Academic literature on the topic 'Muslim national communism'

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Journal articles on the topic "Muslim national communism"

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Tsitselikis, Konstantinos. "Seeking to Accommodate Shari'a Within A Human Rights Framework: The Future of The Greek Shari'A Courts." Journal of Law and Religion 28, no. 2 (January 2013): 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000072.

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The Balkans, a region where Christianity and Islam have come into close contact since before World War Ii, is an interesting study in legal pluralism. Themillet system, under which distinct ethnic-religious communities including Muslims were granted partial institutional autonomy, was at that time a convenient legal paradigm to accommodate minorities within the new national states being created. However, the communist regimes that succeeded the War in the Balkans eradicated legal pluralism in favor of a uniform legal order. As a consequence, the authority to employshari'ain Muslim communities in this region was abolished under communism.The political changes occurring in the Balkans after communism was dismantled in the 1990s did not bring back theshari'acourts in most of the Balkans. However, Greece, having escaped these radical political shifts, retained a continuous legal regime that included some legal autonomy granted to the Greek Muslim population that survived a population exchange with Turkey at the end of the Greek-Turkish war of 1919-1922. As a result of the Lausanne treaty, the Muslim population of (Western) Thrace in Greece was granted a special minority protection regime that appliedshari'alaw to Muslim Greek citizens residing in that region of Thrace. However,shari'ais only applied to certain disputes of family and inheritance law by the localMuftiin Western Thrace who has special jurisdiction over these matters.
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Malhi, Amrita. "Race, Space, and the Malayan Emergency: Expelling Malay Muslim Communism and Reconstituting Malaya's Racial State, 1945–1954." Itinerario 45, no. 3 (November 24, 2021): 435–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000279.

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ABSTRACTThis article analyses the physical and discursive displacement of Malay Muslim advocates of a cosmopolitan and multiracial form of Malayan citizenship from the arena of “legitimate” national politics between the Second World War and the mid-1950s. It discusses the trajectory of the Malayan Left during this period, with a special focus on the work of Abdullah C. D., a Malay Muslim leader of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP). Abdullah's work included helping to build the Malay Nationalist Party of Malaya (PKMM) under the MCP's United Front strategy from 1945, creating the MCP's Department of Malay Work in 1946, and establishing the Tenth Regiment of the Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA) in 1949. This work was essential to the MCP's outreach to Malay Muslims after Malaya's failed national revolution, which collapsed into racial conflict without achieving independence for the British colony. The Malayan Emergency was declared in 1948, and its military and social campaigns eliminated or displaced the MCP's leadership and much of the MNLA, including Abdullah and the rest of the Tenth Regiment, to Thailand by 1954. Despite his continued engagement with political movements in Malaya, Abdullah's vision for a new politics for Malay Muslims was effectively displaced into the realm of nostalgia. His ideas, outlined in MNLA pamphlets and periodicals like Tauladan (Exemplar), never made significant inroads in Malaya, whose racial state the Emergency re-established, using race to manage the threat to its interests posed by leftist politics.
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Horowitz, Shale. "Islam and Ethnic Conflict: Hypotheses and Post-Communist Illustrations*." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 5 (November 2007): 913–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701651869.

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The end of the Cold War drew increasing attention to ongoing and new ethnic conflicts—particularly because many of the high-profile new conflicts broke out amid the ruins of communism. Since 11 September 2001 there has been even more discussion about whether and how Islam contributes to international and civilizational conflict. However, there has been little work attempting to understand whether Islam plays any distinctive role in ethnic conflicts. Much work on ethnic conflict assumes that Islam is just one possible component of ethnic and national identities, and that it has no distinctive influence. Others examine whether Islam always has a similar impact on ethnic conflict—typically based upon identifying states or minority groups as having majority Muslim populations.
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Neuburger, Mary. "Pomak Borderlands: Muslims on the Edge of Nations." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 1 (March 2000): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990050002506.

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We contact the worldonly through our boundaries.Blaga DimitrovaIn a recent issue of the Bulgarian periodicalSega(Now) a reporter related an extraordinary tale of how various name-changing campaigns had marked the experience of a Bulgarian-speaking Muslim—hereafter “Pomak”—in the village of Bachkovo. The story began during the Balkan Wars in 1912–1913 when Hasan, the aforementioned Pomak from the Rhodope mountains of southern Bulgaria, was forced to change his name to Dragan as part of the wartime state campaign for Muslims with “Slavic origins” to “reclaim their Bulgarian names.” A change in politics at the beginning of World War I opened the door for Dragan to change his name back to Hasan; and so he did. In the late 1930s, however, he was again compelled to change his name back to Dragan, in line with theRodina(Homeland) directed name-changing campaigns, described in depth below. After the Communist takeover in 1944 Dragan was able, again, to change his name back to Hasan as wartime “Fascist” policy was reversed. But with the movement towards “national integration” in the 1960s Hasan was forced, again, to change his name back to Dragan. After the fall of Communism in Bulgaria in November 1989 “Dragan” again was allowed to change his name back to Hasan; and so he did. In his one lifetime this “Bulgarian” of Islamic faith, subject to the whims of the fickle and contested Bulgarian national project, changed his name six times. Admittedly, the Pomak's fate in Balkan history seems to be primarily as pawn in Bulgarian and other Balkan national rivalries and domestic designs. Pomak history is, more often than not, the story of the center looking to the margins and imposing its own designs. Having said that, these designs—generally driven by the dual forces of modernity and nationalism—were always subject to a spectrum of Pomak responses and strategies.
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Kinowska-Mazaraki, Zofia. "The Polish Paradox: From a Fight for Democracy to the Political Radicalization and Social Exclusion." Social Sciences 10, no. 3 (March 23, 2021): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci10030112.

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Poland has gone through a series of remarkable political transformations over the last 30 years. It has changed from a communist state in the Soviet sphere of influence to an autonomic prosperous democracy and proud member of the EU. Paradoxically, since 2015, Poland seems to be heading rapidly in the opposite direction. It was the Polish Solidarity movement that started the peaceful revolution that subsequently triggered important democratic changes on a worldwide scale, including the demolition of the Berlin Wall, the collapse of Communism and the end of Cold War. Fighting for freedom and independence is an important part of Polish national identity, sealed with the blood of generations dying in numerous uprisings. However, participation in the democratic process is curiously limited in Poland. The right-wing, populist Law and Justice Party (PiS) won elections in Poland in 2015. Since then, Poles have given up more and more freedoms in exchange for promises of protection from different imaginary enemies, including Muslim refugees and the gay and lesbian community. More and more social groups are being marginalized and deprived of their civil rights. The COVID-19 pandemic has given the ruling party a reason to further limit the right of assembly and protest. Polish society is sinking into deeper and deeper divisions.
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Simuț, Corneliu C. "Ideological Attempts to Build a Sustainable Program of Ecodomical Decommunistization in Post-1989 Romania by Promoting the Notion of National Identity." Expository Times 130, no. 4 (September 4, 2018): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524618798245.

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In December 1989, Communism died in Romania—if not as mentality, it surely met its demise as a political system which had dominated almost every aspect of life in the country for over four decades. Thus, at least in theory, an ideological vacuum was created and concrete steps towards filling it with different values and convictions were supposed to be taken as early as possible. The Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church seized the opportunity and initiated a series of measures which eventually created a distinct perception about what culture, ethnicity, and religion were supposed to mean for whoever identified himself as Romanian. This paper investigates these ideological attempts to decontaminate Romania of its former Communist mentalities by resorting to the concept of ecodomy seen as ‘constructive process’ and the way it can be applied to how the Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church dealt with culture, ethnicity, and religion. In the end, it will be demonstrated that while decommunistization was supposed to be constructive and positive, it proved to be so only for the Romanians whose national identity was defined by their adherence to the Romanian Eastern Orthodox Church and its perspective on culture, ethnicity, and religion. For all other Romanian citizens, however, decommunistization was a process of ‘negative ecodomy’ because their cultural ideas, ethnic origin, or religious convictions were perceived as non-Romanian and non-Orthodox. In attempting to reach decommunistization therefore, the Romanian majority still tends to be xenophobic and even anti-Muslim, as plainly demonstrated by the Bucharest mosque scandal which rocked the country in the summer of 2015.
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Maulana, Egy Dwi, Imam Asmarudin, Tiyas Vika Widyastuti, Achmad Irwan Hamzani, and Mukhidin . "Protection of Uighur Muslim in Human Rights Aspect in International Law Perspective." Journal of Legal Subjects, no. 24 (July 12, 2022): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jls.24.12.20.

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Human rights are fundamental individual rights, these rights are the right to live in the political, economic, social, and cultural fields. Amid efforts to maximize the fulfillment of human rights, both nationally and internationally, there is a conflict in China between the Chinese government and Uighur Muslims which has resulted in human rights violations. This study aims to look at the regulation of human rights protection from the point of view of national law, namely the Law of the People's Republic of China, and from the point of view of International Law. This type of research is a literature study, the approach used is normative, the data collection technique is through data collection in the form of readings such as journals, books, and the internet, the results of which are directly analyzed through qualitative methods. The results of this study indicate that the protection of human rights is stated in the Chinese Constitution but its implementation is very difficult because it is contrary to China's use of communism, while the protection of human rights from international law is very possible because it is regulated in an international legal instrument, namely the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. , 1949 Geneva Conventions and the Rome Statute.
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Ullah, Aman, and Iffat Iffat Tahira. "Halal Tourism Factors, National Image, and Behavioral Intention: Perceptions of Muslim Community in South Korea." Institute for Euro-African Studies 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2022): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.55952/ggc.2022.04.2.1.59.

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This study examines two models of halal tourism which test the influence of halal tourism factors (involving halal attributes and availability of halal services) and national image (involving national characteristics and destination image) on behavioral intention, collecting empirical data from the Muslim community in Korea. Data was collected from (N=230) respondents through face-to-face questionnaire survey. The results showed that halal tourism factors and national image had a positive significant correlation with behavioral intention. Hierarchical Linear Regression analysis indicated that halal tourism factors model had a less significant contributory factor on behavioral intention, and national image model had a major significant contributory factor in the behavioral intention of Muslims. This study contributes that national characteristics and destination image have an influence on the Muslim community’s behavioral intention. This empirical evidence shows that Korea builds a positive image as a tourist destination rather than a Muslim-friendly destination among Muslims. This could be a reference for the government, tourist marketers, and stakeholders in enhancing the adoption of halal attributes and catering halal services to draw Muslim tourists to promote halal-friendly tourism.
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NAHODILOVA, LENKA. "Communist Modernisation and Gender: The Experience of Bulgarian Muslims, 1970–1990." Contemporary European History 19, no. 1 (December 16, 2009): 37–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309990221.

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AbstractThis article, which is part of a wider project, ‘Experiences of Communist Modernisation in a Bulgarian Muslim Village, 1945–2005’, examines the assimilation of Bulgarian-speaking Muslims in the Rhodope Mountains in the 1970s. By analysing communist efforts to ‘modernise’ Bulgarian Muslims, it sheds light on the relationship between modernity and the views of the communist state on such cultural categories as ‘nation’, ‘ethnicity’, ‘gender’ and ‘religion’. It argues that this particular campaign was not simply the latest chapter in an ongoing effort by the Bulgarian authorities to assimilate such populations, but should rather be seen as a specific response by the communist regime to ideas of modernity. Despite national and patriotic elements, the aim of the communist assimilation campaign was to introduce ‘modernity’ and ‘civilisation’ to the whole of Bulgarian society, especially those living at the social, cultural and political peripheries. In Bulgaria, as elsewhere in communist eastern Europe, gender and ethnic policy merged. Gender equality was one of the essential aims of the modernisation programme, but for the communist modernisers introducing gender equality among ethnically marginal groups, such as the rural Muslim group of Pomaks, was even more important. ‘Emancipating’ Muslim women was more significant than the ‘struggle against religion’ or the ‘fight for national homogeneity’.
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Ma, Haiyun. "Patriotic and Pious Muslim Intellectuals in Twentieth-Century China: The Case of Ma Jian." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 23, no. 3 (July 1, 2018): 54–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v23i3.443.

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The fall of the Qing dynasty (1644-1911) and the founding of the modern Chinese nation-state brought both opportunities and challenges to Chinese Muslims. No longer having to deal with emperorship and its foundational ideology, Confucianism, they were soon confronted with new state ideological impositions, namely, Han nationalism and socialism, imposed by the Republican and Communist regimes. These new challenges were both threatening and promising, for although the new ideologies were fundamentally antithetic to Islam, the new regimes promised an equal status to Chinese Muslims and saw how they could aid national diplomacy and international relations with Muslim countries. Within this context, China’s Muslim intellectuals tried to reorient and reposition Muslims and Islam by minimizing differences and maximizing commonalities during both the Republican and the Communist regimes. By studying Ma Jian (1906-78), one of modern China’s most influential and representative Muslim intellectuals, as well as his juxtaposition of Islam and China, I look at the way of being a modern Chinese Muslim intellectual in China’s post-1949 internal and international contexts. The Turkic Muslim communities in Xinjiang and elsewhere in China are excluded from this study.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Muslim national communism"

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McKinney, Evan W. "China's Muslims separatism and prospects for ethnic peace." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FMcKinney.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Alice Lyman Miller, Tuong Vu. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 73-78). Also available in print.
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Maine, Rachel J. Boyd Jean Ann. "Comparitive repression : examples of musical repression by Hitler, Stalin, and Mao /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/4897.

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Gelman, Daria Lvovna. "Walkability through Challenging terrain: Connectivity between Frederick Douglass National Historic Site and Anacostia Community Museum." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/84854.

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This thesis is an investigation of how to achieve walkability over steep urban topography greater than Americans with Disabilities Act accessible 8.33% standard. I studied how landscape architects and architects have overcome challenging topography in a variety of international cities and how to increase connectivity in the steep terrain of Washington D.C.'s Anacostia neighborhood. Specifically, this thesis explores the roles of staircases in the city and how staircases can enhance the experience of moving through the city. Topographic changes can be an obstacle to walk on: the steeper the path the harder it is to move through it, which in turn may encourage a person to use a car to travel between low and high points in the city. My hypothesis is that steep topography can be an enhancement to walkability in the city. The experience of traveling through steep terrain is unique as it can provide visually engaging environment of walking, including expansive views of the city, engaging architecture, and physical exercise. To test this hypothesis, I designed two distinct routes over steep topography to connect the Frederick Douglass National Historic Site, the Smithsonian's Anacostia Community Museum, a sports field, and the Fort Stanton Recreation Center. The paths respond to L'Enfant's method for laying out the city in "diagonal avenues superimposed over a grid system" (Nps.gov, 2018) and the very steep terrain of Anacostia, which seems to defy in places the orthagonal and axial relationships underlying L'Enfant's plan. Drawing on both L'Enfant's ordering scheme of the city and the given form of the two hundred foot escarpment above Anacostia, the design demonstrates that paths through steep terrain can be a great asset, revealing the larger order of the city through views to the monumental core, bringing people through the native forest, making more direct connections between the civic infrastructure, including the Frederick Douglass National Historic Site and the Smithsonian's Anacostia Community Museum. It shows that expanding the notion of walkability to include terrain that is not ADA accessible is important, and can be the impetus for the strategic inclusion of accessible paths where the topography permits.
Master of Landscape Architecture
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Toefy, Mogamat Yoesrie. "Divorce in the Muslim community of the Western Cape : a demographic study of 600 divorce records at the Muslim Judicial Council and National Ulama Council between 1994 and 1999." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14057.

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Bibliography: leaves 163-173.
This thesis examines marital discord and dissolution within the Muslim community in the Western Cape. The writer contends that the rising incidence of divorce in a community may indicate underlying social upheaval especially within its family unit. Marriage and divorce reveal individual characteristics, faulty norms and disfuntionality that may be generalised to greater societal trends within a community. The aim of this study is to identify the main reasons and contributing factors that lead to divorce. Such data will assist in planning and supporting proactive communal programmes to reduce the high divorce rate in the community.
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Anderson-Milhausen, Jess. "Frozen organic artifacts, museum practice, and community archeology: An example from Alaska's Wrangell St. Elias National Park." Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1453570.

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Seddon, Mohammad Sidique. "Invisible Arabs or English Muslims? : an inquiry into the construction of religious, cultural and national identities of the Yemeni community of Eccles." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.441120.

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Yousif, Ahmad F. "The maintenance of Islamic identity in Canadian society: Religious observance, psychosocial influences, and institutional completeness of the Muslim community in the Canadian National Capital Region." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/7537.

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Hameed, Qamer. "Grassroots Canadian Muslim Identity in the Prairie City of Winnipeg: A Case Study of 2nd and 1.5 Generation Canadian Muslims." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32987.

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What are grassroots “Canadian Muslims” and why not use the descriptor “Muslims in Canada”? This thesis examines the novel concept of locale specific grassroots Canadian Muslim identity of second and 1.5 generation Muslims in the prairie city of Winnipeg, Manitoba. The project focuses on a generation of Muslims that are settled, embedded, and active in a medium sized Canadian metropolis. Locale plays a powerful part in the way people navigate identities, form attachments, find belonging, and negotiate communities and society. In order to explore this unique identity a case study was conducted in Winnipeg. Interviews with 1.5 and second generation Muslims explored the experience of grassroots Canadian Muslim identity. The project does not focus on religious doxy or praxis but rather tries to understand a lived Canadian Muslim identity by exploring discourse and space as well as strategies, social perceptions and expectations. Participant observation, community resources and literature also aid in the understanding of the grassroots Canadian Muslim experience. This study found that the attachments, networks, and experiences in the locale give room for an embedded Canadian Muslim experience and more negotiable identities than most studies on Muslims in Canada describe. These individuals are not foreigners living in Canada. Their worldviews develop out of this particular and embedded grassroots experience. They navigate a new kind of hybrid Canadian Muslim identity that is unique and flexible. This is the Canadian Muslim experience of 2nd and 1.5 generation Winnipeg Muslims.
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Turner, Gregory E. "Evaluation of Kansas public community college music programs in meeting the goals for general education established by the National Association of Schools of Music and the College Music Society." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1117721.

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This study analyzes the music departments of Kansas public community colleges (1) to ascertain whether those responsible for music curricula agree that general education is a priority, and (2) to evaluate how well Kansas community college music departments meet the needs of general education music students compared to the guidelines for general music education established by the National Association of Schools of Music and The College Music Society. The study addresses the broad issues related to music in general education: (1) academic music courses, (2) faculty assigned to teach these courses, and (3) performance opportunities for students other than music majors.This study presents data compiled from surveys mailed to community college music department spokespersons at each of the nineteen community colleges in the State of Kansas. Potential respondents were selected from the full-time music faculty list provided by the Kansas Association of Community Colleges. For purposes of this study, general education music courses are defined as academic courses, performing ensembles, and private study designed for students not majoring or minoring in music. Sixteen colleges responded, resulting in an eighty-four percent response rate.Kansas community college music department respondents prioritized music curricula functions as: (1) transfer of music majors/minors to four-year schools; (2) general education opportunities; (3) community service; (4) vocational training; and (5) remedial education. Although only three community colleges in Kansas report belonging to the National Association of Schools of Music, and in spite of the fact that a majority of institutions give highest priority to the major/minor transfer student, the state's community colleges' music curricula offered to the general-education student compare favorably to both NASM and CMS standards.
School of Music
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Lamont, Sarah. "Deconstructing the Dichotomy: Muslim American University Students' Perceptions of Islam and Democracy." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1336083346.

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Books on the topic "Muslim national communism"

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Swietochowski, Tadeusz. Russian Azerbaijan, 1905-1920: The shaping of national identity in a Muslim community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

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Russian Azerbaijan, 1905-1920: The shaping of national identity in a Muslim community. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire]: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

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Bhardwaj, K. K. Combating communalism in India: Key to national integration. New Delhi: Mittal Publications, 1993.

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Wie man Europäer macht: Konstruktionen eines Zugehörigkeitsgefühls für Muslime, Modernisierungsverlierer und kritisch Engagierte. Berlin: WVB, Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Berlin, 2008.

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Shavit, Uriya. The new imagined community: Global media and the construction of national and Muslim identities of migrants. Brighton [England]: Sussex Academic Press, 2009.

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The new imagined community: Global media and the construction of national and Muslim identities of migrants. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2009.

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The new imagined community: Global media and the construction of national and Muslim identities of migrants. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press, 2009.

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Michael, Ryan. Early Irish communion vessels. Dublin: Country House, 2000.

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O, Arturo Lane. Lucha ideológica en torno a la seguridad nacional. Santiago de Chile: Centro de Estudios de la Nacionalidad, 1989.

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O, Arturo Lane. Lucha ideológica en torno a la seguridad nacional. Santiago de Chile: Centro de Estudios de la Nacionalidad, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "Muslim national communism"

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Yamauchi, Masayuki. "Muslim National Communism in Tatarstan: The Dream of Sultangaliev Revisited." In Islam, Muslims and the Modern State, 245–56. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14208-8_12.

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van der Linden, Bob. "Hindu Nationalism and North Indian Music in the Global Age." In The Nation Form in the Global Age, 99–126. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85580-2_4.

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AbstractAs a unique global historical event, a fundamental transfer from a Muslim ‘minority’ community to a Hindu ‘majority’ community took place in the modern north Indian ‘Hindustani’ music scene in terms of the number of musicians, the type of patronage (from courts to middle classes and the modern public sphere), music practice and audiences. This process of ‘Hinduization’ was largely the result of the music reforms initiated by elitist Hindus, who aimed to make Indian music modern, national and scientific, as well as spiritual. Successively, their efforts led to the stigmatization and subsequent marginalization of Muslim musicians. By taking music as a lens, the chapter sheds light upon the relationship between ‘religion’, nation and state in the context of processes of modernization and the global circulation of ideas.
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Baurley, Jade, and Sarah Younan. "Youth and community engagement at the Amgueddfa Cymru – National Museum Wales." In Museum Innovation, 3–14. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003038184-1.

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Kertz-Welzel, Alexandra. "Internationalization, Hegemony, and Diversity: In Search of a New Vision for the Global Music Education Community." In The Politics of Diversity in Music Education, 191–202. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65617-1_14.

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AbstractIn higher education, internationalization is often seen as an exclusively positive development, even though there has been increased critique. This critique concerns a superficial understanding of internationalization as copying what globally successful universities do, thus ignoring local or national needs. But it is also related to the danger of confusing internationalization with Anglo-Americanization, in general and in various fields such as music education. Therefore, an investigation of what internationalization is with regard to music education and how it could look differently is much needed. This chapter critically analyzes internationalization in music education. At the core is the question of how internationalizing music education can be shaped in a way that overcomes hidden structures of hegemony. This chapter envisions a culturally sensitive internationalization of music education which acknowledges various teaching and research cultures. A framework, suggesting conceptual categories such as educational transfer or global knowledge production, can facilitate the formation of a united, yet diverse, global music education community. Additionally, selected concepts of community are presented that can be models for what a culturally sensitive international music education community could look like.
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Martinsson, Lena. "1 May: Muslim Women Talk Back—A Political Transformation of Secular Modernity on International Workers’ Day." In Pluralistic Struggles in Gender, Sexuality and Coloniality, 81–111. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47432-4_4.

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Abstract 1 May 2017 hundreds of Muslim women wearing the veil took part in an International Workers’ Day demonstration in Gothenburg. The Swedish modernity project places a strong value on the idea of secularism. However, while secularism and Christianity become inseparable and part of the imagined Swedish community, Islam and Judaism are excluded from the Swedish and European centre. An EU verdict that sparked the idea of a 1 May demonstration is one example of this historical process. Muslim women wearing the veil are not counted in the modernist work of gender equality in Europe and Sweden. This example is especially serious, and violent, in Sweden, where gender equality is understood as a national quality. This version of modernity offers a bright future for the hegemonic centre and requires others to assimilate. The hundreds of Muslim women in the demonstration challenged the notions that modernity and Swedish gender equality must, by definition, be secular/Christian. The women—who addressed themselves as important historical political subjects—performed through the demonstration a decolonial alternative to the story of Swedish anti-religious modernity. The existence of more than one linear path to gender equality undermines the narrative of colonial modernity and Swedish white exceptionalism.
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Kang, Jie. "Nationalism and Chinese Protestant Christianity: From Anti-imperialism to Islamophobia." In The Nation Form in the Global Age, 175–202. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-85580-2_7.

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AbstractViewing the historical development of Chinese Christianity, this chapter argues that, far from being a static concept, nationalism has constantly been constructed and interpreted. Subject to different political and economic contexts, the patriotism of Chinese Christians has taken various forms. From the early twentieth century until the 1950s, their nationalism was primarily anti-imperialist. Following the Communist Party’s assumption of power in 1949, Chinese Protestants split into two groups based on theological differences and distinct understandings of patriotism. Since China’s ‘opening up’ in 1979, the country has experienced an unexpected Christian revival and a corresponding rise in nationalism. Since the 1990s, a new wave of nationalist sentiment has emerged, one that has fashioned Muslims as a new Other.
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Janamohanan, Sunitha. "The Serdang Folk Museum and the Performance of Heritage: Community Museums as an Alternative to National Heritage." In Making Heritage in Malaysia, 87–117. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1494-4_3.

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Znepolski, Ivaylo, Mihail Gruev, Momtchil Metodiev, Martin Ivanov, Daniel Vatchkov, Ivan Elenkov, and Plamen Doynov. "The ghosts of national communism and pressure on Muslim communities." In Bulgaria under Communism, 313–23. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351244916-18.

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Gordon, Joel. ""The Great Deception"." In Nasser's Blessed Movement. American University in Cairo Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5743/cairo/9789774167782.003.0006.

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This chapter examines how the relations between the military junta and its allies, particularly communists and the Muslim Brotherhood, deteriorated. The Democratic Movement for National Liberation (DMNL), the largest and least doctrinaire communist movement in Egypt, and Muslim Brotherhood had collaborated with the Free Officers and played significant supporting roles in their coup. The officers were thus confronted with two crucial questions: First, what debt, if any, did they owe their allies? Second, what ideological influence would these movements exert on the course of social and political reform? The chapter shows that the Free Officers gradually distanced themselves from the Muslim Brotherhood and abruptly turned on the communists. It considers the Command Council of the Revolution's (CCR) decision to outlaw the Muslim Brotherhood as well as its campaign against communism. It argues that the CCR's relations with the Muslim Brotherhood and the communist movements were influenced more by power politics than by ideology.
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Introvigne, Massimo. "Some Conclusions." In Inside The Church of Almighty God, 126–32. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190089092.003.0009.

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The confrontation between the Chinese regime and The Church of Almighty God does not happen in a vacuum. The chapter reconstructs the different attitudes the Chinese Communist Party has had toward religions. Mao originally believed that, with the progress of Communism in China, religion will naturally disappear. Meanwhile, he tried to control it through five national associations (Catholic, Protestant, Muslim, Buddhist, and Daoist), to which all believers should mandatorily adhere. This strategy, however, failed to prevent the growth of independent religious bodies, and the Cultural Revolution tried to wipe religion out entirely. After the dust of the Cultural Revolution settled, Deng Xiaoping restored the five national associations and granted religion a limited tolerance. The chapter also shows that, under Xi Jinping, the attitude toward religion became again more negative. The groups banned as xie jiao suffer more than all the others.
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Conference papers on the topic "Muslim national communism"

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Celik, Gurkan, Kate Kirk, and Yusuf Alan. "MODERN IDEALS AND MUSLIM IDENTITY: HARMONY OR CONTRADICTION? - A TEXT LINGUISTIC ANALYSIS OF THE GÜLEN TEACHING AND MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/xlue9524.

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At the global level there is an urgent need and increasing attention for a new sense of Muslim identity in harmony with modern realities. Fethullah Gülen, an educationalist, a religious guide and a peace maker, is one of the most persuasive and influential Turkish-Muslim voices in the contemporary world putting strong emphasis on peaceful coexistence and the synthesis of faith and reason in Western democracies through spirituality, religious diversity, dialogue and educational initiatives. This paper primarily examines how and to what extent Gülen’s teachings and the world-wide volunteer movement inspired by him are contributing to the dynamic and cheerful coexistence of Muslims and non-Muslims. In order to explore and ana- lyse this coexistence, the seven text linguistic principles (cohesion, coherence, intentionality, acceptability, informativity, situationality and intertextuality) are applied to Gülen’s teach- ings and his movement as an empirical case. Secondarily, these text linguistic standards are modelled to social sciences as a new theoretical and methodological approach for exploring and analysing social movements and phenomena. The originality of this study is specified as the correlations between a movement and a text, and the processes of cognition, production and reproduction of knowledge and its dissemination and transition in the Muslim world, multicultural societies and liberal democracies. This research’s practical relevance lies in the fact that it helps understand how the Gülen movement has been formed and accomplished, both nationally and internationally. Metaphorically, in this paper Fethullah Gülen has been considered as the writer; by-him-inspired movement refers to the text; and the readers are the transnational community and the whole humanity.
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Hermansen, Marcia. "THE CULTIVATION OF MEMORY IN THE GÜLEN COMMUNITY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/aita7340.

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This paper explores the cultivation of ‘memory’ as reflected in the teachings of Fethullah Gülen and the practices of the community inspired by him. For example, it discusses how particular places, themes, and images are remembered within the movement, evoked and re- enacted so as to create community and inspire a sense of participation and allegiance. Although the history of the Gülen movement is relatively brief-some forty years or less, prac- tices of sharing memories inspires a collective sense of community and even sacrality. In this paper memory within the Gülen movement will be presented in terms of its reso- nance with broader themes in Turkish collective memory such as Anatolian/Turkish Islam, the Ottoman cultural ideal, etc. In addition, the relationship of particular remembered sym- bols and experiences in the history of the Gülen movement to its current practices will be elaborated, for example ‘the Light Houses’ and ‘camps’. All of this will be set against the background of the topography of a movement that has ex- panded its imagination and its practice from local to national and ultimately global contexts.
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Filipski, Tatiana. "The valorization of students museum education within the school – museum – family – community interconnectivity during the pandemic crisis." In Condiții pedagogice de optimizare a învățării în post criză pandemică prin prisma dezvoltării gândirii științifice. "Ion Creanga" State Pedagogical University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46728/c.18-06-2021.p262-267.

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The article reflects on the pandemic crisis impact on museal education of students and touches the problem of collaboration of educational institution with museum, family and community in this period, which is difficult for the entire society. In this context were developed and signed multiple collaboration contracts in the view of museum education process optimisation and educational institution-museum-family-community interoperability, building an online oriented museum education methodology, in which were actively and sistematically involved pupils, students, proffesors, school managers, proffessionals in different domains, and parents. As result of assesment of museum education activities, was especially notified that all involved actors actively shown interest in national and universal heritage, higly apreciating the developed partnership.
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Demir, Emre. "THE EMERGENCE OF A NEO-COMMUNITARIAN MOVEMENT IN THE TURKISH DIASPORA IN EUROPE: THE STRATEGIES OF SETTLEMENT AND COMPETITION OF GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN FRANCE AND GERMANY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bkir8810.

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This paper examines the organisational and discursive strategies of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and its differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe, with the primary focus on the movement’s educational activities. The paper describes the characteristics of organisational activity among Turkish Muslims in Europe. Then it analyses two mainstream religious-communitarian movements and the contrasting settlement strategies of the “neo- communitarian” Gülen movement. Despite the large Turkish population in western Europe, the movement has been active there for only about ten years – relatively late compared to other Islamic organisations. Mainly, the associational organisation of Turkish Islam in Europe is based on two axes: the construction/ sponsoring of mosques and Qur’anic schools. By contrast, the Gülen movement’s members in Europe, insisting on ‘the great importance of secular education’, do not found or sponsor mosques and Qur’anic schools. Their principal focus is to address the problems of the immi- grant youth population in Europe, with reintegration of Turkish students into the educational system of the host societies as a first goal. On the one hand, as a neo-communitarian religious grouping, they strive for a larger share of the ‘market’ (i.e. more members from among the Turkish diaspora) by offering a fresh religious discourse and new organisational strategies, much as they have done in Turkey. On the other hand, they seek to gain legitimacy in the public sphere in Germany and France by building an educational network in these countries, just as they have done in Central Asia and the Balkans region. Accordingly, a reinvigorated and reorganised community is taking shape in western Europe. This paper examines the organizational and discursive strategies1 of the Gülen movement in France and Germany and it is differentiation in Turkish Islam in Europe. We seek to analyse particularly the educational activities of this movement which appeared in the Islamic scene in Diaspora of Europe for the last 10 years. We focus on the case of Gülen movement because it represents a prime example amongst Islamic movements which seek to reconcile-or ac- commodate- with the secular system in Turkey. In spite of the exclusionary policy of Turkish secular state towards the religious movements, this faith-based social movement achieved to accommodate to the new socio-political conditions of Turkey. Today, for many searchers, Gülen movement brings Islam back to the public sphere by cross-fertilizing Islamic idioms with global discourses on human rights, democracy, and the market economy.2 Indeed, the activities of Gülen movement in the secular context of France and Germany represent an interesting sociological object. Firstly, we will describe the characteristics of organizational ability of Anatolian Islam in Europe. Then we will analyse the mainstream religious-com- munitarian movements (The National Perspective movement and Suleymanci community) and the settlement strategies of the “neo-communitarian”3 Gülen movement in the Turkish Muslim Diaspora. Based on semi-directive interviews with the directors of the learning centres in Germany and France and a 6 month participative observation of Gülen-inspired- activities in Strasbourg; we will try to answer the following questions: How the movement appropriates the “religious” manner and defines it in a secular context regarding to the host/ global society? How the message of Gülen is perceived among his followers and how does it have effect on acts of the Turkish Muslim community? How the movement realises the transmission of communitarian and `religious’ values and-especially-how they compete with other Islamic associations? In order to answer these questions, we will make an analysis which is based on two axes: Firstly, how the movement position within the Turkish-Islamic associational organisation? Secondly, we will try to describe the contact zones between the followers of Gülen and the global society.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.

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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.

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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Ebaugh, Helen Rose, and Dogan Koc. "FUNDING GÜLEN-INSPIRED GOOD WORKS: DEMONSTRATING AND GENERATING COMMITMENT TO THE MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mvcf2951.

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The projects sponsored by the Gülen-inspired movement are numerous, international and costly in terms of human and financial capital. Critics of the movement often question the fi- nancing of these initiatives – with some convinced of collusion with Middle Eastern govern- ments, others (within Turkey) suspicious that Western governments are financially backing the projects. Aware of these criticisms, in a recent comment to a group of visiting follow- ers, Fethullah Gülen indicated greater financial transparency must become a priority for the movement. This paper addresses the financing of Gülen-inspired projects, based on interviews with busi- ness leaders in Turkey, as well as local businessmen throughout Turkey who constitute the financial infrastructure of the movement. In addition, the paper presents data from one local Gülen movement organisation in Houston, Texas, that collects thousands of dollars annually from local members, mostly students on small educational stipends. The paper is framed sociologically in terms of organisational theories of commitment. Beginning with Kanter (1972;1977) and including subsequent major figures in the organi- sational field (e.g. Reichers 1985; Meyer and Allen 1991; Hall 2002; Scott 2003), scholars have demonstrated a positive correlation between sacrifices asked of members and degree of commitment to the goals of the organisation. Using this perspective, the paper argues that the financial contributions made by members in the Gülen movement both demonstrate commit- ment to the ideals espoused by Fethullah Gülen and generate commitment to the movement. The paper presents empirical evidence, based on interviews with financial supporters both in Turkey and the U.S., of how financial resources are generated, the initiatives being supported and the impact of financial giving on the commitment of supporters. The Gülen movement is a civil society movement that arose in the late 1960s in Turkey, initially composed of a loose network of individuals who were inspired by M. Fethullah Gülen. As a state-approved mosque preacher, Gülen delivered sermons in cities throughout Turkey, beginning with a handful of listeners and gradually drawing tens of thousands of people. His sermons focused not only on religious texts but included a broad array of such topics as religion and science, social justice, human rights, moral values and the importance of education. Gülen repeatedly stressed the importance of educating the youth of society by establishing first-rate schools that expose students to the latest scientific knowledge in an at- mosphere of moral values. The projects sponsored by Gülen-inspired followers today number in the thousands, span international borders and are costly in terms of human and financial capital (Woodhall 2005). These initiatives include over 2000 schools and seven universities in more than ninety countries in five continents (Yavuz and Esposito 2003; Baskan 2004; Tekalan 2005), two modern hospitals, the Zaman newspaper (now in both a Turkish and English edition), a television channel (Samanyolu), a radio channel (Burc FM), CHA (a ma- jor Turkish news agency), Aksiyon (a leading weekly news magazine), national and interna- tional Gülen conferences, Ramadan interfaith dinners, interfaith dialog trips to Turkey from countries around the globe and the many programs sponsored by the Journalists and Writers Foundation. In addition, the Isik insurance company and Bank Asya, an Islamic bank, are af- filiated with the Gülen community. In 1993 the community also established the Business Life Cooperation Association (ISHAD) which has 470 members (Baskan 2004). Questions regarding the financing of these numerous and expensive projects are periodically raised by both critics of the Gülen Movement and newcomers to the movement who are invited to Gülen related events. Because of the large amounts of money involved in these projects, on occasion people have raised the possibility of a collusion between the movement and various governments, especially Saudi Arabia and/or Iran, and including the Turkish government. There has even been suspicion that the American CIA may be a financial partner behind the projects (Kalyoncu, forthcoming). Aware of these criticisms, in a recent comment to a group of visiting followers, Fethullah Gülen indicated that a priority must be proactive financial transparency. In this paper, we address directly the issue of the financing of Gülen inspired projects based on the little that is available in published sources, including an interview with Gülen himself, and supplementing that information with interviews with business leaders in Turkey who constitute the infrastructure of the movement. In addition, we present data from one local Gülen organization in Houston, Texas, that regularly collects over half a million dollars from local members, mostly students on small educational stipends. Our analysis is framed socio- logically in terms of organizational theories of commitment. We argue that the contributions made by rank and file movement members, as well as by wealthier sponsors, both demon- strate commitment to the ideals of the movement and simultaneously generate commitment to the movement. An analysis of Gülen-inspired financial contributions must include the ideological and reli- gious motivations inherent in the concepts of hizmet, himmet, sohbet, istisare, and mutevelli. For an understanding of these concepts, we are most indebted to the superb work of Mehmet Kalyoncu whose study of the Gülen movement in Mardin, a city in southeastern Turkey, was very helpful both in understanding these ideas and in demonstrating their applicability to the financing of local projects in the city.
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Sobredo, James. "CREATING AN ONLINE ORAL HISTORY DIGITAL ARCHIVES: A COMMUNITY COLLABORATION PROJECT BETWEEN SACRAMENTO STATE UNIVERSITY AND THE FILIPINO AMERICAN NATIONAL MUSEUM." In International Conference on Education and New Learning Technologies. IATED, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21125/edulearn.2017.1985.

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Loureiro, Mauricio. "The First Brazilian Symposium on Computer Music presents Brazilian computer music potentials - Caxambu, MG, 1994." In Simpósio Brasileiro de Computação Musical. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/sbcm.2019.10463.

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The main objective of this talk is to report on the First Brazilian Symposium on Computer Music, which occurred in August 1994, at the city of Caxambu, Minas Gerais, promoted by the UFMG. The meeting occurred one year after the creation of NUCOM, a group of young academics dedicated to this emerging research field in Brazil gathered as a discussion list. This quite exciting and fancy event at Hotel Gloria in Caxambu was able to imposingly launch the group to the national, as well as to the international academic community. First, due to the excellency of the event’s output and its daring program, that included 34 selected papers by researchers from various institutions from Argentina, Brazil, Canada, Denmark, France, Hong Kong, Mexico, UK, and USA, five lectures an two panels of discussion offered by researchers from the most advanced computer music research centers all over the world. The program also included eight concerts, two of them featuring traditional music, such as Bach, Mozart, and Brazilian music.Six computer music concerts presented 48 selected compositions submitted to the symposium. Second, as the symposium happened as apart of the 14th Congress of Brazilian Computer Science Society (SBC), the excellency of its output was able to attract the interest of SBC’s board of directors. They invited NUCOM to integrate the society as a Special Committee, which are sub-groups of SBC dedicated to specific computer science topics. At the end of the description, this report aims at raising questions, arguments, and debates about today’s format of NUCOM meetings, considering more seriously the interdisciplinary character of the methodologic approaches adopted by the field. Interdisciplinarity should be pursued by striving to contaminate a growing number of different topics of musical sciences, as well as of other research fields.
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Birney, Lauren Beth, and George Diamantakos. "Researcher, PI and CEO - Managing a Large Scale Environmental Restoration Project in New York City; Creating Expectations, Establishing Structure, Protocols and Realistic Outcomes." In Third International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head17.2017.5252.

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Abstract Research consistently shows that children who have opportunities to actively investigate natural settings and engage in problem-based learning greatly benefit from the experiences? This project developed a model of curriculum and community enterprise to address that issue within the nation's largest urban school system. Middle school students will study New York Harbor and the extensive watershed that empties into it, as they conducted field research in support of restoring native oyster habitats. The project builds on the existing Billion Oyster Project, and was implemented by a broad partnership of institutions and community resources, including Pace University, the New York City Department of Education, the Columbia University Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory, the New York Academy of Sciences, the New York Harbor Foundation, the New York Aquarium, and others. The project model includes five interrelated components: A teacher education curriculum, a digital platform for project resources, museum exhibits, and an afterschool STEM mentoring program. It targets middle-school students in low-income neighborhoods with high populations of English language learners and students from groups underrepresented in STEM fields and education pathways. This paper explores the management of this large-scale project and provides insight with regard to the governance of the various project components. Key words (project-based learning, environmental restoration, educational technology)
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Reports on the topic "Muslim national communism"

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Holland, Jeremy. Creating Spaces to Take Action on Violence Against Women and Girls in the Philippines: Integrated Impact Evaluation Report. Oxfam GB, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.9899.

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The Creating Spaces project was a five-year, multi-country initiative aimed at reducing violence against women and girls and the prevalence of child, early and forced marriage in Bangladesh, India, Indonesia, Nepal, Pakistan and the Philippines. This evaluation focuses on tackling social norm change in the Muslim Mindanao region of the Philippines, working closely with the organizations AMWA, UnyPhil, PBSP and PLCPD. It found that strategies were effectively combined at community level to begin to shift local behaviours, while local change processes were linked to higher-level advocacy for progressive legislative and policy change at national and regional levels. Creating Spaces has successfully started to move the dial, proving change is possible with concerted, strategic and sustained effort. This evaluation provides key recommendations to guide future interventions to build on these successes, and create the basis for future social transformation around violence against women and girls and child, early and forced marriage. Find out more by reading the evaluation brief or the full report.
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Kerrigan, Susan, Phillip McIntyre, and Marion McCutcheon. Australian Cultural and Creative Activity: A Population and Hotspot Analysis: Ballarat. Queensland University of Technology, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.206963.

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Description Ballarat sits on Wathaurong land and is located at the crossroads of four main Victorian highways. A number of State agencies are located here to support and build entrepreneurial activity in the region. The Ballarat Technology Park, located some way out of the heart of the city at the Mount Helen campus of Federation University, is an attempt to expand and diversify the technology and innovation sector in the region. This university also has a high profile presence in the city occupying part of a historically endowed precinct in the city centre. Because of the wise preservation and maintenance of its heritage listed buildings by the local council, Ballarat has been used as the location for a significant set of feature films, documentaries and television series bringing work to local crews and suppliers. With numerous festivals playing to the cities strengths many creative embeddeds and performing artists take advantage of employment in facilities such as the Museum of Australian Democracy at Eureka. The city has its share of start-ups, as well as advertising, design and architectural firms. The city is noted for its museums, its many theatres and art galleries. All major national networks service the TV and radio sector here while community radio is strong and growing.
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McIntyre, Phillip, Susan Kerrigan, and Marion McCutcheon. Australian Cultural and Creative Activity: A Population and Hotspot Analysis: Marrickville. Queensland University of Technology, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.208593.

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Marrickville is located in the western heart of inner-city Sydney and is the beneficiary of the centrifugal process that has forced many creatives out of the inner city itself and further out into more affordable suburbs. This locality is built on the lands of the Eora nation. It is one of the most culturally diverse communities in the country but is slowly being gentrified creating tensions between its light industrial heart, its creative industry community and inner city developers. SME’s, co-working spaces and live music venues, are all in jeopardy as they occupy light-industrial warehouses which either have been re-zoned or are under threat of re-zoning. Its location underneath the flight path of major air traffic may indeed be a saving factor in its preservation as the creative industries operate across all major sectors here and the air traffic noise keeps land prices down. Despite these pressures the creative industries in Marrickville have experienced substantial growth since 2011, with the current CI intensity sitting at 9.2%. This is the only region in this study where the cultural production sector holds more than half the employment for specialists and support workers, when compared to creative services.
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Gattenhof, Sandra, Donna Hancox, Sasha Mackay, Kathryn Kelly, Te Oti Rakena, and Gabriela Baron. Valuing the Arts in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand. Queensland University of Technology, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/rep.eprints.227800.

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The arts do not exist in vacuum and cannot be valued in abstract ways; their value is how they make people feel, what they can empower people to do and how they interact with place to create legacy. This research presents insights across Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand about the value of arts and culture that may be factored into whole of government decision making to enable creative, vibrant, liveable and inclusive communities and nations. The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed a great deal about our societies, our collective wellbeing, and how urgent the choices we make now are for our futures. There has been a great deal of discussion – formally and informally – about the value of the arts in our lives at this time. Rightly, it has been pointed out that during this profound disruption entertainment has been a lifeline for many, and this argument serves to re-enforce what the public (and governments) already know about audience behaviours and the economic value of the arts and entertainment sectors. Wesley Enoch stated in The Saturday Paper, “[m]etrics for success are already skewing from qualitative to quantitative. In coming years, this will continue unabated, with impact measured by numbers of eyeballs engaged in transitory exposure or mass distraction rather than deep connection, community development and risk” (2020, 7). This disconnect between the impact of arts and culture on individuals and communities, and what is measured, will continue without leadership from the sector that involves more diverse voices and perspectives. In undertaking this research for Australia Council for the Arts and Manatū Taonga Ministry for Culture & Heritage, New Zealand, the agreed aims of this research are expressed as: 1. Significantly advance the understanding and approaches to design, development and implementation of assessment frameworks to gauge the value and impact of arts engagement with a focus on redefining evaluative practices to determine wellbeing, public value and social inclusion resulting from arts engagement in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand. 2. Develop comprehensive, contemporary, rigorous new language frameworks to account for a multiplicity of understandings related to the value and impact of arts and culture across diverse communities. 3. Conduct sector analysis around understandings of markers of impact and value of arts engagement to identify success factors for broad government, policy, professional practitioner and community engagement. This research develops innovative conceptual understandings that can be used to assess the value and impact of arts and cultural engagement. The discussion shows how interaction with arts and culture creates, supports and extends factors such as public value, wellbeing, and social inclusion. The intersection of previously published research, and interviews with key informants including artists, peak arts organisations, gallery or museum staff, community cultural development organisations, funders and researchers, illuminates the differing perceptions about public value. The report proffers opportunities to develop a new discourse about what the arts contribute, how the contribution can be described, and what opportunities exist to assist the arts sector to communicate outcomes of arts engagement in Australia and Aotearoa New Zealand.
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