leaders in the Iran League, fervently believed that Pahlavi Iran would herald all sorts of progressive change: improved conditions for the Iranian Zoroastrians, deeper appreciation of Zoroastrianism among Iran's Muslim majority, conditions for significant Parsi investment in Iran, and even the possibility of a mass Parsi “return” to the shah's domain, reversing the direction of centuries of Zoroastrian migration.1
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Mistry, Malika B. "Muslims in India: A demographic and socio-economic profile." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 25, no. 3 (December 2005): 399–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602000500408468.
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Khan, Sabah. "Social Exclusion of Muslims in India and Britain." Journal of Social Inclusion Studies 6, no. 1 (June 2020): 56–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2394481120944770.
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The main objective of this article is to study the complexities and nuances of exclusion of Muslims, a dominant minority group in India and Britain. It is an exploration of how Muslims, a religious minority in both India and Britain, are facing exclusion in different spheres of life, namely socio-economic and physical spaces. Moreover, it also explores the process of ‘othering’ which further excludes Muslims. It aims to explore how exclusion is directly associated with religion in face of a stigmatised religious identity. Muslims in India and Britain are not one monolith community. However, their experience of exclusion in different spheres of society offers some similarities. It offers an account of the fact that Muslims stand on the periphery in social and secular spheres of life and how this is closely related to their identity.
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Dinesha, P. T. "Socio- Economic Status of Dalit Muslims in India: An Overview." International Journal of Social and Economic Research 6, no. 2 (2016): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-6270.2016.00026.x.
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Kaushik, Srijan, and Prachita Pujari. "Muslims in Contemporary India: A Socio-Cultural and Economic Profile." International Journal of the Humanities: Annual Review 6, no. 8 (2008): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9508/cgp/v06i08/42506.
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Ahmad, Khalil. "GEOGRAPHIC, HISTORIC, POLITICAL, RIPARIAN, AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC FACTORS THAT LEAD TO PAKISTAN AS A LAND OF PENTA MESOPOTAMIA." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 01 (March 31, 2022): 330–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i1.656.
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The research aims to investigate Pakistan’s geographic, historic, political, riparian, and socio-economic factors that lead to Pakistan as a Land of Penta Mesopotamia. Pakistan is situated in South Asia along the coast of Arabian Sea, bordering Afghanistan in west, China in north, Iran in southwest, Arabian Sea in South and Hindustan (India) lies in the east. Historically, the land of Pakistan has been the host of Neolithic period’s South Asian multi Indus valley civilization (IVC) that includes Gandhara, Harappan, Mehrgarh, Mohenjo-Daro, Takht-i-Bahi and Texila civilizations that emerged during 3,300 BCE to 1300 BCE. Muslim Civilizations emerged from 712 to 1857 and British colonial culture also developed from 1857-1947 in this area. The Indus valley civilization flourished parallel to the Mesopotamian civilizations. Mesopotamian civilization includes the Assyrian and Babylonian Civilization that emerged in Iraq in between the two rivers of Euphrates and Tigris from 3,100 B.C. to 332 B.C. and is referred to the “Cradle of Civilizations”. Since Mesopotamian civilization attracted all the ancient civilizations in West Asia to nourish because of its friendly ecological environments, fertile land and rich alluvium soils. Pakistan’s geography also attracted the Indus valley civilizations that emerged in the confluence of seven perennial rivers i.e. Sutlej, Ravi, Chenab, Jhelum, Indus, Swat and Kabul rivers, credited as the “Cradle of South Asian Indus valley Civilizations”. Pakistan’s strategic location in the region, her favorable ecosystem for biodiversity, favorable multi seasons, fertile land, friendly ecological conditions, rich agricultural environment, rich alluvium soils, strategic multiple riparian potentials that originate from Himalayan, Karakorum, and Hindu-Kush mountain ranges, remained lucrative for South Asian Indus valley civilizations. Pakistan’s geography also remained very attractive to the sub regions of Asia i.e. Central, South and West Asia because it has provided and has been providing the Mesopotamians agrarian transit economy to landlocked countries of Afghanistan and Central Asian States from the shortest possible sea route of Arabian Sea and visa-vi to oil rich states of Middle East via China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Mesopotamian’s cultural, ecological, geographic, historic, riparian, socio-economic, socio-political equilibrium and similar factors are founded in the Indus valley civilizations that erect the sufficient evidence to prove that “Pakistan is a Land of Penta Mesopotamia”. Keywords: Civilizations, Confluence, Fertile land, Mesopotamia, Riparian potentials.
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Kakar, Fazal Rehman. "Muslim Marginalization in India: From Ethnic Conflict Perspective." Global Foreign Policies Review IV, no. I (June 30, 2021): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2021(iv-i).03.
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With BJP arrival to power, secular face of India has received severe criticism in international community. Latest report of the American. Nationalistic patriotism with some other factors like relative development differences, discrimination at social and economic level, continuous discrimination by the ruling elite, lack of political representation and voicing out grievances have become the root cause of ethnic violence in India which can push to the generation of parochialism. Cultural genocide and deliberate unequal economic development have caused major loss of Muslim lives and property and generate issues including demographic reshaping and political disenfranchisement which has further severe implications for Muslims. This paper will try to highlight the ethnic violence on Muslims in India, analyze the reasons behind the ethnic conflict and its manifestation through primordial and instrumental theoretical framework and finally provide road maps to solution.
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Sengupta, Reshmi, and Debasis Rooj. "Factors Affecting Gender Disparity in Muslim Education in India." Journal of Development Policy and Practice 3, no. 1 (January 2018): 87–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455133317737936.
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Muslims occupy the second largest share in India’s population after Hindus. Therefore, India’s overall economic growth and development are largely dependent on the progress of this community. Muslims, by and large, have remained backward in attaining education so far, and the pace of their educational development is quite slow. The situation is even worse for Muslim women. This gives rise to gender disparity in education and raises concerns over the formulation, implementation and monitoring of government policies and programmes directed towards the betterment of this community. This study aims to empirically evaluate the effect of some socio-economic and demographic variables; particularly household consumption expenditure as a proxy for household income, on current education attendance levels of Muslims using a sample of individuals aged 5–17 years from the National Sample Survey, 68th round Employment–Unemployment survey, 2011–2012. In addition, this article is also an attempt to examine the effect of these factors on the gender gap in education of Muslims. Results from the empirical analysis show that members of this community are less likely to attend any educational institution if they belong to the lower income status household and are more likely to attend if they belong to the upper income status household. In comparison to Muslim girls, Muslim boys are more likely to attend school if they belong to rich families. In contrast, in poor Muslim families, girls are more likely to attend school than boys. Several other socio-economic and demographic factors also affect current education participation of Muslim children. Besides other factors, if on the one hand, children’s growing age and number of children in the household increase gender gap, then knowledge of Internet operation and presence of a female household head help in reducing gender gap in current attendance level of Muslim children in India.
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Fazalbhoy, Nasteen. "Islam, Politics and Social Movements." American Journal of Islam and Society 9, no. 3 (October 1, 1992): 416–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v9i3.2579.
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This book contains thirteen well-researched case studies on social movements in North Africa, India, the Middle East, and Iran. Each movement differs,as the issues and concerns vary according to area. This diversity is mademanageable by a neat categorization taking into account geography, periodization,and problematics, for example, and by the editors' clear explanation,in the first part of the book, of how the articles are arranged. In the second partare articles by Von Sivers, Clancy-Smith, Colonna, and Voll. Each authoranalyzes resistance and millenarian movements in precolonial (i.e., nineteenthandearly twentieth-century) North Africa. Part three, with articles by Frietag,Gilmartin and Swdenburg, deals with more contemporary issues, such asIslam and nationalism in India and Palestine. Part four discusses labor movements in Egypt and northern Nigeria (Beinin, Goldberg, Lubeck), while partfive looks at the Iranian revolution and the mles of Imam Khomeini and AliShari'ati in defining and inspiring it (Algar, Abrahamian, Keddie).One of the main issues that must be addressed when dealing with socialmovements in Islamic societies is whether they are really "Islamic" or whetherthey just happen to be taking place in Muslim Societies. Lapidus, in his introductoryessay, brings out the main issues when he says that the movements arestudied "in order to explore their self-conception and symbols, the econofnicand political conditions under which they developed, and their relation toagrarian and capitalist economic structum and to established state regimes andelites" (p. 3). The authors look at social, structural, and ideological featureswithout giving exclusive primacy to one or the other. Burke stresses this point.In his article, he discusses methodological issues and places the studies in thecontext of contemporary modes of analyses such as the "new cultural" and the"new social history" methods inspired by E. P. Thompson and others. Thisessay is an invaluable introduction to the case studies. Placing the movementsin the context of changes occurring in the Islamic world as well as in the contextof wider political and social events, the essay allows one to make comparisonsacmss the different areas covered in terms of popular culture, patternsof collective action, the problem of Islam and secularism, and other aspects.The articles range from the role of Islamic symbols (i.e., the mosque inIndia) in articulating new political organizations designed to deal with the ...
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Alam, Mohd Sanjeer. "Social Exclusion of Muslims in India and Deficient Debates about Affirmative Action." South Asia Research 30, no. 1 (January 25, 2010): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026272800903000103.
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Many nations today grapple with problems of social exclusion along ethno-religious lines and face demands for some kind of affirmative action by disadvantaged ethnic, racial and religious groups. In India, caste inequalities among Hindus have long been recognised and substantive measures for redressing disadvantages of lower castes have been in place for decades. Since India’s Muslims, too, are faced with various types of social exclusion, there have been ongoing debates about the necessity of state intervention in the form of affirmative action for Muslims. The article interrogates various strands of this debate. While relative socio-economic disadvantages among Muslims cannot be denied, how Muslims are currently presented as a marginalised and excluded community is shown to be too simplistic and actually leads to isolation. In view of the multi-dimensional nature of group disadvantage for Muslims, particularly spatial patterns observable across India, more careful understanding is needed to develop effective affirmative action policies. While deeply flawed reasoning grounds prevailing current arguments in favour of separate affirmative action for Muslims, the article suggests that the aim should be to achieve better development for all disadvantaged people from all communities in any particular space.
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Gundimeda, Sambaiah, and V. S. Ashwin. "Cow Protection in India." South Asia Research 38, no. 2 (May 20, 2018): 156–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728018768961.
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Cow protection, a potent tool in the hands of cow vigilantes for atrocities against Muslims and Dalits, has become a heavily politicised issue in contemporary India. Its roots, connecting the themes of caste-Hindu religious sentiment, communalism and economic reasoning, can be traced to the late nineteenth century, though basic problems over the intriguingly complex use of cattle are clearly much older. This article relates contemporary cow protection debates specifically to Arya Samaj arguments against cow slaughter in the late nineteenth century and publication of a special issue of the journal Kalyan, titled Gau Ank, in 1945. The discussion shows how cow protection debates in the Constituent Assembly of India and in subsequent post-independence judicial verdicts were heavily influenced by these two earlier discourses. Analysing two landmark judicial decisions on cow slaughter, the article argues further that recent judicial endorsement of cow protection legitimises Hindu majoritarian sentiments in the law, while depriving millions of Indians, not just Muslims, of fundamental rights to food and livelihood. The conclusion attempts to consider some possible solutions to the current impasse.
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Akhtar, Dr Sohail, Dr Rashida Qazi, and Dr Sabahat Mushtaq. "The Socio-Political Impacts of the Educational and Literary Services of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan & His Colleagues on Muslims of South Asia 1858-1898 (A Historical Analysis)." International Research Journal of Education and Innovation 2, no. 3 (December 31, 2021): 281–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/irjei.v2.03(21)25.281-289.
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After the decline of glorious Mughal Danasity Muslims of India had lost their dignity. the Muslims of Subcontinent. They had become slave The War of Independence 1857 proved havoc for in India. With new colonial Master, their country fellow Hindus had also become bitter enemy. After 1869 the condition of Muslims was very miserable as Sir William Hunter pointed out in his famous book “Our Indian Muslims". Sir Syed Ahmad khan was a great leader of the Muslim of sub-continent during 19th century. He tried to uplift the socio-economic condition of Muslims. He clearly said only education can change their status. He always worked for the Muslim's welfare through education. His educational and literary work was a tool for the socio-cultural uplift of Indian Muslims. With the foundation of schools and college he also worked for the literary development of the Muslims. He also wrote number of books not himself but his colleagues Hali, Shibli, Nawab Mohsin ul Mulk had written dozen books. The literary services of Sir Syed and his colleagues were splendid .This research paper highlights the educational and literary efforts of Sir Syed and his colleagues in trail the period of decline when the Indian Muslims were suffering from all type of difficulties.
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Sridharan, Eswaran. "India in 2020." Asian Survey 61, no. 1 (January 2021): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.1.171.
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The year 2020 was one of multiple challenges for India and for the Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party government. The year began with mass protests against the Citizen (Amendment) Act, which minority Muslims saw as threatening their citizen rights and was widely felt to be unconstitutional, and ended with mass protests by farmers against market-oriented farm reforms. The coronavirus pandemic arrived in January and by the end of the year had caused the world’s second-largest caseload (10.3 million infections) and 149,000 deaths. The government responded with a strict lockdown, resulting in a severe economic contraction, although the economy and foreign investment picked up in the last quarter, buoyed by vaccine hopes and a partial economic recovery. On the foreign front, Chinese incursions in June along the Line of Actual Control, the de facto border, led to a tense standoff that remained unresolved at year-end. Politically, the BJP remained not only entrenched but somewhat further empowered against a weak and divided opposition, with Modi’s popularity ratings high.
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Mohammad Abdullah. "Islamic endowment (Waqf) in India: Towards poverty reduction of Muslims in the country." Journal of Research in Emerging Markets 2, no. 2 (April 7, 2020): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30585/jrems.v2i2.482.
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This paper aims to examine the potential role of Waqf (Islamic endowment or philanthropic institution) in poverty alleviation and socio-economic development of the Indian Muslim community. The paper attempts to critically analyze the structure, mechanism and legal framework of Waqf management in India followed by pinpointing the existing lacuna and insufficiency of the Waqf governance model and practices in the country. The paper finds that the institution of Waqf possesses a mammoth amount of financial and infrastructural resources in India, and the role of this institution can be critically important in reducing the poverty of, particularly, the Muslim community. Muslims in India are trapped in the incidence of poverty more than other communities except for Buddhists. In aggregate terms, one in every three Muslims lives below the poverty line in India. Proper utilization of Waqf institution can be critical in reducing the poverty of the Muslim community in the country. The paper is based on a qualitative research paradigm and it adopts a socio-legal research methodology for the analysis of the available literature. The paper concludes with some critical policy recommendations for enhancing the role of Waqf in reducing the poverty rate among Muslims in the country.
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Chakraborty, Soumyajit, and Alok K. Bohara. "The Cost of Being ‘Backward’ in India: Socio-religious Discrimination in the Labour Market." Indian Journal of Human Development 15, no. 2 (July 22, 2021): 252–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09737030211029634.
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Being from backward castes, classes and Muslims in India has an economic cost associated with the nature of institutional discrimination. Using the 2011–2012 National Sample Survey data, this study identifies that caste and religion still rule the modern Indian labour market. We find that discrimination is evident in the socio-religious earnings gaps. While the parametric decompositions suggest that most of these gaps are due to differential human capital endowment, the nonparametric method almost evenly attributes inequality to discrimination and endowment. The results presented in this study suggest that discrimination against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Muslims and Other Backward Classes should be included in policy designs to promote equity in the Indian labour market.
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Shabnam Khan and Dr. Seema Sharma. "Dissolution of Muslim Marriage in India: An Analytical Study." Legal Research Development an International Refereed e-Journal 6, no. II (December 30, 2021): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.53724/lrd/v6n2.08.
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The concept of marriage and divorce in Muslim law is based on ancient perspectives and a historical perspective among Muslims. Personal law, which contains the Quran (holy book of Muslims), Sunnat (traditions), Ijma (consensus), and Qiyas (analogical deductions). Quran is the most important source in Muslim Law. Marriage is seen as a civil contract in Muslim law. Nikah and muta marriages are two different types of Muslim marriages. Both the likely husband and wife must fulfill various significant conditions before entering into a Nikah marriage, such as the age of majority, the parties' permission, Mehr, and so on. Because Muslim marriage is a civil contract, one party makes an offer, which is accepted by the other. Divorce by husband, by wife, by mutual consent, and by judicial order are the four types of divorce in Muslim Law.
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Alam, Muzaffar. "III. Competition and Co-existence: Indo-Islamic Interaction in Medieval North India." Itinerario 13, no. 1 (March 1989): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004149.
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The study of Islam and Muslims in relation to local non-Muslim population and their religious beliefs and social practices in medieval India has often tended to be conducted eventually along two lines, seemingly opposed to each other. On the one hand, there are communal historians who have reduced the history of medieval India into the conflict between Hindus and Muslims, which they have projected as having resulted from their divergent religious outlooks. The period was Islamic in their view, and the state a conversion machinery and an organ to bring Hindus under the hegemony of Islam. This was a mission in which the state could not succeed fully, largely because of ‘Hindu’ resistance. On the other hand, there are a large number of ‘liberal’ historians to whom the hallmark of medieval Indian society has been an amity between the two communities, the various tensions and encounters over economic and political matters notwithstanding. The medieval period, in the opinion of such historians, saw the evolution and efflorescence of a composite culture to which medieval rulers, nobles, sufis and Persian and Urdu poets contributed significantly. The later animosity between Hindus and Muslims and clashes over religious matters, they argued, were the handiwork of the British.
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Nainar, Vahida. "The Legal Struggle of Gujarat Muslims to Access Pre-Matric Scholarships." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 27, no. 3 (August 3, 2020): 662–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02704002.
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Social and economic backwardness of Muslims in India in various fields, such as employment, education, housing and access to infrastructure, is well-documented, particularly in the Sachar Committee Report. Despite the constitutional promise of equality and non-discrimination, discrimination in various forms is the lived reality of Indian Muslims. Growing anti-Muslim prejudice in society and in the institutions of the State is responsible for Muslims’ inability to realise their rights to equality and non-discrimination. Often there is a legal struggle to enforce constitutionally guaranteed rights and access benefits in welfare schemes. This article discusses the legal struggle to access the pre-matric scholarship under the Prime Minister’s 15 Point Programme when the State of Gujarat refused to implement the scheme.
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Barlas, Asma. "Jihad, Holy War, and Terrorism." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v20i1.516.
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In the wake of 9/11, the Islamic concept of jihad has been described as both “holy war” and “terrorism.” In this paper, I unpack this twofold conflation within the context of a broader discussion of the problem of some Muslims’ interpretive extremism and the West’s long-standing and willful politics of misrecognition of Islam.2 This politics confuses Islam with Muslims; disregards the role of political, economic, cultural, and historical factors in shaping Muslims’ attitudes, actions, and readings of Islam; and denies western complicity in creating conducive conditions for extremism. In critiquing both Muslims and non-Muslims, the idea is to alert them to what may equally be at stake for them in the egalitarian readings of Islam.
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Barlas, Asma. "Jihad, Holy War, and Terrorism." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.516.
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In the wake of 9/11, the Islamic concept of jihad has been described as both “holy war” and “terrorism.” In this paper, I unpack this twofold conflation within the context of a broader discussion of the problem of some Muslims’ interpretive extremism and the West’s long-standing and willful politics of misrecognition of Islam.2 This politics confuses Islam with Muslims; disregards the role of political, economic, cultural, and historical factors in shaping Muslims’ attitudes, actions, and readings of Islam; and denies western complicity in creating conducive conditions for extremism. In critiquing both Muslims and non-Muslims, the idea is to alert them to what may equally be at stake for them in the egalitarian readings of Islam.
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Akram, Muhammad, Asim Nasar, Muhammad Rizwan Safdar, and Falak Sher. "Restorative Justice Approach to Cow Vigilante Violence in India." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 190–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/537.
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This paper elaborates on a restorative justice approach to cow vigilante violence in India, intending to develop specific arguments put forward in previous works. It covers the historical, political, and economic aspects of cow vigilante violence against Muslim and Dalit minorities in India, where majority Hindus believe in the cow as a mother to be protected from harm or slaughter. A comparative analysis approach is used to relate the past and present context of cow vigilantism in India. Schematic diagrams are used to discuss the trends, legislation, and restorative governmentalities in terms of building peace among the communities. The key findings suggest that to influence violent and oppressor ideologies of Hindu nationalists in today’s India, Muslims should rationally acknowledge the historic harm Muslim rulers have caused to Hindus. This paper recommends adopting an emergent system for change and triangulating the response to violence to overcome the cow vigilante violence in India. To transform the violent ideologies against Muslims and Dalits over cow protection, the government of India needs to adopt a holistic approach to transform violence and restrict political misuse of the notion of cow protection.
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Muhammad Waqas Sajjad. "Examining the State of Muslim Minority under Modi’s BJP since 2014." Strategic Studies 38, no. 4 (January 10, 2019): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53532/ss.038.04.00130.
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The Muslims in India comprise 14 per cent of the population and have been recognised empirically as a minority, facing social and economic concerns for over a decade. With the rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its slogans of Hindutva, discourse against the Muslims of India has been deteriorated significantly. Prime Minister Modi’s government came to power in 2014, and the four years since have led to persecution and some of the most troubling crimes against the Muslims and other minorities, centred around communal issues. As a result, violence and discrimination have increased as has the rhetoric from the Hindu right-wing organisations that are supported, in one way or the other, by the mainstream BJP politicians. In this paper, the current state of the Muslim minority is examined and analysed using recent sources, including human rights reports from international organisations, as it is argued that Hindutva forces and ideological backing of the BJP have emboldened extremist mindsets and embedded them in society. This means that even ostensibly “secular” political agents of the Congress party have resorted to forms of Hindu domination in an environment where history is being rewritten and minorities are framed as outsiders in India.
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Zaidi, Zawwar Hussain. "Economic Vision of the Quaid-i-Azam." Pakistan Development Review 40, no. 4II (December 1, 2001): 1147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v40i4iipp.1147-1154.
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I am grateful to the organisers for holding this seminar on an important, if somewhat less known, facet of the life-work of the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who transformed the All India Muslim League from a run-of-the-mill political party into a mass movement. His role as the founder of an independent sovereign Muslim state in South Asia has been widely acclaimed by historians and scholars. However, his political tour de force has rather overshadowed what he did for the economic emancipation of Muslims before and after Independence. The demand for Pakistan visualised not just freedom from colonial rule but, no less importantly, liberation from the socio-economic domination of the majority community in business, commerce, education and public services. Jinnah knew full well that the areas to be included in Pakistan were economically and industrially backward. They constituted the agricultural hinterland of the industrialised areas of British India. A survey of industrial locations during the year 1939-40, appended below, highlights the vast disparity in industrial development between the two areas:
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Habib, Naseer A. "The London Ahmadiyya Mission and the Kashmir Movement." Journal of South Asian Studies 8, no. 1 (April 17, 2021): 01–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.008.01.3290.
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The Muslim community of the Indo-Pak Subcontinent began to show the signs of centripetal trend facing the challenge of imperialism and the Hindu domination in Colonial India. We find glimpses of an inclusive approach in the formation of the All-India Kashmir Committee in 1931. The London Ahmadiyya Mission was a Centre of Ahmadiyya Jam’at. The movement of Kashmiri Muslims for political rights emerged as a result of indigenous conditions and the All-India Kashmir Committee came into being. The London Ahmadiyya Mission contributed to the work of this Committee by highlighting its case in Great Britain. It came to defend the cause of the Kashmiri Muslims. The London Ahmadiyya Mission served the important job of fine-tuning the lobbying work. The Congress considered it a British- backed movement (Qureshi, 1998:319). Having adopted the technique of thick description, we found the inclusive trend working behind the emergence of the All-India Kashmir Committee.
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Mishra, Sujit Kumar. "A Study of Muslims in the Newly Formed State of Telangana." Social Change 48, no. 1 (March 2018): 36–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085717743833.
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The study attempts to understand the socio-economic and living conditions of Muslim communities with an emphasis on the livelihood and status of women living in slums located in the old city of Hyderabad. To this end, it collected information 2,354 households of 19 slums using the qualitative and quantitative data gathered from their residents. Using this, this report looked closely at the policy framework and institutional capacity of the state for the socio-economic development of Muslims. Evidence culled from a review of documents and reports, interviews with government department officials and field observations hinted at improved institutional performances, thanks to initiatives such as the creation of Ministry of Minority Affairs (MoMA) in 2006 and the relaunching of the Prime Minister’s 15-Point Programme with an emphasis on educational opportunities, employment and economic activities and living conditions. However, the analysis and findings of this study still identified several institutional incapacities in terms of gaps between development needs and policies especially in the context of marginalised and poor communities.
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Acharya, Sumana, and Harihar Sahoo. "Consanguineous Marriages in India: Prevalence and Determinants." Journal of Health Management 23, no. 4 (October 21, 2021): 631–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09720634211050458.
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Consanguineous marriage is the legal union of male and female of a common ancestor related by blood. The most common prevailing form of consanguineous marriages is between first cousins. Middle East Asian countries and southern states in India show high prevalence. A comparative analysis between the two rounds of National Family Health Survey 1 and 4 have shown a declining trend for the practice of consanguineous marriages. The highest percentage of consanguineous marriages is seen among the first cousins from both father’s and mother’s side, most commonly practice in the southern states of Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka except Kerala. Importantly, the practice of consanguineous marriage is higher among the Muslims of North India and Hindus of Southern India, among the Other Backward Classes and the less educated population of the middle and richer wealth index. A significant relationship can be noticed among consanguineous marriages and socio-economic variables.
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Mohammad Manzoor Alam, Mohammad Manzoor Alam. "Potent Potential of Awqāf in Social and Economic Development." journal of king Abdulaziz University Islamic Economics 31, no. 2 (July 8, 2018): 101–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.4197/islec.31-2.8.
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Muslim societies and communities in all Islamic countries and most of the other regions of the world are having awqaf properties inherited from their ancestors. However, presently the waqf properties are passing through a trend characterized by usurpation, neglect and unproductive use. Prof Khalid Rashid in his lead paper has rightly emphasized need to protect and develop the existing awqaf and to consider certain measures which may enhance the income generation capability and administrative well-being of awqaf. Thus, a reform of the waqf system in the contemporary Islamic world is absolutely necessary. In a post-economic and financial liberalization environment at the global level, it is important to utilize awqaf for poverty reduction, capacity building and economic empowerment of Muslim communities. The waqf fund can be channeled through educational, social and cultural development. In this context, this paper discusses that in modern times, the economic dimensions of waqf institution need attention of scholars and economists to explore its potential role in economic life of Muslims. In a country like India waqf institutions have been playing a very significant role and have still great potentiality to do so in the religious, social and economic life of Muslims. However, they need to be cleansed of corruption and mismanagement. The control by government organization and the state interference sometimes pose another problem in the way of proper utilization of the awqaf properties in an effective way.
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Lee, Joel. "Who is the true Halalkhor? Genealogy and ethics in dalit Muslim oral traditions." Contributions to Indian Sociology 52, no. 1 (December 26, 2017): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0069966717742223.
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The social worlds that dalit Muslims in North India daily negotiate are pervaded by contradictions between caste practices and Islamic ethics. Dalit Muslims engaged in manual scavenging and related forms of sanitation labour experience these contradictions acutely in the distinctive spatial and affective conditions of this labour, which I characterise as ‘intimate untouchability’. Grounded in historical and ethnographic research in eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, this article demonstrates how dalit Muslims use narratives mobilising the genealogical and ethical concept of the Halalkhor—a caste label that also denotes ‘one who earns an honest living’—to critique their higher status co-religionists and to engender a more egalitarian Islamic community. The category of the Halalkhor is tracked in the historical record and in its deployment in dalit Muslim oral traditions about the origin of the community and its association with sanitation work.
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Mahdi, Syed Iqbal. "Islamic Economics and the Economy of Indian Muslims." American Journal of Islam and Society 6, no. 2 (December 1, 1989): 358–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v6i2.2687.
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The International Seminar on Islamic Economics and the Economy ofIndian Muslims was held July 21-24, 1989 in the Convention Center of HamdardUniversity, New Delhi, India, under the auspices of the Institute ofObjective Studies (IOS). The Seminar was the first of its kind in India. Therewere 10 sessions, with over 60 participants, on various aspects of IslamicEconomics as well as on the economy of Indian Muslims. In addition therewere inaugural and plenary sessions, and a public lecture. All the sessionswere well-attended. Conference delegates and participants came from all overIndia, as well as Egypt and the U.S. A number of scholars from other countriescould not attend the Conference because of the denial of visa for attendingthe Conference by the Indian Embassies in their respective countries.The Conference convened on Friday, July 21, 1989 at 1190 A.M. withthe inaugural session chaired by Dr. S. Z. Qasim, Vice-Chancellor of JamiaMillia Islamia, New Delhi. After the welcome speech by Mr. A. R. Agwan,Director of the IOS, Dr. Manzoor Alam, Chairman of the IOS, introducedthe 10s and its activities. The inaugural address was delivered by Dr. A.R. Kidwai, Chancellor, Aligarh Muslim University (AMU). Following that,the keynote address was given by Dr. F. R. Faridi of AMU, who was alsothe convenor of this seminar.Among the foreign delegates were Dr. Shawki Ismail Shehata of FaisalIslamic Bank of Egypt, Prof. Syed Iqbal Mahdi (who is the Secretary ofthe AMSS Economics Discipline Group),and Dr. A. Q. J. Shaikh from theU.S.A., and Dr. M. Ayub Munir from Pakistan.The Conference organizers had carefully selected the topics which weretimely and relevant both in terms of Islamic economics and the economyof Indian Muslims. Each session had 4 to 5 papers. The following were someof the topics:1. Employment Situation of Indian Muslims: An Appraisal ofits Nature and Magnitude2. Islamic Banking: Theory and Practice3. An Islamic Approach to Economic Development ...
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Farmer, B. H., and Robert Wade. "Village Republics: Economic Conditions for Collective Action in South India." Geographical Journal 155, no. 1 (March 1989): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/635395.
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