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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Aly, Anne M. "Audience responses to the Australian media discourse on terrorism and the 'other' : the fear of terrorism between and among Australian Muslims and the broader community." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2008. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/176.

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The terrorist attcks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001 heralded an era of unprecedented media and public attention on the global phenomenon of terrorism. Implicit in the Australian media's discourse on terrorism that evolved out of the events of 11 September is a construction of the Western world (and specifically Australia) as perpetually at threat of terrorism.
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2

Yılmaz, Ferruh. "Ethnicized ontologies from foreign worker to Muslim immigrant : how Danish public discourse moved to the right through the question of immigration /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3310006.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 19, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 366-373).
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3

Hope-Hume, Bob. "Radio, community and the public : Community radio in Western Australia." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1997. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/889.

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This thesis examines community radio in Western Australia and its relationship to "the public sphere". The public sphere is that field in which private. persons interact with other private. persons and in so doing construct a 11public". Public opinion is formed through this interaction in the public sphere. The media provide a major part of that interaction. Moreover, the media determine which voices are privileged within the communicative sphere. Drawing from Jurgen Habennas I explore theories of the public sphere arguing that community radio constructs a new form of public sphere in contemporary culture. I explore notions of democratic radio following the theories of Harold Innis to explore how elites have attempted to control communication. I argue that community radio provides a participatory medium which democratises the medium and allows for a more comprehensive formation of public opinion through the creation of informed rational discussion in the public sphere. This thesis provides an overview of broadcasting and the public in Western Australia with background on the history and development of community radio. It examines the notion of the public as a site of struggle and examines how community radio seeks to challenge the status quo in Western Australian culture. as well as seeking to facilitate- ideas on the role of radio as a democratic medium.
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4

Wood, Beverley. "Attitudes toward the elderly : a case study of nursing students' attitudes." Monash University, Faculty of Education, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8808.

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5

McKillop, Dianne R. "Principles in public reasoning about criminal justice : victim vulnerability, trust, and offender status." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1035.

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It is popularly assumed that the public is highly punitive toward criminal offenders and that its reasoning about criminal offences is emotionally and morally based. This assumption has been challenged by social scientists who cite influences of news media and methodological flaws in empirical studies as contributing causes. Public sentiment is a basis for law and the increasing responsiveness of legislator to what is perceived to be public opinion on crime means that accurate information on enduring principles in the public's intuitive reasoning about criminal justice is vital. An initial exploratory study (N = 34) presented members of the public with descriptions of emotionally and morally provocative offences, morally indignant reactions and the assignment of punishments that were disproportionate to the objective harm caused by the offences indicated aspects of offences and associated reasoning principles that were worthy of further, experimental investigation. Important principles appeared to be breach of trust by an offender in a position of trust and the vulnerability of victims. A second study (N = 348) examined the influence of these two variables in a 3 x 3 (offender position of trust x victim vulnerability) between-subjects experiment. Findings confirmed that victim vulnerability exacerbates the public's condemnation of offences in a more prosaic offence. However the results also showed that an offender who occupied a highly trusted position in society was not more highly condemned than offenders in less trusted positions. In addition to the finding that the highly trusted offender was perceived to be significantly less in need of a punishment aimed at individual deterrence, this finding led to a hypothesis that his high status may have protected him from public sanction. It was also concluded that the type of trust whose violation the participants of the initial study strongly condemned may have been the trust that is inherent in relationships, rather than in social positions. Survey research (N1 = 192, N2 = 237) provided an empirical basis for unconfounded representations of status and trust in further investigations. Doctors, lawyers and police officers were selected as exemplars of various levels of trust and status. A subsequent experimental study (N = 122) manipulated offenders' trust and status, and the existence of a professional relationship between the offender and victim in a 3 x 2 between-subject design. Results indicated that the existence of a professional trust relationship interacted with the status and position of trust of an offender in their effect on public condemnation. The high status of an offender became a liability in terms of condemnation when that offender also had a professional relationship with his victim, but only when the offender occupied a trusted position in society. The same study indicated that, in an offence where no professional relationship with the victim existed, high status offered a significant degree of protection from a punishment aimed at general deterrence. It was concluded that, although concerns for victim vulnerability are ubiquitous in the public's reasoning about criminal justice, trust is a principle that is applied complexly and which interacts with offender status and offender-victim relationship. The public's responses to criminal offences are both more complex and more rational than is widely believed. The variability found in the data collected for this series of studies indicated that criminal justice researchers must be cautious in assuming consensus in public evaluations of offences and its reasoning about deserved punishment.
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6

Sendziuk, Paul 1974. "Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.

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7

Broinowski, Alison Elizabeth, and alison broinowski@anu edu au. "About face : Asian representations of Australia." The Australian National University. Faculty of Asian Studies, 2002. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20030404.135751.

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This thesis considers the ways in which Australia has been publicly represented in ten Asian societies in the twentieth century. It shows how these representations are at odds with Australian opinion leaders’ assertions about being a multicultural society, with their claims about engagement with Asia, and with their understanding of what is ‘typically’ Australian. It reviews the emergence and development of Asian regionalism in the twentieth century, and considers how Occidentalist strategies have come to be used to exclude and marginalise Australia. A historical survey outlines the origins of representations of Australia in each of the ten Asian countries, detecting the enduring influence both of past perceptions and of the interests of each country’s opinion leaders. Three test cases evaluate these findings in the light of events in the late twentieth century: the first considers the response in the region to the One Nation party, the second compares that with opinion leaders’ reaction to the crisis in East Timor; and the third presents a synthesis of recent Asian Australian fiction and what it reveals about Asian representations of Australia from inside Australian society. The thesis concludes that Australian policies and practices enable opinion leaders in the ten countries to construct representations of Australia in accordance with their own priorities and concerns, and in response to their agendas of Occidentalism, racism, and regionalism.
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8

Woo, Lai W. "Australia as other in Singapore's media." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1997. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/888.

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Since the late eighteenth century, the Western observation of the East has been based on shared ontological and epistemological assumptions made by the West of the East as different and as the "Other''. Said's concept of Orientalism revolutionized Western understanding of non-Western cultures by showing how Western projected images shaped the Occidental view of the Orient. Although much has been written about the West's perception of the East as "Other'' (Eg. Said and Schirato), to date, little has been written dealing with the West from, the "Eastern" viewpoint. This thesis will examine the concepts of Orientalism (the perception of the Orient as Other) and Occidentalism, which Yao views as Orientalism in reverse, and apply it to the study of Australian I Singapore relations. It will specifically look at the way in which Australia is reported in Singapore's main English newspaper, The Straits Times. Australian events are perceived to be of importance not only to the Singaporean reader but to Australian/Singapore relations. Although the notion of the "Other" can mean different things to different people., I have chosen, for the purpose of this thesis to use Said's definition, which has to do with Western perception of the East as Other. The principle question that arises from the situation of Othering is, quite simply, why does The Straits Times, and by implication the Singapore government, choose to "Other" Australia in a remarkably consistent manner?
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9

Jennings, William J. "Public policy, implementation and public opinion : the case of public celebrations (Canada 1967, U.S.A. 1976, Australia 1988 and the U.K. 2000)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408179.

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10

Karlsson, Emelie. "THE BACKLASH THEORY: A REASON FOR POLITICAL CONCERN OR FAKE NEWS?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403380.

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The contested backlash phenomenon assumes that changes to the status quo in favor of minorities will be met with resistance and resentment from majority groups. However, previous research has yielded ambiguous results. This has resulted in a continuous confusion regarding if, when and how backlashes occur. This thesis will attempt to enhance the understanding of this phenomenon through the use of a survey experiment. The experiment tests whether it is possible to detect a backlash in public opinion through the use of a treatment text. The text presents a fictive Supreme Court decision that approves outdoor broadcasting of the Islamic call to prayer in the US. The experiment tests whether this will create an increase in resentment directed towards Muslim Americans. The experiment tests a number of hypotheses regarding when and where backlash might occur and could not find any support of the backlash hypothesis. The results instead indicated that the treatment induced a decrease in the level of resentment reported by the respondents. These unexpected results have a number of possible explanations, ranging from social desirability bias to the possibility of a legitimizing effect stemming from the treatment. The findings are in line with a growing number of researches that have failed to statistically find any proof of the backlash theory.
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11

Reitzig, Andreas, and n/a. "Trans-Tasman defence perceptions in the post-ANZUS era." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2009. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20091105.131723.

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Throughout history, Australia and New Zealand have developed a special relationship due to their close geographic proximity and their similar cultural and colonial backgrounds. Ever since 1986, when New Zealand was suspended from the trilateral Security Treaty Between Australia, New Zealand, and the United States of America (ANZUS), Australia has been New Zealand's closest ally. As a result, the thesis specifically focuses on trans-Tasman defence relations after 1986, with a particular emphasis on attitude trends towards the bilateral defence relationship. Overall, the thesis aims to find out whether there has been a drift in the bilateral defence relationship between Australia and New Zealand since 1986. In this regard, it examines two main questions: first, is the Australian-New Zealand defence relationship is less close today than it was in 1986? The thesis findings show that there has indeed been a visible drift in trans-Tasman defence relations. In both countries, the relationship is much less talked about today than it was in 1986. Second, do Australians and New Zealanders view the bilateral defence relationship any more negatively today than they did in 1986? As the results show, the disagreement over defence spending, New Zealand's decision to restructure the New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) as well as the ANZUS split were the main factors that have brought about some distance between both countries' defence policies and priorities. However, beside the downs in the bilateral defence relationship, there have also been ups embodied by the sometimes rather elusive Anzac spirit, the optimism that surrounded the creation of Closer Defence Relations (CDR) in the 1990s and, most notably, enhanced trans-Tasman cooperation in peacekeeping, primarily in the immediate regional neighbourhood. Importantly, Australians and New Zealanders do not see the defence relationship any more negatively today than they did in 1986. Indeed, opinion trends at all societal levels have been remarkably constant over the last two decades. Based on these findings, the thesis concludes that the bilateral defence relationship may well become closer again in the future, especially if both countries continue their close cooperation in regional peacekeeping. This appears to be the most promising way ahead for the Anzac defence relationship in the 21st century.
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12

Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09MD/09mdj54.pdf.

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13

McCafferty, Heather. "The representation of Muslim women in American print media : a case study of The New York Times, September 11, 2000-September 11, 2002." Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=98556.

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This thesis is an examination of representations of Muslim women in the American print media. I focus on one particular publication, The New York Times within a time frame surrounding the events of September 11, 2001. Articles were selected from this publication that fell within the time period of September 11, 2000 to September 11, 2002, in selecting articles, I chose those based on their inclusion of any discussion that clearly identified those discussed as Muslim women, through the use of the words "Muslim" or "Islamic" in their descriptions. The case study was carried out by reading through each daily edition of The New York Times in order to identify any articles that fell within my criteria. I also used an online database containing abstracts of the publication to verify that no article of relevance was overlooked. I then devised 5 categories within which to analyze the representations of Muslim women that were found within these articles, "Veil", "Biographical", "Women's Issues", "Politics" and "Muslims in the West". The main goal of this thesis is to determine how Muslim women are represented within this particular publication and to analyze whether the events of September 11, 2001 had any effect on how Muslim women were portrayed in The New York Times articles.
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14

Bouse, Kirstin Leigh. "Community attitudes and the role of the victim offender relationship in child sexual abuse cases." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2000. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1364.

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Past research has illustrated that communily attitudes tend not to be reflected in crime legislation particularly when considering the victim-offender relationship and perceived seriousness of child sexual abuse. This study examined the effects of 4 different victimoffender relationships and the degree of trust within these relationships on perceptions of offence seriousness and emotional and physical harm, for the offence of indecently dealing with a 14-year old girl. One hundred and sixty community members used a 7- point scale to rate the degree of trust within these relationships, the seriousness of the offence and the emotional and physical harm suffered by the victim. Four two-way ANOVAs and one correlation were perfonned. Results showed that the victim-offender relationship failed to influence perceptions of offence seriousness, emotional and physical harm. Although the ratings of trust differed across the 4 relationship types, trust failed to significantly influence perceptions of offence seriousness, emotional and physical harm. Women were found to rate the offence as more serious and harmful than men. Possible explanations for these findings are discussed.
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15

Ching, Gillian A. "The influence of the media in framing policy debates : a case study of the Port Arthur Massacre and gun laws policy." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1999.

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The 1996 Port Arthur massacre in Tasmania in which 35 people were shot and killed and several others wounded was an alarming event in Australia's history. The Port Arthur massacre showed Australians that they were not immune from terrible acts of violence. The massacre dominated discussions, conversations and attention in the Australian community and also received international attention. It was an emotional and heart felt incident which caused a nation to pause at the devastation but also question the very fabric of Australian society and personal and public safety and the availability and access to firearms in the community. The media identified the story and reported it substantially. They identified community concerns at the event and the perceived inadequacies of the existing gun laws. The framing of the issue by the media and its ongoing interest and reportage of gun laws was a key factor in the action and policy response by the Government. Being aware of the community concern, Government's responded quickly to the tragedy, announcing an historic agreement among state police Ministers and the Commonwealth Government to introduce National Uniform Gun Laws. The massacre and the gun laws reform was a major issue of reporting by the media. The coverage was extensive and ongoing. While not in a position to enact decisions on policy-making, the media was an active participant in lobbying for reform, keeping the issue alive and pressuring government through its reporting to act decisively towards reform.
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16

Wright, Jodie S. "Sentencing decisions : the public view of the effects of consequences of crime, offender remorse and type of crime." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1069.

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The Australian justice system is based in a conventional model of justice with the aim of uniformity in sentencing. It is important to ascertain public opinion on the relevance of different factors to be taken into account at sentencing as accurately as possible, in order to provide informed public opinion which may assist policy makers in making legislation or educating the public on these matters. The current study examined the impact of varying levels of victim harm (high or low) and offender remorse (high or low) for both person and property crimes on sentencing decisions made by both male (n = 99) and female (n = 94) members of the Western Australian public. The design was a 2 x 2 x 2 x 2 between subjects factorial, with dependent variables of length of sentence assigned (0-10 years jail), rated influence of four sentencing goals (retribution, rehabilitation, incapacitation and deterrence) on sentence choice, and responses to an open-ended question about the reasons for the sentence chosen. The main findings were that demonstrations of offender remorse and the level of harm caused to the victim appeared to be factors in public participants' sentencing. There was no difference in sentences assigned by male and female participants. Although the majority of participants believed they sentenced for rehabilitative reasons. Retribution appeared to be the major factor in the sentences assigned an outcome which reflects the focus of the Western Australian sentencing legislation. Implications arising from the results include the need for more public education in the areas of the functions or the courts, legal principles and theories, and options for victims of crime. Overall, the current study added to the body of research examining public opinions about the potential relevance of various victim and offender factors at the sentencing phase in the search for uniformity in sentencing.
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17

Biswas, Minoti. "University students' receptivity to peers with disabilities." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/247.

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This research investigates university students' receptivity to peers with disabilities at two universities in Perth, Western Australia (Edith Cowan University and the University of Notre Dame in Fremantle), and two universities in India (The University of Kolkata (previously Calcutta) and the University of Jadavpur). Data were collected by three methods: (1) a 60 item questionnaire (N=996) based on six aspects supporting receptivity to peers with disabilities-Academic, Interactive, Social, Personal, Professional and Supportive; (2) written open-ended data (N= 201); and (3) four focus groups, two in Perth (N=1O) and two in Kolkata (N=10). The final questionnaire was composed of 30 stem-items each answered in two perspectives: (1) an ideal self-view (What I think I should do) and (2) their self-reported behaviour (what I actually do), making a total of 60 items.
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18

Hall, James. "Australia, March 2003 : the print media, democracy and the decision to invade Iraq." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2008. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/220.

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Models of mass media and democracy, as commonly discussed by media theorists, suggest there is a tight ideological relationship between the dominant discourse of mass media outlets and incumbent governments (Chomsky, 1997; Curran, 2002; Curran and Gurevitch, 2001; Curran and Park, 1996; Curran and Seaton, 1986; Herman and Chomsky, 1986; Herman and McChesney, 2001; Jacka, 2003; Schultz, 1998). In this thesis I analyse Australian print media opinion pages, and argue that the workings of Herman and Chomksy's Propaganda Model (1988, pp. 1-35) are evident in opinion page output on the Iraq issue. However, when applied to Australia and the Australian government's decision to invade Iraq in March 2003, as part of the Coalition of the Willing, I claim that the tight connection between mass media outlets and the dominant discourse of the government is not as evident. In other words, in this instance the dominant discourse that emerged from an analysis of print opinion pages was not as ideologically synchronised with the position of the Australian government as traditional theory would posit.
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19

Novoselova, Mariya, and Nhar Soklim. "Is there any effect of going concern audit opinion public announcements on the stock price behavior in a short term period? : Empirical evidence from Australia." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Handelshögskolan vid Umeå universitet, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-45161.

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The research paper explores the value of information content incorporated in the first-time going concern opinion from the perspective of investors. The signaling effects of the auditors’ opinion with going concern remark issued to financially distressed companies are of a great value in case the auditor statements deliver new information content which has not been incorporated in the previously disclosed financial information. Otherwise a going concern audit opinion remains not relevant for the purpose of investors’ decision making. If the going concern audit opinion adds new information content, we gain an ability to detect a stock market reaction to the relevant public announcement. The paper examines the Australian stock market reaction to public announcements of going concern audit opinion in a short term period for the sample of the 29 first-time going concern listed companies during the 2007 to 2009 years observation period. High sample criteria are determined in order to avoid contamination effects of other price sensitive information. The impact of both the preliminary financial report and the final annual report is examined by means of the parametric and non-parametric tests aligned with the event study methodology. Consistent with previous studies in Australia, no significant financial market reaction to the final going concern audit opinion announcements inherent to the Australian environment has been found. We document that the more negative impact on the market reaction is caused by the preliminary financial report rather than the final report, which contains an audit opinion note. Correspondently, the audit opinions with going concern qualification do not add new information content for the Australian stock market participants, who base their expectations on the previously disclosed financial information.
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20

Cahill, Shane. ""The Friendly Games"? the Melbourne Olympic Games in Australian culture, 1946-1956 /." Connect to this title online, 1989. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/2401.

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Melbourne is making a concerted bid to obtain the centenary 1996 Olympic Games. While much of its bid is occupied with explanations of the city’s ability to meet the International Olympic Committee’s (IOC) requirements, it is underpinned by a common theme that the city possesses a unique quality of “Friendliness”. (For complete abstract open document)
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21

Nilsson, Dixie, Emma Åhlström, and Elin Åkerlund. "Den förvrängda invandraren : En kvalitativ studie om hur publiken tolkar och genomskådar invandrarrepresentationer i svenska medier." Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Communication and Design, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-2686.

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The aim of this study was to seek knowledge about how the media audience interprets media representations of immigrants as well as the construction of ”us” and ”them” that is created from the media report.

We implemented two focus group interviews, one containing only ethnical Swedes and one holding a variety of people with different ethnical backgrounds. The focus groups got to read nine news articles from different Swedish news papers selected by us, based upon previous research. These articles got to serve as the basis of the discussion.To supplement the focus groups, which got to represent the media audience, we also interviewed two different persons we choose to call informants, whom are both immigrants and are or have been politically active and often appear in local media.The interviews were our empirical material which was used for analysis. The method we used was qualitative analysis of meaning and was based upon a hermeneutic starting point, meaning that all humans are interpreting beings. As a theoretical base we used a social constructivistic perspective, with central theories such as stereotyping and representations.

The result showed that the media audience sees through the distorted media representations of immigrants. There was an obvious awareness among the participants but at the same time they admitted being affected by the stereotypes and incorrect representations of immigrants. Reluctant racial prejudice could be discerned in the shape of implicit racism in spite of the awareness that was proved. All the participants agreed on the fact that Muslims are the people who are seen as collective representatives of all immigrants. The reason for this bias they all thought originated from the extreme representation of Muslims in the media, that is, there are more often fundamentalists who are allowed to be seen and to make statements in the media than ordinary people. There were also dissimilarities in the interpretation of the media representations between the Swedish group and the group from mixed ethnic backgrounds.

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22

Nanabawa, Sumaiya. "A discourse analysis of print media constructions of 'Muslim' people in British newspapers." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006767.

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This research study aimed to examine how the identity of ' Muslim' people is constructed in British print media today, and whether or not these constructions promote or undermine a xeno-racist project. The research draws on the idea that identity is partly constructed through representation, with an emphasis on how language can be used to construct and position people in different ways. Using a social constructionist paradigm, the study further considers the role that print media has in providing a discursive field within which the construction and reproduction of racist attitudes and ideologies in contemporary global society can take place. Sixty-five newspaper articles were selected from the online archives of British newspapers, The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph using systematic random sampling. These were analysed using the six stages of Foucauldian discourse analysis outlined by Carla Willig. To provide a more fruitful account, the analysis also incorporated the methods of Potter and Wetherell whose focus is on the function of discourse, as well as van Langenhove and Harre's focus on subject positioning, and Parker's use of Foucauldian analysis which looks at power distributions. The analysis revealed that Muslims are discursively constructed as a direct politicised or terror threat, often drawing on discourses of sharia law, and Muslim-Christian relationships. They are also constructed as a cultural threat, drawing on discourses of isolation, oppressed women, the veil/headscarf, identity, visibility and integration. The analysis also showed some variation in constructions, and these extended from the racialization of Muslims to showing the compatibility between Islamic and western values. This study discusses the form these different constructions take and the possible implications these constructions might have in contributing toward a prejudiced and largely negative image of Islam and Muslims.
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23

Muller, Denis Joseph Andrew. "Media accountability in a liberal democracy : an examination of the harlot's prerogative /." Connect to thesis, 2005. http://repository.unimelb.edu.au/10187/1552.

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This thesis is both a normative and empirical study of media accountability in a liberal democracy. While its focus is predominantly on Australia, it contains some international comparisons. Media ethics and media performance in relation to quality of media content are identified as the two main dimensions of media accountability. They may be conceived of as the means and the ends of media work. The thesis represents the first combined survey of both external mechanisms of accountability in Australia – those existing outside the various media organisations – and the internal mechanisms existing within three of Australia’s largest media organisations. These organisations span print and broadcasting, public and private ownership. The thesis is based on substantial qualitative research involving interviews with a wide range of experts in media ethics, law, management, and accountability. It is also based on two quantitative surveys, one among practitioners of journalism and the other among the public they serve. This combination of research is certainly new in Australia, and no comparable study has been found in other Western countries. In addition to the main qualitative and quantitative surveys, three case studies are presented. One deals with media performance in relation to quality of media content (the case of alleged bias brought against the Australian Broadcasting Corporation by the then Senator Richard Alston); one deals with media ethics (the “cash-for-comment” cases involving various commercial radio broadcasters), and one deals with accountability processes (the “Who Is Right?” experiment at The Sydney Morning Herald).
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24

Downe, Kristy. "Exploration of perceptions of justice amongst secondary victims of sexual crime." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2007. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/256.

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Justice is a key concept upon which society is built. Different interpretations of justice, and disagreements over what it demands, continue to complicate its meaning and application. Though academic and public discourse has added to knowledge as to what justice represents, developing an understanding of justice from the view of "everyday people" has important empirical and clinical implications. It is argued here that research grounded in people's lived experience yields a more comprehensive picture of justice in terms of how the concept is structured and secondly, how its meaning varies between individuals. Such knowledge can be used to develop judicial and community policies/services better suited to community needs. This research focused on perceptions of justice amongst family and friends of victims (secondary victims) of sexual assault or abuse. Evidence suggests that secondary victims are affected by victimisation similar to direct victims and furthermore, are important to direct victims' recovery. Sexual crime also represents an important form of crime in that it constitutes a particularly serious violation of personal boundaries. A grounded theory approach to empirical inquiry was adopted in this research in keeping with the emphasis on exploration and lived experience. Data was collected over 2 interrelated studies. In Study 1, 20 participants completed a pen-and-paper questionnaire. In Study 2, which constituted the main study, 29 participants took part in semi-structured interviews. Analysis revealed that a sense of justice emerged out of themes/concepts covering two major areas: the experience of victimisation and secondly, beliefs about justice per se. Victimisation impacted on participants similar to how contact with traumatised individuals results in secondary trauma in some carers, health professionals, and similar support figures. Justice themes/concepts relevant to participants overlapped with elements represented in procedural and retributive theories of justice, as well as centring on concepts, such as healing and recognition, which fall outside of traditional justice theory. Participants sought "good enough" rather than absolute justice and relatively few participants believed good enough justice had been achieved in their situation. Overall, findings indicated that justice is expressed and realised in different ways between individuals despite clustering around common themes/concepts.
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Muir, Kathie. "'Tough enough?' : constructions of femininity in news reporting of Jennie George, ACTU president 1995-2000 /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm9531.pdf.

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26

Hancock, Tracey. "The influence of male gender role conflict on life satisfaction." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1072.

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This study examined the relationship between male gender role conflict and life satisfaction, once the effects of both psychological symptoms and recent traumatic life events were accounted for. The study comprised 100 male participants, 50 from a clinical sample and 50 from a non-clinical sample. Participants were aged between 19 and 70. Participants were asked to complete 4 questionnaires: the Gender Role Conflict Scale, the Satisfaction with Life Scale, the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-28), and the Life Events Questionnaire. Results were obtained using standard and multiple regression analyses. Gender role conflict was found to impact on life satisfaction for both the clinical and normal sample groups. Age was predictive of gender role conflict in the normal sample but not the clinical sample. Older men were found to experience more issues with success, power and conflict than younger men in both sample groups. These findings may assist clinicians in the treatment of male clients. Through therapy men could gain greater insight into how they function in society. Such knowledge would provide them with the option of altering their behaviour patterns, and ultimately living more satisfying lives.
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Dennis, Simone J. "Sensual extensions : joy, pain and music-making in a police band." Title page, contents and abstract only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phd4115.pdf.

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Bibliography: leaves 210-226. Based on 18 months ethnographic fieldwork about the ways in which members of the South Australian Police Band make music. Studies their disconnection from the body of the community, acheived via an embodiment of emotional disconnection; the power of the Department to appropriate a particular order of emotion for the purposes of power; and, the misrecognition of the appropriation of emotion by members of the public who are open to the Department's emotional domination. The context material describes the reasons for the existence of the police band in the police view, while the core material of the thesis is concerned with describing what it is that police band members do, and what they do most of all is, in their own words, experience something that they call "the feel".
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Lea, Emma J. "Moving from meat : vegetarianism, beliefs and information sources." Connect to this title online, 2001. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl4335.pdf.

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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 327-346). A random population survey and a survey of vegetarians were conducted to examine South Australians' beliefs about meat and vegetarianism. Meat beliefs, barriers and benefits of vegetarianism, meat consumption, personal values, use of and trust in sources of food/nutrition/health information and demographic variables were measured.
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Siddiqui, Shariq Ahmed. "Navigating Identity through Philanthropy: A History of the Islamic Society of North America (1979 - 2008)." Thesis, Indiana University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3665939.

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This dissertation analyzes the development of the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), a Muslim-American religious association, from the Iranian Revolution to the inauguration of our nation's first African-American president. This case study of ISNA, the largest Muslim-American organization in North America, examines the organization's institution-building and governance as a way to illustrate Muslim-American civic and religious participation. Using nonprofit research and theory related to issues of diversity, legitimacy, power, and nonprofit governance and management, I challenge misconceptions about ISNA and dispel a number of myths about Muslim Americans and their institutions. In addition, I investigate the experiences of Muslim-Americans as they attempted to translate faith into practice within the framework of the American religious and civic experience. I arrive at three main conclusions. First, because of their incredible diversity, Muslim-Americans are largely cultural pluralists. They draw from each other and our national culture to develop their religious identity and values. Second, a nonprofit association that embraces the values of a liberal democracy by establishing itself as an open organization will include members that may damage the organization's reputation. I argue that ISNA's values should be assessed in light of its programs and actions rather than the views of a small portion of its membership. Reviewing the organization's actions and programs helps us discover a religious association that is centered on American civic and religious values. Third, ISNA's leaders were unable to balance their desire for an open, consensus-based organization with a strong nonprofit management power structure. Effective nonprofit associations need their boards, volunteers and staff to have well-defined roles and authority. ISNA's leaders failed to adopt such a management and governance structure because of their suspicion of an empowered chief executive officer.

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30

Govor, Elena. "Russian perceptions of Australia, 1788-1919." Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/143836.

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31

Broinowski, Alison 1941. "About face : Asian representations of Australia." 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au/public/adt-ANU20030404.135751/index.html.

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Batainah, Heba. "The politics of belonging in Australia : multiculturalism, citizenship and Islamophobia." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/117180.

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In the decade since the events of 9/11, Muslims and Islam came to act as symbols for the putative correlation between immigration and the erosion of social cohesion in a number of Western countries, including Australia. Increasingly, immigrant integration was believed to be key to the maintenance of social cohesion and individual immigrant integration was seen as the main factor in successful integration. The Howard Government distanced itself from multicultural policies by rejecting group identities for 'ethnic' minorities, while, conversely, strengthening group identity in terms of nationalism and citizenship. Following other Western societies, the integration of Muslims in Australia became characterised as a security imperative and the responsibilities of Muslim citizens increasingly became embedded within the discourse of terrorism, where Muslim citizens are simultaneously suspected as potential terrorists and encouraged to act as community watchdogs. Politicians also came to see terrorism as something harboured within Islamic communities in Australia and Muslim lack of belonging came to be viewed as having 'cultural' and 'religious' underpinnings. As a result of the securitisation of Islam and the view that Islam and Muslims are problematic, all Muslims were characterised as potential terrorists and negative ideas and actions toward Muslims, what some have called 'Islamophobia', were normalised and justified. There has, however, been remarkably little systematic attempt to examine any continuity between broader understandings of the official definitions of belonging and how and why Muslims are viewed as incapable of belonging. This research demonstrates the links between ideas about the 'Other' and their place in Australian society and how these ideas give meaning to the ways Muslims and Islam are thought not to belong. The focus on Muslim Australians as refusing integration and challenging Australia's national identity is contextualised within the wider framework of Australian national identity, immigration policies (entry, settlement and citizenship) and the wider prevalence of 'Islamophobia' in Australia. This dissertation explicitly politicises the concept of belonging in order to demonstrate the social and political barriers to belonging for Muslim Australians. This dissertation uses Allen's (2010) concept of 'Islamophobia as ideology' to empirically examine discourses about Islam and Muslims in the House of Representatives (2000-2006). The findings indicate that deeply-entrenched views about who belongs (and who does not), and how they belong in Australia, informed parliamentary discourse on Muslims and Islam. Islamophobia in the Australian House of Representatives demonstrates the ways in which discourses about the 'Other' are systematically used to strengthen negative meaning about Islam and Muslims and to consistently present them as anathema to everything 'Australian'.
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Elvy, Dale Richard. "Terrorism, public opinion and policy : a comparison of Australia and the United States." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/149654.

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Government policy in Australia and the United States has been fundamentally altered by the advent of modern terrorism. Billions of dollars have been spent on domestic counter-terrorism measures, new legislation has been introduced which challenges the balance between civil liberties and security, and foreign policy has shifted to the extent that these nations have taken military action at considerable expense, straining international diplomatic relations. This thesis explores how public opinion in these nations has changed over recent decades, and explores how the impact of recent high-visibility mass casualty terrorist attacks, exacerbated by the rapid spread and dissemination of terrorist messages by the media, has resulted in high levels of public anxiety which has increased public willingness to trade civil liberties for increased security, and influenced public confidence in the capability of government responses to terrorism - both of which are fundamental components of a strategy of terrorism. This thesis draws upon two surveys; the 2007 Australian Election Study, and a national survey of the United States conducted in 2002 by Stony Brook University to conduct a comparative analysis of public opinion toward terrorism to critically assess current policy responses to terrorism. It was found that in both nations there are a similar range of demographic variables, which predict levels of anxiety, satisfaction with Government responses to combat terrorism, and a willingness to trade civil liberties for increased security. It was also found that, even when controlling for these variables, anxiety and concern about terrorism continue to have a statistically significant relationship with government satisfaction and willingness to trade civil liberties for increased security. It was further found that the perceived threat of terrorism acts as a significant mediating variable on the relationship between anxiety, and willingness to trade civil liberties for increased security and satisfaction with government, supporting previous research which suggests that confidence in government is based to some extent, on citizens' feelings of security, and theories that there is a clear linkage between public expectations and support for increased government expenditure. There is also evidence to suggest that the mediating influence of the perceived threat of terrorism increases over time leading to the conclusion that both those who are pessimistic and optimistic about the threat of terrorism become more strongly polarised to their respective views. These findings suggest that successful Government policy must acknowledge the importance of public opinion in understanding the impact of terrorism. Policy should seek to reflect the unique and powerful influence of media frames, and as a response, policy makers should adopt strategies to combat the natural drawbacks of traditional counter-terrorism efforts in this arena. Policy makers must, therefore, seek to make counter-terrorism efforts more transparent and seek to de-sensationalise terrorism as part of a targeted media strategy which enables Government messages to have primacy in the immediate aftermath of a terrorist attack and undermines the key precepts of terrorist strategy. -- provided by Candidate.
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Catizone, Ilaria. "Public opinion on labelling of genetically modified foods." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151514.

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Grant, Richard Michael. "Parties, press and polls : institutional influences on public attitudes to social security and health policy in Australia, 1945-99." Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147160.

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36

Williams, Joanne. "A Comparative Study of Student Attitudes to Learning: Cuba and Australia." 2006. http://eprints.vu.edu.au/599/1/599contents.pdf.

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It is widely agreed within educational research that student attitudes to learning and schooling are of critical importance. However it continues to be rare for research to draw on the perspectives of students themselves as valid data. Moreover, students are almost entirely absent from educational policy-making and processes of educational reform. This project employed a collaborative social research methodology. It sought the perspectives of twenty Year 10 students in Melbourne's west, and twenty students of similar age in Havana, Cuba, using written cases and group interviews. The students offered their views on learning and schooling and then collaborated with the researcher to develop interpretative case summaries. The project demonstrates the usefulness of involving students actively in educational research not only from the perspective of improving student attitudes to learning, but also as a critical element of a democratic education capable of fostering an engaged and critical student population. Cuba was chosen as a contrasting context with extensive experience in involving students in educational decision-making. The comparison between the two countries revealed both shared experiences and a range of differences, and illuminated the importance of understanding broader contextual influences on student attitudes and their relationship to the possibilities for reform.
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Mazur, Nicole Andrea. "A study of attitudes towards the role of city zoos in conservation." 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ENV/09envm476.pdf.

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38

Boswell, John. "Between facts and fictions : narrative in public deliberation on obesity." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155860.

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It is now widely accepted that political actors think and talk about matters of common interest through narratives. But there has been relatively little attention on the consequences of this phenomenon for deliberative conceptions of democracy. On one hand, many of the qualities associated with narrative would tend to suggest it is a pathology of deliberation: in this sense, narrative might be seen as sensationalising and polarising issues, and manipulating and ultimately corrupting rational consideration of the facts. On the other hand, other qualities would suggest that narrative could be a key resource for deliberation: it can also be seen as facilitating communication between diverse actors and mobilising opinion on intractable issues, thereby legitimating political decisions and decision-making processes. This thesis probes these apparently contradictory understandings of narrative by asking: what impact does narrative have on public deliberation? It examines this impact, understood in terms of narrative's influence on deliberative practice, both empirically and normatively. It seeks to determine how narrative influences public deliberation on a complex and contested issue and to interpret what these impacts mean for deliberative democratic ideals. The research explores this question through a comparative case study of public deliberation on the issue of obesity in Australia and the UK. In line with recent developments in deliberative democratic theory, the research adopts a 'deliberative systems' approach to public deliberation on obesity, on the basis that democratic deliberation does and should take place across a range of differentiated but interconnected sites of discussion. As such, it examines the interplay between narratives in various sites of public deliberation on the issue of obesity in Australia and the UK between 2007 and 2011. This study explores how political actors think and talk about obesity as a policy problem through a narrative analysis - a method firmly lodged in the interpretive tradition, in that its focus is on the meanings that political actors ascribe to events. The research, drawing on extensive textual data and over 35 semi-structured interviews with relevant policy actors, identifies the different narratives that actors engaged in policy debate on obesity adhere to and assesses how and to what effect they are performed across sites. The findings challenge prevailing assumptions about the role of narrative in public deliberation. They indicate that the different narratives on obesity do not simply polarize or sensationalise deliberation, nor do they unproblematically facilitate it. Instead, the research produces a rich analysis which shows how the narratives on obesity collectively work to blunt the force of critical or urgent voices, orchestrate and mask conflict on key aspects of the issue, and fudge the detail of specific claims, especially in or near decision-making sites of deliberation. It documents how this discursive process constructs 'wiggle room' around the issue which is more easily exploited by powerful and well-resourced actors, albeit more acutely in Australia than in the UK. The project concludes by exploring this comparative difference to suggest ways in which such deliberative systems might be strengthened. Overall, this research makes crucial methodological, empirical and conceptual advances to scholarship on narrative in politics and policymaking, as well as providing salient lessons for general policy scholars and public health scholars, too. Its ultimate contribution, though, is to the broader effort to understand and improve public deliberation on complex and contested issues in theory and in practice.
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Leah, Christine Martine. "Australia and nuclear strategy." Phd thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155789.

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This thesis consists of an historical and strategic analysis of Australia's relationship with nuclear weapons, nuclear strategy, and U.S. extended nuclear deterrence. It covers the period from when Britain and the United States both began research into harnessing the power of atomic energy for military purposes, to the present day. It concludes with a forward-looking chapter that assesses the possible and probable interactions of Australia's various experiences with nuclear weapons and a strategic environment in the Asia-Pacific undergoing long-term, transformational geopolitical change. For many decades it has been assumed that Australia's ratification of the NPT was due to specific American security assurances regarding the use of nuclear weapons. This nuclear umbrella is often cited as one significant factor constraining the spread of nuclear weapons by obviating the need for U.S. allies to possess their own nuclear deterrent. However, Australia has always had a complex and conflicted relationship with the bomb. Recently declassified documents reveal that until about 1974, most senior officials, including Prime Ministers, were not persuaded that extended nuclear deterrence - whether something explicit or as a more generalized phenomenon - applied to Australia. Understanding the history of Australian thinking about nuclear weapons and its relationship with U.S. extended nuclear deterrence is important for several reasons. First, it shows how certain geopolitical circumstances can shape attitudes towards the possession and use of nuclear weapons in different geostrategic contexts. Second: it shows how different geopolitical contexts shape allied understandings of concepts of nuclear strategy. Third: it shows how different strategic circumstances can be more or less conducive to the perceived credibility of security assurances. Fourth: a proper understanding of Australia's relationship with U.S. END has implications for policy today. It helps us think about how that relationship might endure and evolve in different contexts. This is especially important given that the Asia-Pacific has just embarked on a long period of transformational geopolitical change. To think that Australia "relies" on U.S. extended nuclear deterrence per se is misleading. Australia's relationship with nuclear weapons is complex, ambiguous, distant, and multi-layered. Why did Australia pursue a nuclear weapons capability from the mid-1940s to the early 1970s? Why did Australia decide to co-operate with Great Britain on nuclear and missile research? Why did policymakers then try to develop a nuclear weapon capability independently? Why did Canberra eventually renounce that option and instead choose to sign the NPT and "rely" on U.S. extended nuclear deterrence in 1973? And under what circumstances might Australia, again, love the bomb directly rather than vicariously? The wider intent of the study is to shed light on the different ways Australia has thought about the role of nuclear weapons in international, regional, and national security, and how that thinking might evolve in the future. There is an assumption held by many political advocates that nuclear disarmament is a desirable goal in itself. This is not a view I agree with. My love and passion for this topic and broader questions of nuclear strategy and weapons proliferation lead me to believe that the role of nuclear weapons in international security must be understood within a broader context. It is not enough to say that the nuclear weapons states must reduce their nuclear arsenals and work towards the eventual goal of total elimination of nuclear weapons. Any ambition for the United States to reduce the size of its nuclear stockpile must be informed by a far stronger understanding of how different levels onuclear capabilities could shape perceptions of strategic stability between the major players in Asia, including U.S. allies who rely on American extended nuclear deterrence. Indeed, nuclear weapons are only one component of strategic stability, and their role must be understood in the context of the overall military balance. This analysis of Australia's experience with nuclear weapons and extended nuclear deterrence, it is hoped, will contribute to our understanding of all the direct and indirect ways that nuclear weapons contribute positively to international security.
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40

Williams, Joanne. "A Comparative Study of Student Attitudes to Learning: Cuba and Australia." Thesis, 2006. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/599/.

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It is widely agreed within educational research that student attitudes to learning and schooling are of critical importance. However it continues to be rare for research to draw on the perspectives of students themselves as valid data. Moreover, students are almost entirely absent from educational policy-making and processes of educational reform. This project employed a collaborative social research methodology. It sought the perspectives of twenty Year 10 students in Melbourne's west, and twenty students of similar age in Havana, Cuba, using written cases and group interviews. The students offered their views on learning and schooling and then collaborated with the researcher to develop interpretative case summaries. The project demonstrates the usefulness of involving students actively in educational research not only from the perspective of improving student attitudes to learning, but also as a critical element of a democratic education capable of fostering an engaged and critical student population. Cuba was chosen as a contrasting context with extensive experience in involving students in educational decision-making. The comparison between the two countries revealed both shared experiences and a range of differences, and illuminated the importance of understanding broader contextual influences on student attitudes and their relationship to the possibilities for reform.
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41

Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 / Reece Jennings." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/38334.

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Includes bibliographical references.
2 v. ;
Primarily a study of the reasons for the rise, after 1840, of the medical profession in South Australia. The principal argument is that the basic power and influence of the medical practitioner derived from statute. Of almost equal importance was the organised profession's adoption of, and association with, science and technology.
Thesis (M.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Public Health, 1998
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42

Broinowski, Alison Elizabeth. "About face : Asian representations of Australia." Phd thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/46227.

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This thesis considers the ways in which Australia has been publicly represented in ten Asian societies in the twentieth century. It shows how these representations are at odds with Australian opinion leaders’ assertions about being a multicultural society, with their claims about engagement with Asia, and with their understanding of what is ‘typically’ Australian. It reviews the emergence and development of Asian regionalism in the twentieth century, and considers how Occidentalist strategies have come to be used to exclude and marginalise Australia. A historical survey outlines the origins of representations of Australia in each of the ten Asian countries, detecting the enduring influence both of past perceptions and of the interests of each country’s opinion leaders. Three test cases evaluate these findings in the light of events in the late twentieth century: the first considers the response in the region to the One Nation party, the second compares that with opinion leaders’ reaction to the crisis in East Timor; and the third presents a synthesis of recent Asian Australian fiction and what it reveals about Asian representations of Australia from inside Australian society. The thesis concludes that Australian policies and practices enable opinion leaders in the ten countries to construct representations of Australia in accordance with their own priorities and concerns, and in response to their agendas of Occidentalism, racism, and regionalism.
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Muir, Katherine Blake. "'Tough enough?' : constructions of femininity in news reporting of Jennie George, ACTU president 1995-2000 / Katherine B. Muir." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/22084.

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"April 2004"
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 439-471)
ix, 471 leaves : ill. (some col.) ; 30 cm.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, Discipline of Gender Studies, 2004
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Burgess, Melissa. "Spatiotemporal patterns of avoidance in Kings Cross : an exploration of the environmental cues that trigger fear of crime." Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/146468.

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45

Sullivan, Paul John. "Australian attitudes towards computer crime." Thesis, 1995. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/15266/.

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This investigation compares the responses of university staff and students of a Faculty of Business with those of the staff and students at the New South Wales Police Academy, in Goulburn. The research tested the attitudes of the respondents to computer fraud, credit card fraud, copying software and hacking into computer systems. The research found, from questionnaire responses, that computer crimes are considered to be insignificant compared with other crimes which have far less impact on society in financial terms. Hacking, in particular, which costs Australian society an increasing amount each year, was ranked at a very low level of significance. Further, the research found a significant difference between the university and police responses to whether or not hacking and copying software are considered to be criminal activities.
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Ali, Lutfiye. "Australian Muslim women : diverse experiences, diverse identities." Thesis, 2015. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/26241/.

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Despite the diversity among Muslim women, in Australia and elsewhere, they have been constructed as homogenous and bound to a religious identity and the veil. The aim of this thesis was to explore the diverse ways in which Muslim women negotiate their identity in the context of Australian multicultural social relations, informed by current and historical colonial discourses.
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Tynan, Elizabeth Rosemary. "Atoms and empty space : media and the most dangerous scientific experiments in Australia." Phd thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150255.

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This thesis examines aspects of the British nuclear tests in Australia to draw conclusions about the role played by media scientific literacy in the conduct of democratic government. Democracy cannot function fully if media practitioners do not recognise scientific knowledge as being central to investigating and reporting on issues of national importance and therefore do not develop their knowledge bases and frame their activities accordingly. This principle is illustrated by an examination of the nuclear tests, in which the absence of scientific literacy among media had long-term ramifications. Media coverage of the entire British nuclear tests including the Vixen B plutonium tests at Maralinga took place in two distinct eras: the first during the time of the tests and later when the Australian media rediscovered the nuclear test series and re-opened it for enquiry. The strong contrasts that emerge in Australian media output at the time of the tests, from 1952 to 1963, compared with the later era of media rediscovery from 1978 to 1993, suggest that between the eras the media came to develop greater capacity to undertake informed and investigative coverage of complex science-based topics and therefore were able to report fully on the tests only in the later era. The case study supports the argument that scientifically literate "fourth estate" journalists are an indispensable element of democracy. If such media capacity does not exist, the resulting lack of public understanding about events such as those at Maralinga inevitably leads to unaccountable government and undemocratic practices.
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Sapinski, Tania Helen. "Language use and language attitudes in a rural South Australian community / presented by Tania H. Sapinski." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/108270.

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Argues the importance of considering non-linguistic factors in understanding the community situation, the most important of these non-linguistic factors being the role of peoples attitudes. Outlines the situation in the target community. Discusses language attitude research and compares attitudes to language varieties around the world. Illustrates Australian Governmental attitudes through their past and present policies in dealing with Indigenous Australians.
Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Dept. of European Studies, 1999?
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Foster, Robert K. G. "An imaginary dominion : the representation and treatment of Aborigines in South Australia, 1834-1911 / Robert Foster." 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21336.

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Bibliography : leaves 351-380
xxii, 380 [37] leaves : ill., map ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of History, 1994?
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50

Foster, Robert Kenneth Gordon. "An imaginary dominion : the representation and treatment of Aborigines in South Australia, 1834-1911 / Robert Foster." Thesis, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/21336.

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