Journal articles on the topic 'Muslim national communism'
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1
Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. "Seeking to Accommodate Shari'a Within A Human Rights Framework: The Future of The Greek Shari'A Courts." Journal of Law and Religion 28, no. 2 (January 2013): 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000072.
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The Balkans, a region where Christianity and Islam have come into close contact since before World War Ii, is an interesting study in legal pluralism. Themillet system, under which distinct ethnic-religious communities including Muslims were granted partial institutional autonomy, was at that time a convenient legal paradigm to accommodate minorities within the new national states being created. However, the communist regimes that succeeded the War in the Balkans eradicated legal pluralism in favor of a uniform legal order. As a consequence, the authority to employshari'ain Muslim communities in this region was abolished under communism.The political changes occurring in the Balkans after communism was dismantled in the 1990s did not bring back theshari'acourts in most of the Balkans. However, Greece, having escaped these radical political shifts, retained a continuous legal regime that included some legal autonomy granted to the Greek Muslim population that survived a population exchange with Turkey at the end of the Greek-Turkish war of 1919-1922. As a result of the Lausanne treaty, the Muslim population of (Western) Thrace in Greece was granted a special minority protection regime that appliedshari'alaw to Muslim Greek citizens residing in that region of Thrace. However,shari'ais only applied to certain disputes of family and inheritance law by the localMuftiin Western Thrace who has special jurisdiction over these matters.
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Malhi, Amrita. "Race, Space, and the Malayan Emergency: Expelling Malay Muslim Communism and Reconstituting Malaya's Racial State, 1945–1954." Itinerario 45, no. 3 (November 24, 2021): 435–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000279.
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ABSTRACTThis article analyses the physical and discursive displacement of Malay Muslim advocates of a cosmopolitan and multiracial form of Malayan citizenship from the arena of “legitimate” national politics between the Second World War and the mid-1950s. It discusses the trajectory of the Malayan Left during this period, with a special focus on the work of Abdullah C. D., a Malay Muslim leader of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). Abdullah's work included helping to build the Malay Nationalist Party of Malaya (PKMM) under the MCP's United Front strategy from 1945, creating the MCP's Department of Malay Work in 1946, and establishing the Tenth Regiment of the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA) in 1949. This work was essential to the MCP's outreach to Malay Muslims after Malaya's failed national revolution, which collapsed into racial conflict without achieving independence for the British colony. The Malayan Emergency was declared in 1948, and its military and social campaigns eliminated or displaced the MCP's leadership and much of the MNLA, including Abdullah and the rest of the Tenth Regiment, to Thailand by 1954. Despite his continued engagement with political movements in Malaya, Abdullah's vision for a new politics for Malay Muslims was effectively displaced into the realm of nostalgia. His ideas, outlined in MNLA pamphlets and periodicals like Tauladan (Exemplar), never made significant inroads in Malaya, whose racial state the Emergency re-established, using race to manage the threat to its interests posed by leftist politics.
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Horowitz, Shale. "Islam and Ethnic Conflict: Hypotheses and Post-Communist Illustrations*." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 5 (November 2007): 913–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701651869.
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The end of the Cold War drew increasing attention to ongoing and new ethnic conflicts—particularly because many of the high-profile new conflicts broke out amid the ruins of communism. Since 11 September 2001 there has been even more discussion about whether and how Islam contributes to international and civilizational conflict. However, there has been little work attempting to understand whether Islam plays any distinctive role in ethnic conflicts. Much work on ethnic conflict assumes that Islam is just one possible component of ethnic and national identities, and that it has no distinctive influence. Others examine whether Islam always has a similar impact on ethnic conflict—typically based upon identifying states or minority groups as having majority Muslim populations.
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Neuburger, Mary. "Pomak Borderlands: Muslims on the Edge of Nations." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990050002506.
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We contact the worldonly through our boundaries.Blaga DimitrovaIn a recent issue of the Bulgarian periodicalSega(Now) a reporter related an extraordinary tale of how various name-changing campaigns had marked the experience of a Bulgarian-speaking Muslim—hereafter “Pomak”—in the village of Bachkovo. The story began during the Balkan Wars in 1912–1913 when Hasan, the aforementioned Pomak from the Rhodope mountains of southern Bulgaria, was forced to change his name to Dragan as part of the wartime state campaign for Muslims with “Slavic origins” to “reclaim their Bulgarian names.” A change in politics at the beginning of World War I opened the door for Dragan to change his name back to Hasan; and so he did. In the late 1930s, however, he was again compelled to change his name back to Dragan, in line with theRodina(Homeland) directed name-changing campaigns, described in depth below. After the Communist takeover in 1944 Dragan was able, again, to change his name back to Hasan as wartime “Fascist” policy was reversed. But with the movement towards “national integration” in the 1960s Hasan was forced, again, to change his name back to Dragan. After the fall of Communism in Bulgaria in November 1989 “Dragan” again was allowed to change his name back to Hasan; and so he did. In his one lifetime this “Bulgarian” of Islamic faith, subject to the whims of the fickle and contested Bulgarian national project, changed his name six times. Admittedly, the Pomak's fate in Balkan history seems to be primarily as pawn in Bulgarian and other Balkan national rivalries and domestic designs. Pomak history is, more often than not, the story of the center looking to the margins and imposing its own designs. Having said that, these designs—generally driven by the dual forces of modernity and nationalism—were always subject to a spectrum of Pomak responses and strategies.
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Kinowska-Mazaraki, Zofia. "The Polish Paradox: From a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion." Social Sciences 10, no. 3 (March 23, 2021): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10030112.
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Poland has gone through a series of remarkable political transformations over the last 30 years. It has changed from a communist state in the Soviet sphere of influence to an autonomic prosperous democracy and proud member of the EU. Paradoxically, since 2015, Poland seems to be heading rapidly in the opposite direction. It was the Polish Solidarity movement that started the peaceful revolution that subsequently triggered important democratic changes on a worldwide scale, including the demolition of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of Communism and the end of Cold War. Fighting for freedom and independence is an important part of Polish national identity, sealed with the blood of generations dying in numerous uprisings. However, participation in the democratic process is curiously limited in Poland. The right-wing, populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) won elections in Poland in 2015. Since then, Poles have given up more and more freedoms in exchange for promises of protection from different imaginary enemies, including Muslim refugees and the gay and lesbian community. More and more social groups are being marginalized and deprived of their civil rights. The COVID-19 pandemic has given the ruling party a reason to further limit the right of assembly and protest. Polish society is sinking into deeper and deeper divisions.
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Simuț, Corneliu C. "Ideological Attempts to Build a Sustainable Program of Ecodomical Decommunistization in Post-1989 Romania by Promoting the Notion of National Identity." Expository Times 130, no. 4 (September 4, 2018): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524618798245.
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In December 1989, Communism died in Romania—if not as mentality, it surely met its demise as a political system which had dominated almost every aspect of life in the country for over four decades. Thus, at least in theory, an ideological vacuum was created and concrete steps towards filling it with different values and convictions were supposed to be taken as early as possible. The Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church seized the opportunity and initiated a series of measures which eventually created a distinct perception about what culture, ethnicity, and religion were supposed to mean for whoever identified himself as Romanian. This paper investigates these ideological attempts to decontaminate Romania of its former Communist mentalities by resorting to the concept of ecodomy seen as ‘constructive process’ and the way it can be applied to how the Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church dealt with culture, ethnicity, and religion. In the end, it will be demonstrated that while decommunistization was supposed to be constructive and positive, it proved to be so only for the Romanians whose national identity was defined by their adherence to the Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church and its perspective on culture, ethnicity, and religion. For all other Romanian citizens, however, decommunistization was a process of ‘negative ecodomy’ because their cultural ideas, ethnic origin, or religious convictions were perceived as non-Romanian and non-Orthodox. In attempting to reach decommunistization therefore, the Romanian majority still tends to be xenophobic and even anti-Muslim, as plainly demonstrated by the Bucharest mosque scandal which rocked the country in the summer of 2015.
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Maulana, Egy Dwi, Imam Asmarudin, Tiyas Vika Widyastuti, Achmad Irwan Hamzani, and Mukhidin . "Protection of Uighur Muslim in Human Rights Aspect in International Law Perspective." Journal of Legal Subjects, no. 24 (July 12, 2022): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jls.24.12.20.
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Human rights are fundamental individual rights, these rights are the right to live in the political, economic, social, and cultural fields. Amid efforts to maximize the fulfillment of human rights, both nationally and internationally, there is a conflict in China between the Chinese government and Uighur Muslims which has resulted in human rights violations. This study aims to look at the regulation of human rights protection from the point of view of national law, namely the Law of the People's Republic of China, and from the point of view of International Law. This type of research is a literature study, the approach used is normative, the data collection technique is through data collection in the form of readings such as journals, books, and the internet, the results of which are directly analyzed through qualitative methods. The results of this study indicate that the protection of human rights is stated in the Chinese Constitution but its implementation is very difficult because it is contrary to China's use of communism, while the protection of human rights from international law is very possible because it is regulated in an international legal instrument, namely the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. , 1949 Geneva Conventions and the Rome Statute.
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Ullah, Aman, and Iffat Iffat Tahira. "Halal Tourism Factors, National Image, and Behavioral Intention: Perceptions of Muslim Community in South Korea." Institute for Euro-African Studies 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2022): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.55952/ggc.2022.04.2.1.59.
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This study examines two models of halal tourism which test the influence of halal tourism factors (involving halal attributes and availability of halal services) and national image (involving national characteristics and destination image) on behavioral intention, collecting empirical data from the Muslim community in Korea. Data was collected from (N=230) respondents through face-to-face questionnaire survey. The results showed that halal tourism factors and national image had a positive significant correlation with behavioral intention. Hierarchical Linear Regression analysis indicated that halal tourism factors model had a less significant contributory factor on behavioral intention, and national image model had a major significant contributory factor in the behavioral intention of Muslims. This study contributes that national characteristics and destination image have an influence on the Muslim community’s behavioral intention. This empirical evidence shows that Korea builds a positive image as a tourist destination rather than a Muslim-friendly destination among Muslims. This could be a reference for the government, tourist marketers, and stakeholders in enhancing the adoption of halal attributes and catering halal services to draw Muslim tourists to promote halal-friendly tourism.
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NAHODILOVA, LENKA. "Communist Modernisation and Gender: The Experience of Bulgarian Muslims, 1970–1990." Contemporary European History 19, no. 1 (December 16, 2009): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309990221.
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AbstractThis article, which is part of a wider project, ‘Experiences of Communist Modernisation in a Bulgarian Muslim Village, 1945–2005’, examines the assimilation of Bulgarian-speaking Muslims in the Rhodope Mountains in the 1970s. By analysing communist efforts to ‘modernise’ Bulgarian Muslims, it sheds light on the relationship between modernity and the views of the communist state on such cultural categories as ‘nation’, ‘ethnicity’, ‘gender’ and ‘religion’. It argues that this particular campaign was not simply the latest chapter in an ongoing effort by the Bulgarian authorities to assimilate such populations, but should rather be seen as a specific response by the communist regime to ideas of modernity. Despite national and patriotic elements, the aim of the communist assimilation campaign was to introduce ‘modernity’ and ‘civilisation’ to the whole of Bulgarian society, especially those living at the social, cultural and political peripheries. In Bulgaria, as elsewhere in communist eastern Europe, gender and ethnic policy merged. Gender equality was one of the essential aims of the modernisation programme, but for the communist modernisers introducing gender equality among ethnically marginal groups, such as the rural Muslim group of Pomaks, was even more important. ‘Emancipating’ Muslim women was more significant than the ‘struggle against religion’ or the ‘fight for national homogeneity’.
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Ma, Haiyun. "Patriotic and Pious Muslim Intellectuals in Twentieth-Century China: The Case of Ma Jian." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v23i3.443.
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The fall of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) and the founding of the modern Chinese nation-state brought both opportunities and challenges to Chinese Muslims. No longer having to deal with emperorship and its foundational ideology, Confucianism, they were soon confronted with new state ideological impositions, namely, Han nationalism and socialism, imposed by the Republican and Communist regimes. These new challenges were both threatening and promising, for although the new ideologies were fundamentally antithetic to Islam, the new regimes promised an equal status to Chinese Muslims and saw how they could aid national diplomacy and international relations with Muslim countries. Within this context, China’s Muslim intellectuals tried to reorient and reposition Muslims and Islam by minimizing differences and maximizing commonalities during both the Republican and the Communist regimes. By studying Ma Jian (1906-78), one of modern China’s most influential and representative Muslim intellectuals, as well as his juxtaposition of Islam and China, I look at the way of being a modern Chinese Muslim intellectual in China’s post-1949 internal and international contexts. The Turkic Muslim communities in Xinjiang and elsewhere in China are excluded from this study.
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Ma, Haiyun. "Patriotic and Pious Muslim Intellectuals in Twentieth-Century China: The Case of Ma Jian." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i3.443.
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The fall of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) and the founding of the modern Chinese nation-state brought both opportunities and challenges to Chinese Muslims. No longer having to deal with emperorship and its foundational ideology, Confucianism, they were soon confronted with new state ideological impositions, namely, Han nationalism and socialism, imposed by the Republican and Communist regimes. These new challenges were both threatening and promising, for although the new ideologies were fundamentally antithetic to Islam, the new regimes promised an equal status to Chinese Muslims and saw how they could aid national diplomacy and international relations with Muslim countries. Within this context, China’s Muslim intellectuals tried to reorient and reposition Muslims and Islam by minimizing differences and maximizing commonalities during both the Republican and the Communist regimes. By studying Ma Jian (1906-78), one of modern China’s most influential and representative Muslim intellectuals, as well as his juxtaposition of Islam and China, I look at the way of being a modern Chinese Muslim intellectual in China’s post-1949 internal and international contexts. The Turkic Muslim communities in Xinjiang and elsewhere in China are excluded from this study.
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Đurović, Draženko. "PROBLEM NACIONALNOG OPREDJELJENJA BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKIH MUSLIMANA 1945–1954: IZMEĐU POLITIKE KPJ/SKJ I OSJEĆAJA PRIPADNOSTI „TURSKOJ VJERI“." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 423–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.dju.423-440.
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Although the CPY advocated the existence and equality of the three peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the liberation and revolutionary struggles, at the end of the Second World War a change of political course on the status of Muslims and a renunciation of the affirmation of their national identity followed. Despite the fact that the “people’s government” took a position on the “free” national expression of the Bosnian population of the Islamic religion, the political circumstances and relations established after the liberation, to some extent, guided the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims. Serbs were the main force of the national liberation struggle, so after the war they were considered the most reliable element of the new state and order, which encouraged the communists of the Islamic faith to identify with the nation of the informal war victor and the leading people in power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The result was that the predominant number of the leadership and the Muslim party membership accepted the Serbian national name, which profiled the further policy of the CPY towards this Slavic people. However, contrary to the national orientation of the Muslim party membership and the political affinities and efforts of the CPY, the Muslim masses did not accept the Serbian, and especially the Croatian national nomination, but “kept” their ethnic identity, declaring themselves undecided. This generated a paradoxical situation and political contrast, which was one of the complicating factors of the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Poorly developed national consciousness, faced in the past with different orientations of their own intelligentsia, the Bosnian Muslim masses found themselves in a “gap” between the unprincipled policy of the CPY towards their position and national nomination, and the legacy of the Turkish tradition with which they identified. They often called themselves Turks, implying affiliation with the Islamic faith, and such tendencies persisted until the second half of the twentieth century. The communists suppressed the use of the Turkish name to denote local Muslims, and allowed and promoted the expression of negative attitudes towards the Ottoman imperial past, for which there were two reasons. Such an appointment clashed with the current policy of shaping the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims and the fight against the “backward influence of religion”, because the Turkish nomination meant the equivalent of belonging to the Islamic faith. Considering that Islam was a basic element of identity and social being for Bosnian Muslims, such a policy of the Party was also a significant factor in complicating political relations in the republic.
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Seidametov, Eldar Kh. "Situation of Tatars and other Muslim minorities in communist Bulgaria." Crimean Historical Review, no. 2 (October 28, 2021): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/kio.2021.2.20-32.
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The article examines the situation of the Tatars and other Muslim minorities in Bulgaria during the communist period. The policy of the state in relation to Muslim minorities after the proclamation of the People`s Republic of Bulgaria and the establishment of socialism in the state according to the Soviet model, when the political, economic and social models of the USSR were imported and introduced without taking into account the national characteristics of Bulgaria, are analyzed. As in the Soviet Union (especially in the early stage of its formation, religion was banned and this applied to all confessions without exception. The Bulgarian Communist Party (BCP) made every effort eradicate religious identity and, in particular, Islamic identity. It was planned to replace the religious ideological fragment with a socialist one, and then, on its platform, form and stimulate the development of the national, modernist and Soviet identity of Muslims. Moreover, the emphasis was also placed on improving the way of life and the material situation of the Muslim population, which, according to the Marxist theory of culture, should have contributed to a more effective formation of socialist consciousness. The ruling party saw in the Muslim religious consciousness and rudiments of the Ottoman past, an obstacle on the way of socialist progress and formation of socialist consciousness. Emasculating elements of the religious worldview from the mind of people, the BCP set itself the task of creating a modern, secular, socialist personality. To this end, in 1946–1989 the government implemented a number of economic, educational and cultural establishments.
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Mërkuri, Prof Phd Nexhip, and Elira Xhakollari. "Language Policiy for the Tendency of the Sound Complex in the Albanian Anthroponymy and Patronymic." European Journal of Language and Literature 8, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls.v8i1.p16-26.
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The authors reflects on the progress of anthroponymy and patronomy sounds tendency and its applied linguistic policy in the last century and the beginning of the new millennium. The research is carried out in two periods: during and post-communism. The authors have done a long-time research on this topic, which has resulted in an accurate argumentative discourse on pre-linguistic choices of these sonoric complex usages in family discourse. The authors have listed carefully the entry of Illyrian/Albanian names and the tendency of sonoric usages, which were part of language planning process; and everything is argued on the basis of national spirit of the time. The linguistic policy of entering of Illyrian names into family discourse is also seen as a general trend of Renaissance (1730-1912) for the purpose of restoring historic memory to Albanians. After the 1990-s, the beginning of democracy in Albania, nonetheless the publishing of the study on newborn names, the linguistic policy has never been applied for many reasons. For the last two years, 2015-2016, linguistics, students, surveyors, educational secretaries, members of civil status, have listed a number of reasons on the choices of the names of newborns in Albania. The freedom of choice of the sonoric complex, the trend of names, the tendency of names in the western world, emigration, etc., are some of the reasons to justify the choices and the linguistic behavior of sonoric complexes. The study is carried out in several municipalities and it is noticed that sonoric choices are highly influenced by the trends in media. There is an avoidance of inherited muslim, catholic and orthodox names and of those names claimed by linguistic policy of 1970-1990. Such linguistic tendency is argued on national basis by making comparisons on the frequency of uses. Diachronic comparisons of Albanian names found in registers of different years reflect the cultural trends of the parents. Albanian families have been quite generous with the borrowings of names from other cultures. Borrowings, as an integral part of linguistic policy, are result of foreign literature, movies, history and fashion.
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Ciocea, Mălina, and Alexandru Cârlan. "Prosthetic memory and post-memory: cultural encounters with the past in designing a museum." Romanian Journal of Communication and Public Relations 17, no. 2 (July 1, 2015): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21018/rjcpr.2015.2.4.
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<p>This paper1 investigates the sources of representations on the communist period and the type of engagement with the past in an experiential museum, in the context of the National Network of Romanian Museums’ project for a laboratory-museum of Romanian Communism. Our analysis of focus-groups in October-November 2012 explores the public’s expectations in terms of museum experience and engagement with objects and the potential of an experiential museum to facilitate deliberation about the past. We use the conceptual framework of recent studies on postmemory (Hirsch, 2008) and prosthetic memory (Landsberg, 2004, 2009) to focus on ways of building the experiential archive needed to produce prosthetic memory. We consider that such an analysis is relevant for two interconnected problems: the bidirectional relationship between a projected museum of communism and a prospective public, and the methodological insights available for investigating this relation. With regard to the first problem, this paper makes a case for treating museums as a memory device rather than a lieu de memoire and analyses the role of the museum in relation to cultural memory. With regard to the second problem, it offers an example of conducting research on prospective publics which departs from traditional marketing approaches, adopting theoretical insights and analytical categories from specific conceptualizations in the field of memory studies.</p>
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Hsiu-Ping, Bao. "Images of Islam in Taiwan: from Chinese Islam to Global Islam (Imej Islam di Taiwan: Dari Muslim berbangsa Cina kepada Islam Global)." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 16, no. 1 (April 12, 2019): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v16i1.776.
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Taipei Grand Mosque looks like a mini global village. Every Friday, the prayer hall is always overcrowded with Muslims from diverse ethnic backgrounds, including local Chinese Muslims (Hui), Arabs, Turks, Africans, Malaysians and Indonesians. They meet each other and exchange ideas after the congregational prayer. However, in the 1970s, there was a different image of Islam in Taiwan. Only Chinese Muslims were included in the congregation. The first generation of Chinese Muslims (around 20 to 50 thousand people) arrived in Taiwan with the National Government in 1949 and early 1950s when the Communist Party took over China. These Chinese Muslims showed distinctive features of ‘Chinese Islam’ in Taiwan. The elites among these Chinese Muslims were those who played a leading role in the revival of Islam in China during the 1930s and 1940s. When they settled in Taiwan, they resumed work serving Islam as they did the same in China, such as constructing mosques, building Muslim cemeteries and dispatching Muslim students to Middle Eastern countries. However, with the passage of time, their work on the revival of Islam seems to have been unsuccessful. The population of Chinese Muslims stagnated and even declined. Instead, with the open policy for drawing in foreign workers and students by the government in Taiwan during the 1990s, foreign Muslims from various countries began to appear in Taiwan, thereby exhibiting another images of Islam to the public. Nowadays, Chinese Muslims seem to be an invisible community in Taiwan as they and their descendants have become outnumbered by foreign Muslims. This paper aims to describe and analyze the paradigm shift in images of Islam in Taiwan over a half century.
Keywords: Images of Islam, Hui Muslim, Taiwan, Foreign Muslim.
Abstrak
Masjid Besar Taipei seolah-olah seperti sebuah kampung global mini dimana setiap hari Jumaat, dewan solat masjid tersebut akan dipenuhi oleh umat Islam dari pelbagai latar belakang etnik, termasuk orang Cina (Hui), Arab, Turki, Afrika, Malaysia dan Indonesia. Mereka bertemu antara satu sama lain dan bertukar-tukar pendapat usai solat berjemaah. Walau bagaimanapun, pada tahun 1970-an, gambaran imej Islam di Taiwan mengalami perubahan. Hanya orang Cina yang beragama Islam diiktiraf sebagai ahli solat jemaah. Generasi pertama umat Islam di China (sekitar 20 hingga 50 ribu orang) tiba di Taiwan semasa pemerintahan Kerajaan Negara pada tahun 1949 dan pada awal 1950-an ketika Parti Komunis mengambil alih pemerintahan negara China. Ciri-ciri umat Islam Cina yang berasal daripada negara China adalah berbeza dengan orang-orang Islam Cina di Taiwan. Para elit di kalangan umat Islam Cina ini adalah mereka yang memainkan peranan penting dalam pemulihan Islam di China pada tahun 1930-an dan 1940-an. Apabila mereka menetap di Taiwan, mereka meneruskan kerja-kerja untuk Islam sebagaimana yang mereka lakukan di China, seperti membina masjid, membuka tanah perkuburan Islam dan menghantar pelajar Islam ke negara-negara Timur Tengah. Walau bagaimanapun, dengan peredaran masa, usaha-usaha mereka membangunkan Islam tidak berjaya. Bilangan penduduk umat Islam China tidak berubah malah mengalami kemerosotan disebabkan oleh dasar terbuka Taiwan yang menggalakkan kemasukan pekerja dan pelajar asing pada tahun 1990-an, natijahnya, ramai umat Islam dari pelbagai bangsa dan negara mulai muncul di Taiwan yang telah memberi kesan kepada imej Islam yang sebelumnya kepada orang awam. Pada masa kini, kaum Cina Muslim seolah-olah menjadi komuniti yang tidak kelihatan di Taiwan kerana mereka dan keturunan mereka telah menjadi lebih ramai hasil pencampuran daripada umat Islam asing. Makalah ini bertujuan untuk menggambarkan dan menganalisa peralihan paradigma terhadap imej Islam di Taiwan setelah separuh abad.
Kata Kunci: Imej Islam, Hui muslim, Taiwan, Muslim asing
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Majewski, Piotr. "Polska dla Polaków, nie żaden kurwa Ahmed – analiza narracji islamofobicznych w polskim rapie." Kultura Popularna 3, no. 53 (February 26, 2018): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.8272.
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The “invented” Muslim-migrants became contemporary “folk devils”. They are portrayed by the media – which play a crucial role in this process – as deviants, who pose a threat to the social order, national culture and values shared by all the Polish people. Thus, refugees, perceived en masse as Islamic fundamentalists, became an object of media symbolization. This mechanism allows for a mobilization against those who would like to welcome refugees to Poland – various traitors of the fatherland, lefties, liberals, post-communists or opposition politicians, who “collaborate” with the European Union and the Venice Commission. Paradoxically, the hunt for “Muslim witches” does not intend to eliminate them, but rather discursively construct them through moral panic. The Islamophobic rap demonstrates the relationship between the Polish and the followers of Islam through binary oppositions. The Muslims and the Polish are presented as two antagonistic civilizations, although the positive connotations of this notion are rather reserved for the Polish Catholics, the sole guardians of the Christian Europe. Within this narrative the category of “Muslim” (Islamist, Arab, refugee, etc.) is essentialized, as well as the category of the “true” Polish (patriot, Catholic, heterosexual man, etc.). Anti-Muslim rappers firmly announce that if Poland decided to accept any refugees, the Polish would become a minority in their own country, stripped of their culture and faith, possibly even persecuted. They seek evidence for such extraordinary claims in the alleged transformations that other European states underwent. These radical changes are the result of an array of criminal policies introduced by the European elites, who consciously unleashed an ideological war, instrumentally utilizing Muslims as a weapon.
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Mazierska, Ewa, Lars Kristensen, and Eva Näripea. "The Deterritorialised Muslim Convert in Post-Communist Eastern European Cinema." Baltic Screen Media Review 2, no. 1 (November 1, 2014): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bsmr-2015-0015.
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Abstract This article analyses the Muslim convert as portrayed in three post-communist Eastern European films: Vladimir Khotinenko’s A Moslem (Мусульманин, Russia, 1996), Jerzy Skolimowski’s Essential Killing (Poland/Norway/ Ireland/Hungary/France, 2010), and Sulev Keedus’s Letters to Angel (Kirjad Inglile, Estonia, 2011). Although set in different periods, the films have their origins in Afghanistan and then move to European countries. The conversion to Islam happens in connection to, or as a consequence of, different military conflicts that the country has seen. The authors examine the consequences the characters have on their environment, using Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari’s concept of deterritorialisation, understood as an opportunity to produce political and cultural change. Resettling from one religion and place into another means breaking up structures that need to be reassembled differently. However, these three films seem to desire deterritorialisation and resettlement for different reasons. In A Moslem, national structures need to be reset since foreign Western values have corrupted the post-communist Russian rural society. In Essential Killing, it is the Western military system of oppression that cannot uphold the convert and his values. Lastly, in Letters to Angel, the convert exposes the hollowness of post-communist capitalism. The Muslim converts in these films are subtle reminders that we can all reinvent ourselves.
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Ziębińska-Witek, Anna. "Musealisation of communism, or how to create national identity in historical museums." Muzeológia a kultúrne dedičstvo 8, no. 4 (2020): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.46284/mkd.2020.8.4.5.
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The goal of the article is to critically analyse and deconstruct museum narratives about communism in East-Central Europe 30 years after transformation. The research material is museum exhibitions interpreted in accordance with the methodology of visual research (composition analysis, content analysis, analysis of material objects, and analysis of meanings). The first and most important museum type from the perspective of the memory cano The Act of 6 June 1997 Penal Code (Journal of Laws of 1997, item 553). Art. 125. § 1. Whoever destroys, damages or takes away a cultural object in an occupied area or in which military operations are taking place, violating international law, shall be subject to the penalty of deprivation of liberty for a term of between one and 10 years. § 2. If the act concerns goods of particular importance for culture, the perpetrator shall be subject to the penalty of deprivation of liberty for not less than 3 years. Art. 278. § 1. Whoever takes away someone else’s movable property for the purpose of appropriation shall be subject to the penalty of deprivation of liberty for a term of between 3 months and 5 years. § 2. The same punishment shall be imposed on anyone who, without the consent of the authorised person, obtains someone else’s computer program in order to gain financial benefits. § 3. In the case of an act of a lesser significance, the perpetrator is subject to a fine, limitation of liberty or deprivation of liberty for one year. § 4. If the theft was committed to the detriment of the closest person, the prosecution takes place at the request of the injured party. Art. 279. § 1. Whoever steals by burglary is punishable by imprisonment from one to 10 years. § 2. If the burglary was committed to the detriment of the closest person, the prosecution takes place at the request of the injured party. n, as it represents the official historical policy of most East-European states, is the so-called identity or heroic museum. Its purpose is not so much to show the truth about the past but to create the collective memory of a society and its positive self-image.
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Bria, Gianfranco. "The Case of Albanian as an Islamic Language between Muslim Literary Tradition and National Culture." Eurasian Studies 18, no. 1 (September 23, 2020): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685623-12340084.
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Abstract This paper aims to apply Bausani’s notion of “Islamic language” to the case of the Albanian language, analysing the cultural and linguistic evolution of its literature according to the various stages of the nation-building process, which concerned also the creation (re-invention) of a standard alphabet. To do so, this work firstly examines the literary production of Albanian Muslim writers during the Ottoman period and then analyses the gradual literary de-Islamisation that invested Albanian culture from the period of Rilindja (Rebirth) until the cultural revolution of the Communist atheist regime.
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Radonic, Ljiljana. "Slovak and Croatian invocation of Europe: the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising and the Jasenovac Memorial Museum." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 3 (May 2014): 489–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.867935.
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Even though self-critical dealing with the past has not been an official criterion for joining the EU, the founding of the Task Force for International Cooperation on Holocaust Education, Remembrance, and Research and the Holocaust conference in Stockholm at the beginning of 2000 seem to have generated informal standards of confronting and exhibiting the Holocaust in the context of “Europeanization of Memory.” Comparative analysis shows that post-Communist museums dealing with the World War II period perform in the context of those informal standards. Both the Jasenovac Memorial Museum in Croatia and the Museum of the Slovak National Uprising in Banská Bystrica were founded in the Communist era and played an important role in supporting the founding myths of the two countries. Both were subjected to historical revisionism during the 1990s. In the current exhibitions from 2004/2006, both memorial museums stress being part of Europe and refer, to “international standards” of musealization, while the Jasenovac memorial claims to focus on “the individual victim.” But stressing the European dimension of resistance and the Holocaust obscures such key aspects as the civil war and the responsibility of the respective collaborating regime.
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Rivera, Temario C. "The Philippines in 2004: New Mandate, Daunting Problems." Asian Survey 45, no. 1 (January 2005): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2005.45.1.127.
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National elections in the Philippines took place on May 10, 2004, providing incumbent President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo with a six-year electoral mandate and control of both houses of Congress and most of the local governmental positions. However, the Arroyo administration faced a worsening budget deficit and debt crisis, increased incidence of hunger and poverty, pervasive corruption scandals in the military, inconclusive peace negotiations with communist guerrillas and Muslim separatists, and an unexpected twist in the country's relations with the United States, provoked by a crisis in the Philippines' involvement in Iraq.
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Penny, H. Glenn. "The Museum für Deutsche Geschichte and German National Identity." Central European History 28, no. 3 (September 1995): 343–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011869.
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Not far from the Brandenburger Tor on Unter den Linden, visitors to the Museum für Deutsche Geschichte (MfDG) entered Berlin's most beautiful Baroque building. Built by Europe's finest architects under the auspices of Prussia's Kings, the Zeughaus once held a collection of the nation's weapons and Prussia's trophies of war. But since its restoration in the 1950s, this eighteenth-century edifice's long sculptured hallways and high-ceilinged rooms housed the Marxist story of the German people's struggle; images of Prussian peasants, Silesian weavers, and hardened revolutionaries were arranged in glass cases, displayed upon walls and surrounded by Socialist banners, Communist papers, and early Protestant texts. Resurrected from the annals of Germany's past, these images were brought together to fashion a German history, to create the foundation for an East German national identity, and to provide legitimization for the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED).
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Hakam, Saiful. "THE INTERPRETATION OF THE FIRST VERSE [KETUHANAN YANG MAHA ESA] OF PANCASILA." Jurnal Ilmu Agama: Mengkaji Doktrin, Pemikiran, dan Fenomena Agama 18, no. 1 (June 30, 2017): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jia.v18i1.1531.
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Historically, In Indonesia, there are two interpretation of the first verse of Pancasila. The first is [Pengakuan adanya Tuhan] Recognition of the Divine Omnipotence. This translation is used to use by secular group including communist and non-Muslim group especially Buddhist and Hindus. This interpretation was dominant in 1945-1965 when Sukarno as the creator of Pancasila still dominated the political power. Or, this verse was dominant when the secular-nationalist group still had strong position in Indonesia. The fact of it is during the time there was no a policy about official religions from state and the requirement of religious teaching in schools and universities. And, it must be noted that Sukarno as the creator of Pancasila in Guided Democracy era, strongly interpreted Pancasila in his speech and address as the Nasakom that is National, Religion, and Communist. Sukarno as the creator of Pancasila strongly insisted that he was truly nationalist and in his heart he was a truly Muslim. So, it can be said the Recognition of the Divine Omnipotence is the original interpretation of the first verse of Pancasila. My argumentation is originally in the early beginning of the Republic the meaning of religion was religion as a faith not as an institution
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Kosiewski, Piotr. "MUSEUMS – VIEW FROM THE INSIDE." Muzealnictwo 58, no. 1 (August 7, 2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.2669.
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The publication Museums, exhibits, museum professionals complements our knowledge of how museums functioned in the Communist period and their situation after 1989. The book includes discussions or memoirs by eleven people vital to Polish museology, who were connected with National Museums (in Cracow, Poznań and Wrocław), museum-residences (the Wawel Museum, the Royal Castle in Warsaw), specialised museums (the National Maritime Museum in Gdańsk, the Museum of Literature in Warsaw, the Jagiellonian University Museum), ethnographic museums (in Cracow and Toruń) and the Tatra Museum, which is an example of an important regional museum in Poland. Among the people are Zofia Gołubiew, Mariusz Hermansdofer, Jerzy Litwin, Janusz Odrowąż-Pieniążek, Jan Ostrowski, Andrzej Rottermund and Stanisław Waltoś. The book presents the image of Polish museology in a scattershot but interesting way. It also mentions more detailed aspects, such as how particular museums were founded or developed in the Communist period, and the individual role of museum professionals in founding and developing the establishments they managed. However, the most attention is paid to issues regarding the state of museums after 1989. The most important of these include the contemporary functions and tasks of those establishments and the challenges they will face in the future, and the role of a musealium and its place in a contemporary museum. The observations regarding internal changes in museum institutions, in the “master-disciple” relation in the past and today, the appearance of new specialities, and the change of their status and role in institutions (for example, of people responsible for education) are also noteworthy. Another significant thread is the discussion on the definition of a “museum professional” and which museum employees may use this title.
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Muhaj, Ardian, and Mentor Beqa. "Contested and Uncontested Religious Landscape Markers." Context: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.55425/23036966.2022.9.1.35.
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This paper analyses the relationship between the “politics of religious symbolism” and thephysical landscape of post-communist Albania. It examines the proliferation of crosses on highly visible peaks, especially in Northern Albania where both Muslims and Catholics live. The paper combines qualitative and quantitative methods to understand the basis of this phenomenon, and conducts field interviews to reveal the exclusivist nature of Catholicism as its main driving factor. While most Catholics believe this exclusivity is their right, many Muslims feel provoked by attitudes they describe as offensive. Although the phenomenon has been marginalised from national public debate under the auspices of “religious tolerance”, the tension it has created is very much present.
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Rotaru, Marina Cristiana. "Uses of the Throne Hall in the former Royal Palace in Bucharest from 1947 to 2019: a social semiotic perspective." Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 3, no. 1 (April 17, 2020): 188–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v3i1.20432.
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The purpose of this paper is to investigate, from a socio-semiotic perspective, the manner in which the political regimes installed after the forced abdication of King Mihai I (on 30 December 1947) used the Throne Hall in the former royal palace in Bucharest to meet their own needs. In December 1947, Romania was illegally turned from a constitutional monarchy into a popular republic, with the help of the Red Army. Then, the popular republic was transformed into a socialist republic, in fact, a communist dictatorship. In December 1989, the communist regime collapsed and was replaced by a post-communist one, a regime which did not seem willing to leave behind the communist ideological legacy, manifest, in the 1990s, in the brutal repression of anti-government protesters in University Square in Bucharest, or in the Romanian Mineriads of 1990 and 1991. The political regimes that succeeded to power after 1947 deprived the Throne Hall of its monarchic symbolism and used it in ways incongruent with its inherent function, albeit for official purposes. The manner in which the communist regime made use of this particular place is indicative of its intent and success in reinventing traditions or adapting older traditions to its ideological goals, in order to alienate Romanians from their recent past, in disrespect for the nation’s heritage. Although the former royal palace was completely transformed into a national museum of art after 1990, a cultural institution meant, by its very purpose, to save at least part of the nation’s memory, political decision makers ignored the symbolism of a national museum such as the National Museum of Art of Romania, known to many Romanians as the former royal palace. In bewildering, yet not unprecedented fashion, the Throne Hall has been recently used, by the Romanian government, as a dining hall in a series of events that preceded the takeover of the presidency of the EU Council by Romania in January 2019. We claim that the government’s decision can be circumscribed to Jean Baudrillard’s concept of consumerism, characterized by the rule of sign value as a status symbol. In addition, Jan Blommaert’s and Barbara Johnstone’s taxonomies further the argument that the Throne Hall is not a mere space, but a place, its function having been perverted by both ideological manipulation and aggressive consumerism.
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Saray, Mehmet. "What is the Bulgarian Government Trying to Prove by Denying the Historical Facts?" Belleten 52, no. 202 (April 1, 1988): 183–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1988.183.
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The move of the Bulgarian Communist Government to liquidate the Muslim Turks in Bulgaria, initiated at the end of 1984 and completed in the beginning of 1985, by forcing the Turks in Bulgaria to exchange their Turkish names for Bulgarian ones, is a crime against the most elemantary principles of human rights, of world civilization and culture. By this act the Bulgarian government has committed itself to a policy of an ethnic, cultural and political genocide. Though this term has been initially used to mean physical destruction of one or another nation, in a broader sense it signifies a cultural and political extinction of a national minority.
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Rahman, Tariq. "The Urdu —English Controversy in Pakistan." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1997): 177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016978.
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Pakistan is an ideologically inspired state and Urdu was a part of this ideology. During the development of Muslim separatism in British India it had become a symbol of Muslim identity and was the chief rival of Hindi, the symbol of Hindu identity (Brass, 1974: 119–81. Thus, after partition it was not surprising that the Muslim polemical and methodologically unreliable books. Some of them are, indeed, part of the pro-Urdu campaign by such official institutions as the National Language Authority, because of which they articulate only the official language policy (Kamran, 1992). Other books, especially by supporters of Urdu, invoke simplistic conspiracy theories for explaining the opposition to Urdu. One of them is that the elitist supporters of English have always conspired to protect it in their self-interest; the other that ethno-nationalists, supported by foreign governments, communists and anti-state agents, oppose Urdu (Abdullah, 1976; Barelvi 1987). While such assertions may be partly true, the defect of the publications is that no proof is offered in support of them.
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Kruja, Genti. "Interfaith Dialogue in Albania as a Model of Interreligious Harmony." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 7, no. 3 (August 28, 2020): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/377.
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Over many centuries, Albanians have been mostly followers of Islam, Catholicism, and Eastern Orthodoxy. There are also other smaller religious communities, including Muslim Bektashi, Protestantism, and Judaism. Christianity and Islam, have coexisted in Albania for centuries. Tolerance is a characteristic of Albanian people, which is probably related to their geopolitical position. Being at the intersection of East and West, Albanians were influenced by both. The lands of Albanians were the meeting and division point of the two greatest empires of the Middle Ages, the Roman and the Byzantine Empires. Experiencing many vicissitudes, this peaceful co-existence, as a national value of a small nation, has continued for centuries and is still ongoing. However, a communist government lasting from 1944 to 1991 imposed a severe prohibition of the practice of religion. The interreligious cooperation during the reopening of the first church and mosque in 1990 was an expression of tolerance despite even though the communist regime was still in power. This paper presents some essential historical facts as well as a sociological approach of the interfaith understanding among Albanians.
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Radonic, Ljiljana. "“People of Freedom and Unlimited Movement”: Representations of Roma in Post-Communist Memorial Museums." Social Inclusion 3, no. 5 (September 29, 2015): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v3i5.229.
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The “universalization of the Holocaust” and the insistence on Roma rights as an EU accession criteria have changed the memory of the Roma genocide in post-communist countries. This article examines how Roma are represented in post-communist memorial museums which wanted to prove that they correspond with “European memory standards”. The three case studies discussed here are the <em>Museum of the Slovak National Uprising</em>, the <em>Jasenovac Memorial Museum</em> and the <em>Holocaust Memorial Center</em> in Budapest. I argue that today Roma are being represented for the first time, but in a stereotypical way and through less prominent means in exhibitions which lack individualizing elements like testimonies, photographs from their life before the persecution or artifacts. This can only partially be explained by the (relative) unavailability of data that is often deplored by researchers of the Roma genocide.
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Gough, Maria. "Drawing Between Reportage and Memory: Diego Rivera's Moscow Sketchbook." October 145 (July 2013): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00148.
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The extraordinary proliferation of political demonstrations around the world over the past several years has reminded us once again of the phenomenal power of the real-time convergence of people in public space, a power to which Diego Rivera's Moscow Sketchbook—a corpus of forty-five small watercolor drawings—bears graphic witness. The sketchbook dates from Rivera's seven- or eight-month sojourn in Moscow, which began in early November 1927 with his direct participation in the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the revolution as a delegate to the inaugural internat ional Congress of Friends. Publicly announcing the artist's arrival in Moscow on November 3, the Communist Party's national daily newspaper Pravda discussed his “extraordinary frescoes” in the new Secretar iat of Public Educat ion in Mexico City—which the poet Vladimir Mayakovski had earlier lauded as “the world's first Communist mural”—and went on to explain that, as a revolutionary artist, Rivera now prefers the collective address of “wall painting” over the private easel picture to which he had devoted himself for a decade or so in Paris before 1921. A new venture in Soviet cultural diplomacy, the Congress of Friends had as its objective the forging of a broad, cross-party international alliance of those willing and able to come to the defense of the Soviet Union in their home countries. Rivera, a member of the Mexican Communist Party at the time, participated in the congress at the invitation of the Comintern, which was responsible for hosting notable foreign communists when they were in town and, as such, played a major role in the organization of the three-day meeting. On the first day of the congress the artist was elected—from a pool of 947 delegates—to its Presidium (governing board) and press bureau as a member of the foreign intelligentsia.
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Ďurovič, Michal, Libor Jůn, Vítězslav Knotek, and David Majtenyi. "„Radila jsem se již několikrát s archiváři...“ – několik poznámek k problematice fyzického stavu a konzervace rukopisu Julia Fučíka Reportáž, psaná na oprátce." Časopis Národního muzea. Řada historická 189, no. 1-2 (2022): 45–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/cnm.2020.03.
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Julius Fučík’s most important literary work, Notes from the Gallows, is one of the most translated Czech texts, as well as one of the most controversial. Whether it was caused by the extraordinary life story and extravagant personality of its author, communist journalist and resistance fighter Julius Fučík (1903–1943), or the long-lasting dispute concerning both its contents and circumstances of its origin. Yet, the authenticity of the text was finally subsustimated by the expert forensic report in the early 1990s. At the same time, however, the suspicion of the censorship of Fučík’s original text was confirmed. Even though the book was repeatedly published, its manuscript remained inaccessible to the public as the property of Fučík’s widow Gusta Fučíková (1903–1987). It was only after her death in 1987 when the original Fučík’s autograph became a part of the collection of the Klement Gottwald Museum, a party museum controlled by the monopolistic Communist party government. With the collapse of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia, the newly established Museum of the Workers’ Movement required the manuscript. Finally, in 2014, they donated it, together with their other collections, to the National Museum. This change enabled an extensive conservation and restoration collaborative research carried out by the National Museum and the University of Chemistry and Technology (VŠCHT). The manuscript of Notes has been stored in so-called glass sandwiches since the early 1950s. They consisted of 167 slips of paper – on which the individual passages of Notes used to be smuggled out of Pankrác prison – inserted in plastic films and put (usually three and three on every side) between two durable glass plates. Unfortunately, this seemingly safe and precise storage method did not prevent gradual degradation of selected snippets. Therefore, it was decided to launch a physical condition investigation during which experts revealed significant differences from the declared conservation method, including the absence of alleged protection against ultraviolet radiation by supposedly ultraviolet-resistant glass. Further research and verification of the causes of paper degradation will determine the final nature of the restoration procedure and the subsequent method of storage of Fučík’s manuscript.
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O’Loughlin, John, Gearoid Ó. Tuathail, and Vladimir Kolossov. "Russian geopolitical storylines and public opinion in the wake of 9–11: a critical geopolitical analysis and national survey." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2004): 281–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2004.06.001.
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Examination of the speeches, writings and editorials by the Putin Administration in the aftermath of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks showed a consistent storyline that equated Russia’s war against Chechen terrorists with the subsequent US attack on the Taliban and Al Qaeda. The storyline made a strong case for a Russian alliance with the US and the West against those who were attacking the ‘civilized world’. Two alternative storylines also emerged. The centrist-liberal storyline was skeptical of the benefits accruing to Russia from its support of the Bush Administration’s policy, while the national patriotic-Communist storyline concentrated on the ‘imperialist’ drive of the United States to control the resources of Eurasia. The resonance of the dominant Putin storyline and its skeptical and suspicious alternatives among the Russian public is tested by analysis of the responses to a representative national survey of 1800 adults conducted in April 2002. Significant socio-demographic differences appear in responses to eight questions. The Putin storyline is accepted by the rich supporters of the Edinstvo party, males, ‘Westernizers’, residents of Siberia, singles and young adults, while the oppositional storylines are supported by Communist party supporters, the elderly, Muslims, women, the poor, and residents of Moscow and St. Petersburg.
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Lozic, Vanja. "(Re)Shaping History in Bosnian and Herzegovinian Museums." Culture Unbound 7, no. 2 (June 11, 2015): 307–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.1572307.
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The current article explores how political changes in the past 130 years have shaped and reshaped three major museums in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The overall aim is to describe structural processes of national museum building in BiH and the ways the museological representation of history is connected to state and nation making and to political transitions and crises. The analysed museums are the National Museum of BiH, the History Museum of BiH, and the Museum of the Republic of Srpska. The source material analysed consists of the directories and the titles of exhibitions; secondary material, which describes previous exhibitions; and virtual museum tours. The article illustrates that during the Austrian-Hungarian Empire, which established the National Museum in 1888, the museum played an important part in the representation of Bosnian identity (bosnjastvo). After World War II, in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, all three analysed museums were summoned to interpret the past in accordance with the guidelines of the communist regime. Since the 1990s, a highly ethnicized process of identity building and of the musealization of heritage, and history permeates all three museums analysed here. When it comes to the central exhibition-themes following the 1990s war, one could conclude that whereas the National Museum and the History Museum highlight the recent creation of an independent BiH and ostracize BIH-Serbs, the Museum of the Republic of Srpska asserts the ostensible distinctiveness of the Republic of Srpska and excludes the narratives about BiH as a unified and independent nation-state. If an agreement about the future of BiH and its history is to be reached, a step towards multi-vocal historical narratives has to be made from both sides.
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Todorović, Vladica. "Bosnian Muslims and Serbs: Reasons for dispute from 1918 to the present day." ПОЛИТЕИА 10, no. 19 (2020): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-25206.
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The paper provides an analysis of political relations of Bosnian Muslims (officially Bosniaks since 1993) and Serbs, lasting for almost a century. Firstly, the author deals with their relations in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1918 to 1941, all the way through World War II from 1941 to 1945, then in the Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1990, followed bythe period after the break-up of Socialist Federal Republic Yugoslavia, when Bosnia and Herzegovina became sovereign state, and, finally,with their current relations We believe that the main cause of the dispute is that Bosnian Muslims historically always abandoned Serbs at critical times and sought the support of other states and nations for their state-building goals. In wars, they supported their enemies, often forming alliances with other states or nations. As religious idea among the Bosnian Muslims grew from 1918, so did their numbers as well as their aspirations for Serbian territories. Similarly, as the number of Bosnian Muslims grew, so did the interest of great powers and political parties as well as their military support. Most importantly, with the rise of numbers of Bosnian Muslims, their policies and their stance towards the state changed. Hence, when they became majority in Bosnia and Herzegovina, they wanted to turn the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina into their national state.
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Glasserman, Aaron. "On the Huihui Question." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 362–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9407897.
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Abstract In Western discourse today the charge that Islam is “not just a religion” but a comprehensive social system is leveled to cast doubt over Muslims' ability to integrate into a political community. In the People's Republic of China, this understanding of Islam has served the opposite purpose. From the perspective of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), religion cannot be the basis for legitimate political identity. Islam, however, is not just a religion. Rather, as a “social system,” Islam constitutes a legitimate basis for national identity, and the Hui (Huihui), or Chinese Muslims, therefore constitute a minority nationality. This essay explores the origins of the CCP's understanding of Islam in the 1930s and 1940s, when the Party first formulated its policy vis-à-vis the Hui. Glasserman shows how this understanding of Islam as “not just a religion” suited the political, geopolitical, and ideological circumstances of the Yan'an period (1936–48). He also shows how this understanding was informed by contemporary Hui discourse and activism.
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Martin, Lenore G. "The Prospects for Turkish – Chinese Bilateral and Multilateral Security Cooperation." Sociology of Islam 4, no. 1-2 (April 15, 2016): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00402004.
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Using a paradigm of five interrelated variables the paper examines the opportunities and challenges for security cooperation between Turkey, a predominantly Muslim society, and China, a society still dominated by the Communist Party. The five variables consist of military capabilities, economic capabilities, essential natural resources, ethnic and religious tolerance, and political legitimacy. The paradigm demonstrates that their interests help to promote security cooperation between Turkey and China, but also lead to strains in their relations along every variable. Both states are concerned about separatist groups but the Turkish public and some politicians are supportive of the Uighurs. Trade is growing but is unbalanced. They compete for energy sources but cooperate on development of alternative energy. Each of the variables in turn affects the political legitimacy of both regimes. Despite these instances of divergence in their national interests, Turkey and China can make policy choices that would strengthen their security relationship.
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DUNCAN, PETER J. S. "CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN IDENTITY BETWEEN EAST AND WEST." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004303.
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This is a review of recent English-language scholarship on the development of Russian identity since the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The first part examines literature on the economic and political changes in the Russian Federation, revealing how scholars became more sceptical about the possibility of Russia building a Western-type liberal democracy. The second part investigates approaches to the study of Russian national identity. The experience of empire, in both the tsarist and Soviet periods, gave Russians a weak sense of nationhood; ethnic Russians identified with the multi-national Soviet Union. Seeking legitimacy for the new state, President El'tsin sought to create a civic identity focused on the multi-national Russian Federation. The Communist and nationalist opposition continued to promote an imperial identity, focused on restoring the USSR or creating some other formation including the Russian-speaking population in the former Soviet republics. The final section discusses accounts of the two Chechen wars, which scholars see as continuing Russia's imperial policy and harming relations with Russia's Muslim population. President Putin's co-operation with the West against ‘terrorism’ has not led the West to accept Russia as one of its own, due to increasing domestic repression and authoritarianism.
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Nicolescu, Gabriela. "The museum’s lexis: Driving objects into ideas." Journal of Material Culture 21, no. 4 (November 22, 2016): 465–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1359183516664207.
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This article discusses how exhibition making can be seen as a creative method for building anthropological knowledge. Situations of conflict between social classes, curatorial practices and disciplines remind us of the existence of a very subtle and enduring museum lexis which governs how political ideas are put on display. Research was conducted in tandem with an exhibition the author curated in the National Museum of the Romanian Peasant 21 years after the collapse of the communist regime in South-Eastern Europe. Reflecting upon this process, the author shows how museums use a specific lexis that is based not only on existing practices but also on contingency. These facets each engage two different notions of temporality: while practice involves repetitiveness, predictability and continuity over different historical periods, contingency creates unexpected groupings of things, settings and meanings. It is the balance of the interplay between practice and contingency that dictates how the audience engages with museum discourse.
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Hanula, Justyna. "THE POLISH COMMITTEE’S OF NATIONAL LIBERATION POLICY TOWARDS MUSEUMS." Muzealnictwo 59 (June 22, 2018): 86–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.1368.
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After World War II museums in Poland were bound to serve political purposes. The aim of new government was to shape citizens’ awareness according to the Stalinist ideology. 21 July 1944, the Polish Committee of National Liberation (further PKWN) was created in Moscow under the patronage of Joseph Stalin. From 1 August 1944, it was located in Lublin together with its Arts and Culture Department. The period from 21 July 1944 to the end of December 1944 on the so-called liberated territories is discussed herein in the context of museums’ formation. It was the time when new institutions were created (e.g. Museum of Majdanek Concentration Camp) and those existing prior to WWII were re-established, such as the Lublin Museum or the National Museum of Przemyśl. In 1944, museums were facing many problems, inter alia, war damages, plunder by the People’s Army that quartered here, financial difficulties, personnel shortage. The lack of professionals in museums was the result of the PKWN strategy at the time, which first of all required propaganda specialists in culture institutions. The land reform initiated in 1944 affected museums to some extent; they were receiving works of art which had been confiscated from parcelled out landed properties. The only reason for it was the ideological one, however – from the historical point of view – they are regarded as unjust and immoral persecution and harassment against groups of society held by the communists in contempt, i.e. landowners. Sources on which the article has been based: reports of the PKWN and Culture Divisions of Regional Offices (Lublin, Rzeszów, Białystok, and Warsaw), which are in the possession of the Archives of Modern History Records (Archiwum Akt Nowych) in Warsaw.
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Markowska, Anna. "Wokół roku 1948: „rewolucja łagodna” i historia sztuki." Artium Quaestiones, no. 30 (December 20, 2019): 367–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2019.30.22.
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Just like after World War I Italy experienced a transition from modernism to fascism, after World War II Poland experienced a passage from modernism to quasi-communism. The symbol of the first stage of the communist revolution in Poland right after the war, the so-called “gentle revolution,” was Pablo Picasso, whose work was popularized not so much because of its artistic value, but because of his membership in the communist party. The second, repressive stage of the continued came in 1949–1955, to return after the so-called thaw to Picasso and the exemplars of the École de Paris. However, the imagery of the revolution was associated only with the socialist realism connected to the USSR even though actually it was the adaptation of the École de Paris that best expressed the revolution’s victory. In the beginning, its moderate program, strongly emphasizing the national heritage as well as financial promises, made the cultural offer of the communist regime quite attractive not only for the left. Thus, the gentle revolution proved to be a Machiavellian move, disseminating power to centralize it later more effectively. On the other hand, the return to the Paris exemplars resulted in the aestheticization of radical and undemocratic changes. The received idea that the evil regime was visualized only by the ugly socialist realism is a disguise of the Polish dream of innocence and historical purity, while it was the war which gave way to the revolution, and right after the war artists not only played games with the regime, but gladly accepted social comfort guaranteed by authoritarianism. Neither artists, nor art historians started a discussion about the totalizing stain on modernity and the exclusion of the other. Even the folk art was instrumentalized by the state which manipulated folk artists to such an extent that they often lost their original skills. Horrified by the war atrocities and their consequences, art historians limited their activities to the most urgent local tasks, such as making inventories of artworks, reorganization of institutions, and reconstruction. Mass expropriation, a consequence of the revolution, was not perceived by museum personnel as a serious problem, since thanks to it museums acquired more and more exhibits, while architects and restorers could implement their boldest plans. The academic and social neutralization of expropriation favored the birth of a new human being, which was one of the goals of the revolution. Along the ethnic homogenization of society, focusing on Polish art meant getting used to monophony. No cultural opposition to the authoritarian ideas of modernity appeared – neither the École de Paris as a paradigm of the high art, nor the folklore manipulated by the state were able to come up with the ideas of the weak subject or counter-history. Despite the social revolution, the class distinction of ethnography and high art remained unchanged.
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Markowska, Anna. "Around 1948: The “Gentle Revolution” and Art History." Artium Quaestiones, no. 30 (December 20, 2019): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2019.30.7.
Full textAbstract:
Just like after World War I Italy experienced a transition from modernism to fascism, after World II Poland experienced a passage from modernism to quasi-communism. The symbol of the first stage of the communist revolution in Poland right after the war, the so-called “gentle revolution,” was Pablo Picasso, whose work was popularized not so much because of its artistic value, but because of his membership in the communist party. The second, repressive stage of the continued came in 1949–1955, to return after the so-called thaw to Picasso and the exemplars of the École de Paris. However, the imagery of the revolution was associated only with the socialist realism connected to the USSR even though actually it was the adaptation of the École de Paris that best expressed the revolution’s victory. In the beginning, its moderate program, strongly emphasizing the national heritage as well as financial promises, made the cultural offer of the communist regime quite attractive not only for the left. Thus, the gentle revolution proved to be a Machiavellian move, disseminating power to centralize it later more effectively. On the other hand, the return to the Paris exemplars resulted in the aestheticization of radical and undemocratic changes. The received idea that the evil regime was visualized only by the ugly socialist realism is a disguise of the Polish dream of innocence and historical purity, while it was the war which gave way to the revolution, and right after the war artists not only played games with the regime, but gladly accepted social comfort guaranteed by authoritarianism. Neither artists, nor art historians started a discussion about the totalizing stain on modernity and the exclusion of the other. Even the folk art was instrumentalized by the state which manipulated folk artists to such an extent that they often lost their original skills. Horrified by the war atrocities and their consequences, art historians limited their activities to the most urgent local tasks, such as making inventories of artworks, reorganization of institutions, and reconstruction. Mass expropriation, a consequence of the revolution, was not perceived by museum personnel as a serious problem, since thanks to it museums acquired more and more exhibits, while architects and restorers could implement their boldest plans. The academic and social neutralization of expropriation favored the birth of a new human being, which was one of the goals of the revolution. Along the ethnic homogenization of society, focusing on Polish art meant getting used to monophony. No cultural opposition to the authoritarian ideas of modernity appeared – neither the École de Paris as a paradigm of the high art, nor the folklore manipulated by the state were able to come up with the ideas of the weak subject or counter-history. Despite the social revolution, the class distinction of ethnography and high art remained unchanged.
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Lawrence, Mark. "Ancient song re-employed: The use of Regilaul in the music of Veljo Tormis." Studia Musicologica 56, no. 4 (December 2015): 343–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/6.2015.56.4.4.
Full textAbstract:
The music of Veljo Tormis (b. 1930) became well-established in Estonia during the 1960s yet remained little known in the West until the fall of Communism. By incorporating traditional Estonian folk song, regilaul, into his works, Tormis’s name became closely associated for Estonians with upholding a sense of national identity against the Soviet regime. It is his vast output of some 500 choral songs for which he is most immediately recognised; indeed, once regilaul had come to dominate the ‘Tormis style’, he dedicated himself almost exclusively to choral composition. This paper examines regilaul, its impact on Tormis during his formative years, and its integration into his mature compositional style, leading him to claim that he had ‘found his voice’ as a composer.
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Kowalska, Joanna Regina. "Władysław Dziadoń, the Kraków ‘King of Shoes’." Costume 53, no. 1 (March 2019): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cost.2019.0096.
Full textAbstract:
The Kraków shoemaker Władysław Dziadoń was called the king of shoes among citizens of Kraków. He worked in shoemaking between the years 1920 and 1955. His dream was to create a company of comparable significance to the Czechoslovakian Bata shoe company. During the years of the German occupation in the Second World War, he provided support to the resistance movement, without giving up the business of producing shoes. While he was hopeful that after the war he would be able to realize his dreams and aspirations, the conditions of a totalitarian state and the communist economy meant that these plans were never able to materialize. He was persecuted by the communist state, and in 1955 he had to close his shoe company. In the collections of the National Museum in Kraków there are thirty pairs of shoes made by his company, another three pairs are preserved in a private collection. This high-quality footwear is the only material legacy of Władysław Dziadoń's skills as a producer of shoes. This article illustrates the fate of a shoemaker and entrepreneur in the era of the German occupation (1939–1945) and Stalinism (1945–1955).
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Aliyeva, S. I. "The place of Tatar Muslims from Volga in the framework of educational process in the Azerbaijan SSR in 1920s (from the Archives in the Republic of Azerbaijan)." Minbar. Islamic Studies 12, no. 2 (July 8, 2019): 388–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.31162/2618-9569-2019-12-2-388-420.
Full textAbstract:
The article deals with the role of Muslim Tatars, which they played in the educational system of the Azerbaijan SSR. This is the first attempt to present a detailed picture of the wide range of activities as they come from various archival sources, such as opening of secondary schools and preschool institutions of Volga Tatars in Azerbaijan, the principles and routine of arranging teaching in the Tatar language as well as training the Tatar nationals to become teachers. Among the sources used to write this research paper are the materials from the State Archive of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Archives of Political Parties and Public Movements of the Administration of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, as well as some already published documents. The research has shown that the major influx of the Tatar nationals in Azerbaijan did happen in 1921–1922 mainly because of the famine in the Volga region. They refugees were provided with everything necessary: housing, work, the opportunity to learn in their native language. The problems that arose in the course of re-settlement of the Tatars were solved promptly and the whole process of their solving was controlled by the governmental bodies. The Azerbaijan communists considered the process of the Tatar adaptation as an important issue of their policy. The Tatars were continued to be educated within the framework of their national culture. The vehicle of education was the Tatar language. According to the statistical data from that period the literacy level among the Tatars was traditionally very high. To preserve it the Azerbaijani state made various efforts, including the arrangement of supply the Tatar schools with teaching aids in Tatar language. The state was interested in the high level of the public education and supported it.
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Purdon, James. "Rose Macaulay and Propaganda." Modernist Cultures 16, no. 4 (November 2021): 449–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2021.0347.
Full textAbstract:
The novelist Rose Macaulay (1881–1958) had direct professional experience of Britain's secret propaganda operation during the First World War. She was among the first British novelists to take propaganda seriously as a subject for fiction, and wrote insightfully about its methods and its social implications. Moreover, her long career illuminates both the continuity and the development of the British state's clandestine efforts to shape public opinion at home and abroad, from the beginnings of systematic, state-directed propaganda in the First World War to the more diffuse strategies of early Cold War anti-communism. Despite her close connections to propaganda in both world wars, however – and notwithstanding the interest her fiction very frequently takes in the worlds of official information, disinformation, and espionage – Macaulay has hardly figured in recent scholarship on the links between literature and national information systems. This article argues that Macaulay approached the challenge of reconciling propaganda and literature differently from many of her modernist contemporaries, refusing to abandon the idea of fiction as a persuasive and socially-engaged form of imaginative writing. If this position made her an outlier in the climate of reaction against propaganda which followed the First World War, it would, by the early years of the Cold War, seem much more tenable. In its first half, the article establishes Macaulay's bona fides as a participant in Britain's wartime propaganda establishment, and describes the impression this experience left on her early fiction. It then turns to Macaulay's final novel, The Towers of Trebizond, in which religious propaganda and anti-communist rhetoric combine, to great comic effect, in the febrile atmosphere of the Cold War middle east.
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Shanduorkov, George. "Terrorism in Bulgaria." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000145.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Republic of Bulgaria is one of the smallest countries in southeastern Europe and has little experience with terrorist acts. During the past 20 years, only nine terrorism-related events have been recorded in Bulgaria, and no unconventional weapons have been used. Factors contributing to terrorism in Bulgaria have been: (1) Communist Party domination of the government and political process from 1944 to 1989; (2) ethnic and religious conflicts between the Bulgarian Orthodox Christian majority and the Turkish Muslim minority from 1983 to 1987; and (3) the relatively high level of organized crime after the Communist regime ended in 1990.The structure and function of the Disaster Relief System in Bulgaria not only are focused on the prevention of terrorism, but also on preparedness for the emergency response to terrorism-related events. Institutional components of the Disaster Relief System structure responsible for the emergency response to terrorism-related events include: (1) the Government of Bulgaria; (2) the State Agency for Civil Protection with 28 regional directorates; (3) the Ministry of Health with five national hospitals, 28 regional hospitals, and 28 EMS systems; (4) the Ministry of Defense with special military units for response to unconventional terrorist events, including nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons; (5) the Ministry of Internal Affairs with 28 police departments, 28 fire departments, and specialized anti-terrorist units; and (6) the Bulgarian Red Cross.A major future challenge in Bulgaria is the prevention of terrorism through political stability, economic prosperity, ethnic and religious tolerance, and more effective measures against organized criminal activities. A related challenge will be to improve the level of preparedness of all components of Disaster Relief.
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Shanduorkov, George. "Terrorism in Bulgaria." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 66–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000789.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe Republic of Bulgaria is one of the smallest countries in southeastern Europe and has little experience with terrorist acts. During the past 20 years, only nine terrorism-related events have been recorded in Bulgaria, and no unconventional weapons have been used. Factors contributing to terrorism in Bulgaria have been: (1) Communist Party domination of the government and political process from 1944 to 1989; (2) ethnic and religious conflicts between the Bulgarian Orthodox Christian majority and the Turkish Muslim minority from 1983 to 1987; and (3) the relatively high level of organized crime after the Communist regime ended in 1990.The structure and function of the Disaster Relief System in Bulgaria not only are focused on the prevention of terrorism, but also on preparedness for the emergency response to terrorism-related events. Institutional components of the Disaster Relief System structure responsible for the emergency response to terrorism-related events include: (1) the Government of Bulgaria; (2) the State Agency for Civil Protection with 28 regional directorates; (3) the Ministry of Health with five national hospitals, 28 regional hospitals, and 28 EMS systems; (4) the Ministry of Defense with special military units for response to unconventional terrorist events, including nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons; (5) the Ministry of Internal Affairs with 28 police departments, 28 fire departments, and specialized anti-terrorist units; and (6) the Bulgarian Red Cross.A major future challenge in Bulgaria is the prevention of terrorism through political stability, economic prosperity, ethnic and religious tolerance, and more effective measures against organized criminal activities. A related challenge will be to improve the level of preparedness of all components of Disaster Relief.
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Paver, Chloe. "Exhibiting Negative Feelings: Writing a History of Emotions in German History Museums." Museum and Society 14, no. 3 (June 9, 2017): 397–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.29311/mas.v14i3.681.
Full textAbstract:
This article moves beyond recent work on visitor emotions to ask: How are theemotions of past eras (and more particularly of twentieth-century Germany)historicized in history exhibitions? How can the academic field of the history ofemotions – which, in Germany, has been galvanized by the study of NationalSocialism and its legacies – make the transition from the written investigationsof historical scholarship to the multi-modal displays of public history? Thesequestions are of particular relevance to German exhibitions about communist EastGermany and its collapse because emotions are understood to be a key field ofcontestation in this recent period of German history. Using exhibitions about EastGermany as source material, the article considers how academic disciplines andthe institution of the museum constitute emotions as discursive objects.Key words: East Germany / German Unification / National Socialism / Emotions