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Journal articles on the topic 'Muslims Australia Public opinion'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Budi Hapsari, Twediana. "INDONESIAN MUSLIM WEBSITES PICTURING AUSTRALIA." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (October 6, 2019): 991–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.74135.

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Purpose: The relations between the neighbors Indonesia and have become interesting over the last several decades. Methodology: We have shown the important role of blended learning in the maintenance and development of the subject-subject model of interaction between students and teachers. The implementation of subject-subject interaction was considered on the example of the discipline "General and professional pedagogy", the electronic course of which is presented on the Moodle platform. Result: As the largest religious group in Indonesia, Indonesian Muslims play significant roles in shaping public opinion within society. Since the Bali Bombing 2002, there has been intense attention devoted to Australia and Indonesian Muslim issues. This paper explains how five different Indonesian Muslim websites (Arrahmah.com; hti.com; dakwatuna.com; nu.or.id & republika.co.id) portrayed Australia from 2011 to 2013. Applications: This research can be used for the universities, teachers and education students. Novelty/Originality: The ‘up and down’ tension between the ‘up and down’ tension between these countries, is influenced not only by their governments but also their citizen’s perceptions, about the other country.

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2

Alsoufi, Waleed, and Naser N. Albzour. "Covert Ideologies and Sign Manipulation: a Functional Semiotic Analysis of Western vs. Arabic News Coverage of New Zealand 2019 Mosque Carnage." International Journal of Applied Linguistics and English Literature 10, no. 6 (November 30, 2021): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijalel.v.10n.6p.50.

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The primary concern of this comparative study is to explore sign manipulation in front page photographs and headlines in both Western and Arabic news reports in a humble attempt to determine how visual and verbal signs are purposefully presented to the target audience. The researchers precisely try to scrutinize and analyze covert ideological biases of such news reports not only as expressed verbally but also visually. This study exclusively hinges on the event of the New Zealand Mosque Massacre which took place during Friday Prayers on 15 March 2019 in Christchurch City, where an Australian terrorist opened fire on innocent Muslim worshippers and brutally killed fifty of them. The heinous crime has left the world in a state of mourning and utter shock. Media coverage of this attack overwhelmed the Western and the Arab newspapers as well as social media worldwide. Unfortunately, the Christchurch massacre has not been headlined as a terrorist attack by several Western news reports unlike Arabic ones. The source of the data in question mainly relies on 10 popular newspapers: five Western newspapers and five Arabic ones: Daily Mirror, The New York Times, Daily Mail, The Guardian, The Sun, Addustour, Al-Jazirah, Al-Anba, Al-Quds Al-Arabi and AL-Sharq, respectively. The data represent a random sample, so the content does not necessarily represent attitudes or perspectives of all Western and Arabic newspapers. Following the Peircean semiotic triadic model, this study tries to unveil basic ideological features and manipulative strategies that clearly depict the Australian terrorist in some Western newspapers. In addition, it bluntly and objectively shows covert racial prejudice against Muslims in western newspapers. The findings show the significance of both verbal and visual signs in news story because they enable the reporters to express their perspectives towards major events such as New Zealand mosque carnage more effectively. As a result, the use of visual images in front page headlines does not merely serve to represent the reality of that horrible event in a visual form; rather, it is an essential tool of persuasion and tampering with the public opinion by means of insinuating some seriously embedded ideologies.

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3

Ewart, Jacqui, Adrian Cherney, and Kristina Murphy. "News Media Coverage of Islam and Muslims in Australia: An Opinion Survey among Australian Muslims." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 37, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602004.2017.1339496.

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4

Yusuf, Farhat. "Demography of Muslims in Australia." Journal of Biosocial Science 22, no. 1 (January 1990): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000018393.

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SummaryThis paper describes the origins and size of the Muslim population in Australia, at present about 1% of the total population. Their age distribution is younger and their sociodemographic characteristics are different from those of the rest of the Australian population.

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5

Blount, Simon. "Public opinion and tax aversion in Australia." Journal of Sociology 36, no. 3 (December 2000): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078330003600301.

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6

Ali, Jan A. "Muslims as Archetypal Suspect Citizens in Australia." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 5, no. 2 (September 27, 2020): 98–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v5i2.309.

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Muslims as archetypal suspect citizens in Australia is a product of Australian state approach to manage a section of supposedly “rogue population.” Muslims have been increasingly framed as a security problem and, therefore, their securitisation. The horrendous atrocities of the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States followed by a new period of similar attacks in various parts of particularly the Western world provided a new stage for an extensive range of discourses involving politicians, public intellectuals, academics, and journalists swiftly securitised Islam as an existential threat to Australian liberal democracy. This paper probes the politics of Muslim suspect and how securitizing and “othering” of Australian Muslims in the name of managing security threat to Australian national order are rendered Australian Muslims archetypal suspect citizens. It suggests that the politics of suspect and securitizing and “othering” of Muslims in Australia transforms security from the problem of producing national order to making Muslims feel unwelcome citizens.

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7

Mayer, Henry. "Public Opinion and Media Concentration." Media Information Australia 44, no. 1 (May 1987): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x8704400106.

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While, in February 1987, 61% of Australians believed that the Government should restrict the concentration of media ownership in Australia and 48% were concerned by the Murdoch takeover, the very young, the unskilled, and women were least concerned.

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8

McAllister, I. "Public opinion in Australia on restricting smoking in public places." Tobacco Control 4, no. 1 (March 1, 1995): 30–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/tc.4.1.30.

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9

Bartels, Lorana, Robin Fitzgerald, and Arie Freiberg. "Public opinion on sentencing and parole in Australia." Probation Journal 65, no. 3 (May 27, 2018): 269–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0264550518776763.

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Australia has nine different legislative regimes for sentencing and parole, as well as eight prison regimes; it has therefore been described as an ideal penal laboratory. This paper presents an overview of the extensive body of recent Australian research on public opinion on sentencing and, more recently, parole. The discussion on parole is situated in the context of an analysis of the legislative and policy landscape, which has undergone significant changes in recent years. The paper concludes with some comments on future research directions in relation to Australian public opinion on parole.

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10

Kelley, Jonathan, and John Braithwaite. "Public opinion and the death penalty in Australia." Justice Quarterly 7, no. 3 (September 1, 1990): 529–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07418829000090721.

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11

Sneddon, David Ian. "Early History of Micro and Meso Dialogue between Muslims and Non-Muslims in Australia." Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 3, no. 3 (February 14, 2019): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v3i3.109.

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Interfaith dialogue has been touted as a means to solve many of the religious divisions that have arisen in an increasingly global and multi-faith society. In Australia, now a multi-cultural and multi faith society, a range of organisations exist to facilitate this dialogue, most coming in to existence after the 1960’s This paper will review the early dialogue between Muslims and non-Muslims as portrayed in the public record. It covers pre and post-Colonial Australia, up until the 1950’s. As inter-faith dialogue becomes more important in an increasingly global society, it will examine the effect that micro and meso level dialogue has influenced social harmony at some levels. By examining the public record and the narratives surrounding the Macassans, Afghans and other early Muslims, this paper will firstly argue that micro and meso dialogue prior to the 1950s’ between Muslims immigrants and non-Muslims made a contribution to the social harmony in Australia. Secondly, despite many attempts by Muslims, meso level dialogue was often ineffective and sometimes failed for a variety of reasons. Additionally, it will point to the need for further research in order to paint a complete picture of the levels of dialogue between Muslims and others throughout Australian history.

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12

McAllister, Ian, and Donley T. Studlar. "TRENDS IN PUBLIC OPINION ON THE ENVIRONMENT IN AUSTRALIA." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 5, no. 4 (1993): 353–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/5.4.353.

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13

Rix, Alan. "Cry Havoc?: Public Opinion and Recent Australia-Japan Relations." Policy, Organisation and Society 4, no. 1 (June 1992): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1991.11876765.

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14

McAllister, Ian. "Public opinion towards gambling and gambling regulation in Australia." International Gambling Studies 14, no. 1 (December 4, 2013): 146–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14459795.2013.861001.

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15

Glas, Saskia, and Niels Spierings. "Support for feminism among highly religious Muslim citizens in the Arab region." European Journal of Politics and Gender 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 283–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510819x15538590890492.

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Public opinion studies argue that in Middle Eastern and North African countries, Muslims support gender equality less than non-Muslims. This overlooks the diversity in religion–feminism relations. Highly religious Muslims who support feminism are disregarded, even though in-depth studies have repeatedly pointed to their existence. Grounded in a structured anthology of qualitative studies on Muslim feminism, we provide the first ever large-scale analysis of support for Muslim feminism. Conducting latent class analyses on 64,000 Muslims in 51 Middle Eastern and North African contexts, we find that a substantial one in five Arab Muslims combines high attachment to Islam with support for feminism.

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16

CARLSON, MATTHEW, and OLA LISTHAUG. "Public Opinion on the Role of Religion in Political Leadership: A Multi-level Analysis of Sixty-three Countries." Japanese Journal of Political Science 7, no. 3 (October 26, 2006): 251–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109906002350.

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Are there significant variations across major religious faiths about the proper political roles of religion? Using recent World Values/European Values data from 63 countries we study the attitudes of mass publics on two separate aspects of this question. First, should religious beliefs be used as a criterion for selecting political leaders (dimension I)? Second, should religious leaders use their position for political influence (dimension II)? For dimension I we find that Muslims are somewhat more likely than followers of other faiths and denominations to say that religious beliefs are important in selecting leaders. The remaining results of our investigation somewhat weaken or modify this result. On dimension II we find that Muslims do not stand out as comparatively favorable towards the view that religious leaders shall use their position for political influence. Finally, we find a negative, albeit weak and somewhat irregular effect of education on attitudes towards a close link between religion and political leadership (dimension I). However, this effect holds up equally well for Muslims as for other denominations, suggesting that Muslims are not immune to the effects of secularization.

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17

Amanullah, Muhammad. "Juristic Differences over the Implementation of Qiṣāṣ against a Muslim Who Kills a Non-Muslim." Arab Law Quarterly 32, no. 2 (January 25, 2018): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730255-12322030.

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Abstract Muslim jurists differ on whether Muslims who murder non-Muslims should be sentenced to death or not. Although Ḥanafī jurists maintain that they should be, most Muslim jurists hold that they should not. Modern scholars such as ʿAwdah, El-Awa and others have discussed the issue. Based on classical and modern fiqh (Islamic law) literature, this article examines the principal arguments used by both groups, concluding that the Ḥanafī opinion is to be preferred because it is based on stronger proofs and conforms more closely to the public interest of contemporary Muslims and non-Muslims.

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18

Hashmi, Fahad. "Shaping Public Opinion and Community Mobilisation: The Role of Urdu Language Media in India." Society and Culture in South Asia 5, no. 2 (July 2019): 216–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2393861719845157.

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Considering the role played by Rashtria Sahara, an Urdu daily newspaper that took recourse to the democratic practice of questioning and challenging the hegemonic formation of the maligned image of Islam and the faith community vis-à-vis terrorism in the discursive arena, that is, the public sphere, this article tries to understand the role of the Urdu language media in shaping the public opinion and mobilising people from within the community. To this end, first, the article seeks to comprehend the present configuration of the Indian public sphere keeping in view its colonial origin. Moreover, the ‘othering’ of Muslims in postcolonial India that has colonial roots, too, has been understood through the idea of ‘interior frontiers’. Second, the role and practices of the Indian state towards Muslims have been taken into account. And, the final section analyses strategies that were put to use by the newspaper to contest the hegemonic formation, which paved the way for social movement to emerge.

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19

BLAYDES, LISA, and DREW A. LINZER. "Elite Competition, Religiosity, and Anti-Americanism in the Islamic World." American Political Science Review 106, no. 2 (May 2012): 225–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000135.

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The battle for public opinion in the Islamic world is an ongoing priority for U.S. diplomacy. The current debate over why many Muslims hold anti-American views revolves around whether they dislike fundamental aspects of American culture and government, or what Americans do in international affairs. We argue, instead, that Muslim anti-Americanism is predominantly a domestic, elite-led phenomenon that intensifies when there is greater competition between Islamist and secular-nationalist political factions within a country. Although more observant Muslims tend to be more anti-American, paradoxically the most anti-American countries are those in which Muslim populations are less religious overall, and thus more divided on the religious–secular issue dimension. We provide case study evidence consistent with this explanation, as well as a multilevel statistical analysis of public opinion data from nearly 13,000 Muslim respondents in 21 countries.

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20

Crook, Stephen, and Jan Pakulski. "Shades of green: Public opinion on environmental issues in Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 30, no. 1 (March 1995): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269508402322.

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21

Makkai, Toni, and Ian McAllister. "Public Opinion and the Legal Status of Marijuana in Australia." Journal of Drug Issues 23, no. 3 (July 1993): 409–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002204269302300304.

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Since the late 1950s, when the medical use of heroin was banned in Australia, government policy toward marijuana has been based on prohibition. Despite an upsurge in the use of marijuana in the 1960s, government policy has remained virtually unchanged, except for the introduction of the expiation notice in South Australia in 1986. The authors use a wide range of opinion poll data to show that attitudes toward marijuana have remained stable over the past two decades, although the most recent data suggest that public support for reform of the legal status of marijuana may be increasing. There are notable differences in opinion between sociodemographic groups, with men, the young, and those who have been exposed to marijuana being more likely to support reform. The authors argue that as more people who have been exposed to marijuana enter the electorate and as New Politics issues become more prominent, the legal status of marijuana could become a political party issue. Data collected during the 1990 federal election among election candidates suggest that the potential for political party conflict already exists.

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22

Cherney, Adrian, and Kristina Murphy. "Being a ‘suspect community’ in a post 9/11 world – The impact of the war on terror on Muslim communities in Australia." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 49, no. 4 (July 27, 2016): 480–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865815585392.

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The suspect community thesis has been used to explain how and why Muslims have become a stigmatised minority, subject to increased state surveillance and public discourse that constructs Muslims as a potential terrorist threat. Breen-Smyth (2014) argues that a suspect community is generated through national or state security policies and reproduced and reinforced by societal responses and social practices. This influences how Muslims perceive themselves as a suspect community and influences their support for counter-terrorism efforts. This paper will explore the ‘experiential consequences’ of Muslims being stigmatised and labelled as a suspect community and the perceptions this has generated among Muslims living in Australia. We examine how Muslims have reacted to being defined as a terrorist threat and the coping mechanisms they adopt to defend their religious beliefs given Islam is seen by authorities, the media and the public as justifying violence. This paper will explore these issues by reporting results from focus group data collected from Muslims living in Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne ( N = 104 participants in total). Results illustrate how being defined as a suspect community influences the appraisals Muslims have of themselves, their faith, their community and Australian authorities. Implications for counter-terrorism policies are also identified.

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23

Junisbai, Barbara, Azamat Junisbai, and Baurzhan Zhussupov. "Two Countries, Five Years: Islam in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan through the Lens of Public Opinion Surveys." Central Asian Affairs 4, no. 1 (December 30, 2017): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00401001.

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Drawing on two waves of public opinion surveys conducted in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, we investigate the rise in religiosity and orthodoxy among Central Asian Muslims. We confirm that a religious revival is underway, with nearly 100 percent of Kazakhstani and Kyrgyzstani Muslims self-identifying as such in 2012—up from 80 percent in Kazakhstan in 2007. If we dig a bit deeper, however, we observe cross-national variations. Religious practice, as measured by daily prayer and weekly mosque attendance, is up in Kyrgyzstan, but has fallen in Kazakhstan. While the share of those who express preferences associated with religious orthodoxy has grown in both, this group has more than doubled in Kazakhstan. We attribute these differences to political context, both in terms of cross-national political variation and, within each country, variation based on regional differences.

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24

Rashid, Md Mizanur, and Kaja Antlej. "Geospatial platforms and immersive tools for social cohesion: the 4D narrative of architecture of Australia’s Afghan cameleers." Virtual Archaeology Review 11, no. 22 (January 28, 2020): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/var.2020.12230.

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<p class="VARAbstract">This paper focuses on examining the scope of virtual architectural archaeology in forms of digital geospatial platforms and immersive tools such as Virtual Reality (VR) and Augmented Reality (AR) to be used for achieving social cohesion, particularly in a multicultural and multi-ethnic society like Australia’s. In the context of the current global and national concern about Muslims and Islam, as well as for the mistrust towards and distance between Muslims and Non-Muslims in Australia, it is imperative to delve deeper into the contribution of early Muslim pioneers, in this case, the Afghan Cameleers, in the social fabric of colonial Australia. Based on the premise that architecture could be a unique and revealing research frame to gain insight into human values, worldview and material culture, the main aim of this paper is to address two key issues using virtual architectural archaeology. Firstly, to demonstrate the application of 4D capturing and component-based modelling with metadata and paradata regarding the past of the lost architectural heritage sites in remote central and western Australia, also counting on assets such as Linked Open Data (LOD) for further dissemination and use. Secondly, to propose a mode to disseminate new knowledge through digital platforms and VR/AR experiences to the GLAM (Galleries, Libraries, Archives, and Museums) audiences and schools regarding the Muslims in Australia. Understanding properly them and their contribution to the Australian society would eventually minimise the cultural distance between Muslims and Non-Muslims in Australia. Greater awareness could mitigate the myth of fear and mistrust regarding Muslims and Islam, widely misunderstood for a long time.</p><p>Highlights:</p><ul><li><p>Architectural-archaeological heritage as a tool for achieving social cohesion and to minimise cultural/social differences between Muslims and non-Muslims in Australia.</p></li><li><p>4D capturing and digital geospatial platforms for contextualising architectural-archaeological heritage in a spatial and chronological way.</p></li><li><p>Gamified and non-gamified Virtual Reality (VR) and Augmented Reality (AR) applications to engage the general public with architectural-archaeological heritage from remote, hard-to-access areas.</p></li></ul>

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25

Zulfikar, Teuku, and Emawati Emawati. "Islamic Education and Religiosity: Voices of the Indonesian Muslim Communities in Australia." Ulumuna 24, no. 1 (June 9, 2020): 24–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20414/ujis.v24i1.388.

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Indonesian Muslims have made their presence in Australia since the 1970s. Some of them now have become citizens and others preferred to be permanent residents. As they have lived in Australia, in which Islam is not the dominant religion, they were concerned with their children’s religiosity. These Muslims attempted to teach Islam to their children in any way possible. This research, therefore aims at exploring Indonesian Muslims’ parents’ ways of teaching Islam to their children, and their children’s responses on their parents’ approaches in educating them Islam. Using in-depth interviews, the study unveiled that the parents used various aproaches. Their approaches were democratic, in which a great deal of dialogues and neggotiation took place. They also monitored their children’s attitudes and kept reminding them about Islam; setting the role models was also a significant approach used in teaching Islam to their children, and balancing the public schooling and the madrasah. The findings also revealed that these young Muslims recognized the significant role their parents have taken to teach them Islam and shape their religiosity and they were thankful for their parents although some dissenting views on several issues also emerged.

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O’Donnell, Kate, Jacqui Ewart, and April Chrzanowski. "“Don’t Freak We’re Sikh”—A Study of the Extent to Which Australian Journalists and the Australian Public Wrongly Associate Sikhism with Islam." Religions 9, no. 10 (October 18, 2018): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100319.

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This study emerged from an incidental, and somewhat surprising, finding that 15 percent of working journalists who attend training on improving the ways that mainstream new media report stories about Islam and Muslims, wrongly associated Sikhism with Islam. We wondered if this was indicative of the Australian population and, through a random stratified survey of the Australian population, found that it was. The question about the extent to which populations wrongly associate Sikhism with Islam is an important one. In Australia, Muslims and Sikhs are minorities. Ignorance of Islam and its religious diversity coupled with ignorance of Muslims and their ethnic and cultural diversity underpins the intolerance of Islam in the West and the concomitant animus directed at Muslims. Intolerance and violence directed at Muslims and people wrongly assumed to be Muslims (such as Sikhs) increased after the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 (9/11). This speaks to religious literacy, the treatment of religious minorities and raises important questions around educating various publics (including the news media) about both Islam and Sikhism. It also speaks to the role of the mainstream news media in perpetuating Islamophobia, and its detrimental flow-on effects to Muslims and Sikhs.

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27

Pietsch, Juliet, and Ian McAllister. "‘A diabolical challenge’: public opinion and climate change policy in Australia." Environmental Politics 19, no. 2 (March 2010): 217–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644010903574509.

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28

Lancaster, Kari, Alison Ritter, and Jennifer Stafford. "Public opinion and drug policy in Australia: Engaging the ‘affected community’." Drug and Alcohol Review 32, no. 1 (August 16, 2012): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1465-3362.2012.00497.x.

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Haynes, Jeffrey. "Right-Wing Populism and Religion in Europe and the USA." Religions 11, no. 10 (September 27, 2020): 490. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11100490.

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The aim of this paper is to examine comparatively the growth and political effectiveness of right-wing populism in Western Europe, Central Europe, and the USA since 9/11. The focus is on such politicians’ vilification of Islam as a faith and Muslims as a people. The paper examines the following research question: how and why do right-wing populists in the USA and Europe use an ideological form of “Christianity”, known variously as “Christianism” or “Christian civilizationism”, to vilify Muslims and Islam? The political purpose seems obvious: to influence public perceptions and to win votes by questioning the desirability of Muslims in both the USA and Europe, claiming that Muslims’ religious and cultural attributes make them unacceptable as neighbors. As Muslims are not capable, so the argument goes, of assimilating to European or American norms, values, and behavior, then they must be excluded or strongly controlled for the benefit of nativist communities. Right-wing populists in both the USA and Europe pursue this strategy because they see it as chiming well with public opinion at a time of great uncertainty, instability, and insecurity.

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Murtazina, Lyalya R. "The Views of Rizaeddin Fakhreddin on Religious and National Schools." Historical Ethnology 5, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 243–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/he.2020-5-2.243-253.

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The article analyzes the famous Tatar scholar, teacher, enlightener, and public figure Riza Fakhreddin’s opinion on Muslim national and religious schools. Fakh-reddin’s publications published in the Tatar periodical in 1913–1914 served as a source for writing the work. In 1913, Mufti M.Sultanov received an official letter from the Department for Foreign Confessions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. The letter requested Muslims’ opinions about the situation of religious schools from the Islamic perspective. In his works, Fakhreddin gives the questionnaire answers and covers the Muslim community's opinion about this document.

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Mackenzie, Geraldine, Caroline Spiranovic, Kate Warner, Nigel Stobbs, Karen Gelb, David Indermaur, Lynne Roberts, Rod Broadhurst, and Thierry Bouhours. "Sentencing and public confidence: Results from a national Australian survey on public opinions towards sentencing." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 45, no. 1 (March 16, 2012): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865811431328.

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This paper examines the critical issue of public confidence in sentencing, and presents findings from Phase I of an Australia-wide sentencing and public confidence project. Phase I comprised a nationally representative telephone survey of 6005 participants. The majority of respondents expressed high levels of punitiveness and were dissatisfied with sentences imposed by the courts. Despite this, many were strongly supportive of the use of alternatives to imprisonment for a range of offences. These nuanced views raise questions regarding the efficacy of gauging public opinion using opinion poll style questions; indeed the expected outcome from this first phase of the four phase sentencing and public confidence project. The following phases of this project, reported on elsewhere, examined the effects of various interventions on the robustness and nature of these views initially expressed in a standard ‘top of the head’ opinion poll.

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Yun, Yongdeok, Hyungseok Oh, and Rohae Myung. "Statistical Modeling of Cultural Differences in Adopting Autonomous Vehicles." Applied Sciences 11, no. 19 (September 28, 2021): 9030. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app11199030.

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As autonomous driving technology develops, the advantages and disadvantages of autonomous vehicles emerge. In order for automated vehicles to find a place in society, public opinion and acceptance are important, and a number of studies about public opinion and acceptance are underway. In this paper, we investigated the relation between cross cultural differences and public opinion on automated vehicles. Through a literature review, public opinion in various countries, including China, India, Japan, the U.S., the U.K., and Australia, was collected. Through these data, the influence of cross cultural differences in public opinion was identified, and statistical models for predicting public opinion about autonomous vehicles were developed. In addition, the prediction models were validated through the results of the survey conducted in this paper. As a result, the influence of cross cultural differences on public opinion about automated vehicles was confirmed.

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Briskman, Linda. "The Creeping Blight of Islamophobia in Australia." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 4, no. 3 (October 5, 2015): 112–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v4i3.244.

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In the latter months of 2014, following events in faraway Iraq and Syria, Australia responded forcefully at home. The manufactured fear of a terrorist attack resulted in police raids, increased counter-terrorism legislation and scare campaigns to alert the public to 'threat'. Although Islamophobia rose in Australia after 2001 it has been latent in recent years. It is on the rise again with collateral damage from government measures including verbal and physical attacks on Australian Muslims. Vitriol is also directed at asylum seekers and refugees. Media, government and community discourses converge to promote Islam as dangerous and deviant.

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Jørgensen, Signe Kjær. "Not just any order!" Journal of Language and Politics 11, no. 3 (November 26, 2012): 382–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.3.04joe.

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The article analyses how the Mohammad cartoons enforced stereotypes of Muslims. It provides in-depth analysis of the cartoons based on opinion material from public debate and cognitive discourse analysis of “common sense knowledge”. The article shows that the main themes of interpretation were Muslim male and female identities. These were presented in a stereotypical way, downplaying agency and critical reflection among Muslim believers. Moreover, many citizens pointed out similarities between the Abrahamic religions. Such interpretations may be traced to mental models that perceived the cartoons as either humorous, a matter of Freedom of speech, or as an expression of values supportive to multiculturalism. Thereby the public debate drew on discourses about terrorism, veiling, child marriages, mother tongue education, and Turkey’s possible EU-accession. In general, the cartoons as well as the public debate about them enforced new racist ideas of Muslims.

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Mansillo, Luke. "Loyal to the Crown: shifting public opinion towards the monarchy in Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 51, no. 2 (January 25, 2016): 213–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2015.1123674.

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Marks, G. N., and P. McDonell. "NEW POLITICS? THE MABO DEBATE AND PUBLIC OPINION NATIVE TITLE IN AUSTRALIA." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 8, no. 1 (March 1, 1996): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/8.1.31.

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McAllister, Ian. "Dimensions of environmentalism: Public opinion, political activism and party support in Australia." Environmental Politics 3, no. 1 (March 1994): 22–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644019408414123.

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Chambers, Ian, Robert Costanza, Logan Zingus, Steve Cork, Marcello Hernandez, Ahmad Sofiullah, Thet Z. Htwe, et al. "A public opinion survey of four future scenarios for Australia in 2050." Futures 107 (March 2019): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2018.12.002.

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Hayes, Linda, Melanie A. Wakefield, and Michelle M. Scollo. "Public opinion about ending the sale of tobacco in Australia: Table 1." Tobacco Control 23, no. 2 (January 8, 2013): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/tobaccocontrol-2012-050777.

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Fadhilah, Hasna Azmi, and Fitri Mahara. "The sharia on non-muslims: should they follow?" Jurnal Lektur Keagamaan 15, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.31291/jlk.v15i2.527.

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Since 2001, the Aceh provincial administration and legislative council have approved the Qanun Jinayat (behavior-governing bylaw) that obliges public in Aceh to follow sharia, the Islamic legal code. While it has been widely accepted by Aceh Muslims, the sharia implementation on non-muslim has sparked a huge debate. To understand the public opinion on this issue, we conducted face-to-face interviews and surveyed more than two hundreds fifty people in Aceh Tengah about their views following the case of Buddhists who were caned for violating sharia law. From the research that we did, our findings reveal that Acehnese people have different opinion on this. A half our respondents, including the non-Muslims do not see sharia law as a burden for them to live in Aceh. While the others, such as human rights activists and non-governmental organizations reported that this law enactment has prompted human rights abuses. Looking at the divisive views, the national and Aceh government are suggested to take further action to avoid more confusion among Acehnese people and religious conflict in the future. Keywords: Sharia Law, Aceh, Non-MuslimsSejak tahun 2001, pemerintah provinsi dan dewan legislatif Aceh telah menyetujui pemberlakuan Qanun Jinayat (peraturan perundang-undangan) yang mewajibkan masyarakat di Aceh untuk mengikuti syariah, kode hukum Islam. Meskipun telah diterima secara luas oleh Muslim Aceh, implementasi syariah bagi non-Muslim telah memicu perdebatan besar. Untuk memahami opini publik mengenai masalah ini, kami melakukan wawancara tatap muka dan mensurvei lebih dari dua ratus lima puluh orang di Aceh Tengah mengenai pandangan mereka menyusul kasus seorang penganut Buddha yang dicambuk karena melanggar hukum syariah. Dari penelitian yang kami lakukan, temuan kami mengungkapkan bahwa orang Aceh memiliki pendapat yang berbeda-beda mengenai hal ini. Setengah responden kami, termasuk non-Muslim, tidak melihat hukum syariah sebagai beban bagi mereka untuk tinggal di Aceh. Sementara yang lainnya, seperti aktivis Hak Asasi Manusia dan Lembaga Swadaya Masyarakat melaporkan bahwa undang-undang ini telah menyebabkan pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia. Melihat pandangan yang terpecah seperti ini, pemerintah pusat dan Aceh disarankan untuk mengambil tindakan lebih lanjut untuk menghindari kebingungan masyarakat Aceh dan konflik agama di masa depan.Kata kunci: Hukum Syariah, Aceh, Non-Muslim

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Mohammed, Adam Abdullahi, and Ali Inusa. "IMPACTS OF SOCIAL MEDIA IN INFLUENCING PUBLIC OPINION IN THE MUSLIM COMMUNITIES." International Journal of Heritage, Art and Multimedia 3, no. 8 (March 15, 2020): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijham.38004.

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The paper examined the impacts of social media in influencing public opinion in Muslim communities. Invariably, public opinion is a vital tool for government, politicians, and decision-makers in all communities, including Muslims’. Social media is a powerful and strong machine to mold, shape, and influence public opinion. In developing this paper data were obtained from a secondary source, meaning data were generated from several documentaries such as- books, journals, newspapers, magazines, archives, etc. From the available literature, the study found that the mass media in general, and the social media in particular, are very important in making and influencing public opinion in the society, especially the Muslim communities. To explain the topic under study the researchers adopted two theories; culturists and Class-dominant Theories. The theories claim that people interact with media to create their own meanings out of the images and messages they receive. This theory sees audiences as playing an active rather than a passive role in relation to social media. In addition, the assumption of these theories is that social media replicates and plans the view of a marginal elite, which controls the system to influence people's opinions. The researcher recommended that politicians, governments, and policymakers should pay much attention to social media and to use them wisely in a positive way, for their own good and for the benefit of their communities in particular and the society at large.

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Louis, Winnifred R., Julie M. Duck, Deborah J. Terry, and Richard N. Lalonde. "Speaking Out on Immigration Policy in Australia: Identity Threat and the Interplay of Own Opinion and Public Opinion." Journal of Social Issues 66, no. 4 (December 2010): 653–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4560.2010.01669.x.

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Hughes, Owen E. "MPA Programs in Australia." Chinese Public Administration Review 3, no. 1-2 (March 2005): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v3i1.2.53.

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Australian universities have established specific Masters programs for public servants over the past twenty years. However, until recently, despite being established, they have not thrived by comparison with MBA and other masters courses in business. It was not easy to attract students and good staff. MPA programs have generally not captured the public sector community's attention in the same way as is the case in a number of US schools of public administration or management. This situation changed in 2003 with the creation of the Australia and New Zealand School of Government (ANZSOG). This is a consortium of five governments - the Commonwealth government, the New Zealand government, and the three largest state governments - and nine universities set up to provide an Executive Masters in Public Administration. The ANZSOG cohort is composed of future leaders in the opinion of their governments. All students are fully funded by their governments and at a level that is more costly per student than other training. Funding of this scale reflects a major change for governments in Australia. The establishment of the Australia and New Zealand School of Government represents a major change in education of public managers in Australia. There are lessons for other countries in its establishment.

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Hughes, Owen E. "MPA Programs in Australia." Chinese Public Administration Review 3, no. 1/2 (November 4, 2016): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22140/cpar.v3i1/2.53.

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Australian universities have established specific Masters programs for public servants over the past twenty years. However, until recently, despite being established, they have not thrived by comparison with MBA and other masters courses in business. It was not easy to attract students and good staff. MPA programs have generally not captured the public sector community’s attention in the same way as is the case in a number of US schools of public administration or management. This situation changed in 2003 with the creation of the Australia and New Zealand School of Government (ANZSOG). This is a consortium of five governments - the Commonwealth government, the New Zealand government, and the three largest state governments - and nine universities set up to provide an Executive Masters in Public Administration. The ANZSOG cohort is composed of future leaders in the opinion of their governments. All students are fully funded by their governments and at a level that is more costly per student than other training. Funding of this scale reflects a major change for governments in Australia.The establishment of the Australia and New Zealand School of Government represents a major change in education of public managers in Australia. There are lessons for other countries in its establishment.

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Marcinkowski, Christoph. "Germany and the Muslim World." ICR Journal 1, no. 3 (April 15, 2010): 519–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v1i3.733.

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The relations between the world of Islam and Germany (or what was then the Holy Roman Empire) date back far into the Middle Ages and were particularly intense during the times of the Crusades. However, Muslims came to Germany in larger numbers as part of the diplomatic, military and economic relations between Germany and the Ottoman Empire in the eighteenth century. German diplomats and travellers, in turn, visited the Ottoman lands as well as Safavid Persia from the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, respectively. In Muslim public opinion, Germany appears to have been always seen as the ‘friend of the Muslims’, a kind of ‘exception’ compared with other Western colonial powers which controlled large chunks of the Muslim homeland. Germany - so it was thought - had no colonial ambitions in the Dar al-Islam. Germany’s last emperor, William II (r. 1888-1918), during his famous 1898 speech in Damascus, declared himself the ‘eternal friend’ of the (then) 300 million Muslims in the world.

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Ahmad, Syarbaini, Khirul Nizam Ab Rahman, Mokmin Basri, and Noor Azli Mohamed Masrup. "Development of Mobile Fatwa Application for the Selangor State of Mufti Department." International Research Journal of Electronics and Computer Engineering 4, no. 1 (March 30, 2018): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.24178/irjece.2018.4.1.07.

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Fatwa is an important reference of Muslims to seek of contemporary explanations regarding the Islamic law on new matters in their life affairs. It is the opinion of the scholars authoritative as mufti or related posts given mandate by the government to proclaim it as a guide to Muslims according to their waqi'. However, it is not widely accessed by the community to be guided in their lives. This e-fatwa application development initiative is intended to help facilitate information on fatwa disseminated to the public. It will be developed based on android mobile operating system since it is very popular and widely used in the current technology. The method of development of this apps is through comparison with other existing applications before provide a new and improve our own apps. Then it will assess the effectiveness of functionality of the apps from the perspective of the end user. The target user of this apps is for Muslims and specifically to Selangor state in Malaysia.

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Gil Guerrero, Javier. "Propaganda Broadcasts and Cold War Politics: The Carter Administration's Outreach to Islam." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 4–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00716.

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After the Islamic revolution in Iran in early 1979 and the hostage crisis that began at the U.S. embassy in Tehran later that year, the Carter administration launched a public diplomacy campaign specifically directed at Muslims, the first of its kind. The idea was to counter the narrative of a Western crusade against Islam while highlighting the differences between the United States and militant Islam. In time, the damage control effort was transformed into an attempt to rally Muslims—both outside and inside the Soviet Union—against Soviet Communism. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan created an opportunity for the United States to bolster its standing in the Islamic world. Influencing Muslim opinion was no longer just a matter of delegitimizing the discourse of radical Islam, but also one of using the growth of religious sentiment among Muslims against the Soviet Union. The initiative's spearhead was the increased multilingual radio broadcasts directed at Muslim audiences across the globe.

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Vergani, Matteo, Amelia Johns, Michele Lobo, and Fethi Mansouri. "Examining Islamic religiosity and civic engagement in Melbourne." Journal of Sociology 53, no. 1 (July 10, 2016): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783315621167.

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With geopolitical concerns surrounding the rise of militant, transnational groups who draw on Islamic texts for legitimacy, the place of Islam in western societies has become a source of anxiety, fear and suspicion. The central concern is whether Muslims living in the West have the capacity to become fully active citizens. This article uses quantitative and qualitative methods to examine whether Islamic religiosity is a predictor for civic engagement and active citizenship among Muslims living in Melbourne, Australia. The findings show that organized religiosity can be a strong predictor of civic engagement, countering the discourses that demonize Islam as a source of radicalization and social disengagement. While the findings show that suspicion of divisive forces and lack of trust in public institutions might prevent some young Muslims from engaging in formal political participation, grassroots civic engagement enables Muslims to demonstrate care and feel like active citizens of the Australian community without compromising core religious values.

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Tong, Allison, Angelique F. Ralph, Jeremy R. Chapman, Germaine Wong, John S. Gill, Michelle A. Josephson, and Jonathan C. Craig. "Focus Group Study of Public Opinion About Paying Living Kidney Donors in Australia." Clinical Journal of the American Society of Nephrology 10, no. 7 (April 23, 2015): 1217–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2215/cjn.10821014.

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Carson, Andrea, Shaun Ratcliff, and Yannick Dufresne. "Public opinion and policy responsiveness: the case of same-sex marriage in Australia." Australian Journal of Political Science 53, no. 1 (October 13, 2017): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2017.1381944.

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